BB 


FROM  THK   PORTRAIT   EY    Wl'.RTMULLER 


LIVES 


OF 


ILLUSTRIOUS 


MEN   OF   AMERICA, 


DISTINGUISHED  IN  THE  ANNALS  OF  THE  REPUBLIC 


AS 


LEGISLATORS,  WARRIORS  AND  PHILOSOPHERS, 


BY 

W.    L      B  A  R  R  E 


EMBELLISHED   WITH  NUMEROUS  PORTRAITS. 


'  What  constitutes  a  State  ? 

Men — high-minded  men — 
Men,  who  their  duties  know- 
Know  too,  their  rights,  and  knowing,  dare  maintain 


NEW    YORK: 
GEORGE    F.    TUTTLE,    PUBLISHER, 

102    NASSAU    STREET. 

1859. 


-1 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1859,  by 
WM.     A.    CLARKE, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the  Southern 
District  of  Ohio. 


Stereotyped  by  Hills,  O'Driscoll  &  Co., 
141  Main  St.,  Cincinnati. 


PREFACE. 


IN  the  preparation  of  this  work  we  have  been  long,  anxiously, 
and  laboriously  engaged;  the  field  of  research  and  investigation 
has  been  extensive  and  varied.  We  feel  that  a  just  conception 
of  the  magnitude  and  responsibility  of  the  undertaking,  and 
our  own  inability  to  do  it  full  justice  has  at  all  times  been  had. 
Infallibility,  therefore,  is  not  claimed  for  the  following  pages, 
nor  is  it  supposed  that  a  work  of  this  kind,  perfect  in  all  its 
parts,  outline  and  detail,  could  be  expected  by  the  intelligent 
reader. 

Such  a  performance  would  require  a  discrimination  more  just 
than  we  presume  to  possess, — that,  in  endeavoring  to  avoid  afflict 
ing  the  reader  with  minor  detail,  would  not  introduce  seemingly 
more  important  events  less  relevant  to  the  subject  being  con 
sidered, — that  in  the  portraiture  of  individual  character,  would 
never  sacrifice  matter  essential  to  connected  historical  narration. 
He  who  attempts  it  must  aspire  to  excellence  not  yet  attained 
by  the  most  successful  delineators  of  ancient  or  modern  times. 

Neither  do  we  claim  to  have  thrown  any  great  amount  of  new 
light  upon  the  subjects  introduced.  To  attempt  this  would  be 
assigning  to  them  positions  of  obscurity  belonging  to  no  charac 
ter  in  the  work.  Happily  for  the  student  of  our  country's 
history,  the  deeds  and  characters  of  those  connected  with  the 
rise,  progress,  and  development  of  the  confederacy,  are  not 

229533 


jv  PREFACE. 

enshrouded  in  the  mystery  of  tradition  and  fable.  Prominently 
identified  with  our  civic  and  political  institutions,  their  names 
have  been  handed  down  by  historian  and  biographer,  in  con 
nection  with  great  events,  indisputable  as  truth,  and  lasting  as 
memory  itself.  Guiding  us  with  their  splendid  intellects  and 
pure  patriotism,  through  scenes  of  colonial  strife,  and  the  throes 
of  a  terrible  revolution,  they  organized  our  duplicate  form  of 
government,  under  the  wise  provisions  of  which,  we  have  attained 
our  present  position  of  renown.  No  one,  then;  could  be  expected 
at  this  day  to  be  pioneer  in  bringing  before  the  country  the 
deeds  of  such  men, — men  who  were 

"  not  for  an  Age, 

But  for  all  Time." 

Their  names  and  deeds  have  called  into  action,  and  excited  to 
emulation  abler  pens  than  ours,  which  have  left  the  student,  in 
fullness  of  detail  and  purity  of  diction,  records  voluminous  and 
instructive.  We  have  sought,  therefore,  from  this  vast  mine  of 
mental  treasure  and  national  worth  to  condense  into  a  volume,  the 
leading  events  with  which  the  characters  treated  of  were  con 
nected,  and  the  means  by  which  they  made  themselves  what  they 
were.  In  doing  this,  while  we  have  made,  in  every  instance,  the 
most  reliable  authorities  our  guide,  reference  to  corroborative  testi 
mony  has  been  copiously  and  carefully  made.  Though  different 
biographies  of  most  of  the  subjects  have  been  at  our  service,  large 
indebtedness  is  acknowledged  to  various  historians  of  the  country, 
particularly  to  the  standard  works  of  Hildreth,  Bancroft,  and 
Benton.  In  many  instances,  to  the  casual  observer,  extensive 
reference  might  seem  unnecessary.  Take  for  example  the  life  of 
Clay,  comprising  several  large  volumes  by  Colton :  the  author 
had  before,  him  every  material  fact, — availing  himself  of 
biographies  previously  issued  of  the  statesman,  and  prepared 
the  work,  for  the  most  part,  under  his  immediate  eye.  It  would 
seem  but  reasonable,  then,  to  conclude  that  he  had  furnished  all 
that  was  essential  to  be  known  in  regard  to  his  subject.  In  one 
sense  this  conclusion  might  be  correct, — but  it  should  be  borne 


PREFACE.  v 

in  mind  that  biography  frequently  degenerates  into  indiscriminate 
eulogy,  to  prevent  which,  and  effect  the  removal  of  erroneous 
impressions,  full  and  elaborate  investigation  becomes  absolutely 
indispensable.     While,  therefore,  in  our  sketches  of  Washington 
and  Clay,  Irving,  Sparks  and  Colton  have  been  our  principal 
guides,  deep  research  into  other  authorities  has  been  made,  and 
in  no  case  has  an  assertion  or  opinion  been  adopted,  unless 
deemed  fully  justified  by  all  the  facts  at  hand.     The  same 
may  be   said  .of  the  other  characters  in  the  work.      Pro 
ceeding  in  this  way  it  will  be  readily  perceived,  that  one  diffi 
culty  has   existed,   entirely   to   overcome  which,  was  utterly 
impossible.     The  relation   of  events,  of  the  same  data,  and 
connected  with  the  same  persons,  of  which  numerous  authors, 
both  historical  and  biographical,  have  spoken,  in  point  of  fact, 
necessarily  involves  repetition ;  and  in  a  work  where  condensation 
is  and  must  be  a  primary  feature,  enforces  frequently  the  adop 
tion  of  the  same  terms,  or  those  of  similar  import.     The  under 
taking,  then,  has  not  been  one  wholly  admissive  of  strict  origin 
ality  of  idea,  nor  in  every  instance  even  of  diction  itself.     Let, 
for  instance,  two  persons  describe  a  battle, — the   description 
will,  in  the  main  be  alike,  or.  one  incorrect, — a  third  condens 
ing  a  report  from  the  two, 'must  evidently  use  the  same  facts, 
without  that  opportunity  for  variation  which  space  and  latitude 
would   confer.     In  the  commencement  of  the  work  copious 
references  were  made,  which  marring  greatly  the  beauty  of  the 
page,  have,  to  some  extent  been  omitted,  taking  it  for  granted 
that  the  reader  must  know  our  information  was  derived  from 
those  who  preceded  us,  and  assuring  him  that  we  have  drawn 
only  upon  sources  the  most  authentic  and  reliable. 

Though  to  the  various  authorities  consulted,  due  weight, 
deferential  respect  and  consideration  were  given,  our  own  views 
and  opinions  have  not  been  withheld,  but  expressed  openly  and 
frankly.  Something,  therefore,  is  claimed  for  this  work  more 
than  a  mere  compilation  of  facts  and  events  thrown  hastily  to 
gether  without  reference  to  utility,  style,  or  arrangement; — it 
aspires  to  a  vindication  of  the  title  page, — Lives  of  Illustrious 


VI 


PREFACE. 


Men  of  America.  We  have  endeavored  to  furnish  in  a  form 
attractive  as  possible,  a  faithful  record  of  the  lives  and  character 
istics  of  our  most  eminent  men,  and  the  leading  events  with 
which  they  were  connected, — introducing  from  their  own  speeches, 
writings,  and  correspondence,  such  passages  as  were  thought  most 
illustrative  of  the  positions  we  ventured  to  assign  them, — trench 
ing  upon  history  and  biography  for  facts  forming  the  connected 
narrative. 

The  main  object  of  the  work  has  been  to  bring  together 
accounts  of  those  prominent  men  of  the  country  who  have 
passed  off  the  stage,  unincumbered  with  matters  and  details  of 
secondary  importance,  the  record  of  which,  has  heretofore  left 
them  dispersed  in  volumes  more  than  thrice  the  number  of  the 
characters  introduced.  The  utility  of  such  a  work  if  successfully 
completed,  and  in  the  right  spirit,  will  surely  be  admitted.  It 
would  embrace  within  comparatively  small  compass,  and  reduce  to 
a  trifling  expense,  most  that  is  necessary  to  be  known, — par 
ticularly  by  the  younger  class  of  readers, — of  our  leading  men, 
which  has  required  an  amount  of  reading  few  have  time  to  undergo, 
and  an  outlay  still  fewer  are  able  or  willing  to  incur.  We  have 
thus  endeavored  to  bring  to  every  one's  door  in  a  cheap  and  an 
acceptable  form,  the  lives  of  the  illustrious  founders  of  the 
Republic,  and  some  of  our  almost  cotemporaries,  that  he  and 
his  may  ponder  their  deeds,  cherish  their  virtues,  and  emulate 
their  examples. 

In  preparing  the  work,  truth,  clearness,  and  brevity,  have  been 
at  all  times  kept  in  view.  We  have  labored  faithfully  to  do  each 
impartial  justice,  without  the  slightest  reference  to  political  pro 
clivities  or  personal  preference.  In  doing  this,  it  has  sometimes 
been  thought  proper  to  differ  widely  with  other  authorities  upon 
the  same  subject; — whether  discrimination  and  prudence  have 
been  observed  others  must  decide.  Though  anxious  to  exhibit 
agreeable  composition,  it  is  confessed  that  clearness  has  been  a 
primary  consideration, — desiring  more  to  instruct  the  mind  than 
please  the  ear, — to  record  facts  than  disarm  ciriticism.  The  very 
nature  of  the  work  has  required  that  we  should  be  brief, — some- 


PREFACE. 


VU 


times  more  so  than  inclination  could  submit  to  without  reluc 
tance.  No  event  has  been  dwelt  upon  unless  thought  to  possess 
direct  bearing  upon  the  subject,  or  inseparable  connection  with 
narrative, — nor  has  any  detail  been  introduced  unless  deemed 
essential  to  a  correct  appreciation  of  character,  or  understanding 
of  something  to  which  it  was  directly  relevant. 

As  to  the  time  during  which  the  men  lived  of  whom  these 
pages  treat,  it  was  over  a  century  pregnant  with  more  important 
events  and  results,  to  America  and  the  world,  than  any  that  has 
passed  by  modern  civilization.  Since  the  birth  of  Franklin 
what  has  not  been  accomplished  ?  Many  of  the  characters  in  this 
work  never  rode  on  a  railroad  car,  or  traveled  on  a  steamboat; — 
and  still  more,  never  received  a  telegraphic  message,  nor  read  a 
paper  from  a  power  press.  Aside  from  these  considerations,  it 
begins  with  men  ruled  by  the  provincial  governors  of  thirteen 
subordinate  colonies,  follows  them  through  the  mightiest  war  of 
opinion  that  ever  agitated  mankind  or  puzzled  monarchy,  till 
independence  was  recognized, — thence  to  the  Federal  Con 
vention  which  formed  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
closes  with  the  civic  and  military  heroes  through  whose  efforts 
our  last  territorial  acquisition  was  effected, — extending  our 
limits  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific. 

We  have  introduced  such  men  as  were  deemed  most  appro 
priate  representatives  of  the  various  departments  of  American 
greatness, — military,  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial.  Though, 
sometimes,  as  in  the  case  of  Washington  and  Jackson,  Mar 
shall  and  Rutledge,  the  combination  of  military  and  execu 
tive,  or  legislative  and  judicial  services  and  talents  in  the  same 
person,  has  imposed,  in  one  sense  a  double  task,  if  a  character 
has  been  selected,  in  view  of  his  higher  distinction  in  a  certain 
sphere,  he  has  been  considered  generally  with  more  exclusive 
reference  to  that  sphere  than  otherwise. 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  characters,  though  chronological 
order  has  not  been  wholly  lost  sight  of,  it  has  in  some  instances 
been  sacrificed  to  what  was  deemed  a  more  appropriate  record 
of  events,  and  an  entertaining  diversity  of  matter. 


yiii  PREFACE. 

We  may  have  subjected  our  self  to  the  charge  of  unjust  dis 
crimination  in  the  selection  of  the  few,  from  the  many  names 
forming  our  national  coronet.  There  may  have  been  those  whom 
we  have  not  introduced,  who  filled  wider  space  in  the  public  eye, 
and  took  deeper  hold  upon  the  people  than  some  others  to  whom 
we  have  given  place.  Upon  this  point,  again,  we  leave  the  reader 
to  decide.  We  could  not  treat  of  all  who  have  made  themselves 
mighty,  and  rendered  imperishable  renown,  to  themselves  and 
their  country,  and  trust  that  the  selections  may  be  regarded  as 
just  and  judicious. 

With  these  introductory  remarks,  we  submit  our  work,  with 
whatever  of  merit  it  may  possess,  to  that  faithful  and  unerring 
umpire, — public  opinion.  W  T  R 


CONTENTS. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 11 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 81 

THOMAS   JEFFERSON, 118 

ALEXANDER   HAMILTON, 169 

JOHN  ADAMS, 233 

PATRICK   HENRY, 282 

NATHANIEL  GREENE, 306 

JOHN  JAY 334 

FRANCIS  MARION, 34=9 

JOSEPH  WARREN, 375 

ROBERT  MORRIS 387 

JOHN  RUTLEDGE, 408 

JOHN  MARSHALL, 426 

JAMES  MADISON, 453 

JAMES   MONROE, 478 

ANDREW  JACKSON 496 

STEPHEN  DECATUR, 564 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS, 587 


x  CONTENTS. 

JOHN  C.  CALHOUN 625 

OLIVER  HAZARD   PERRY 660 

S.  S.  PRENTISS,  671 

SILAS  WRIGHT, 700 

HENRY   CLAY, 715 

JOHN  RANDOLPH, 776 

DANIEL  WEBSTER, 811 

WILLIAM   HENRY  HARRISON 855 

JAMES  K.  POLK, 871 

ZACHARY  TAYLOR,.,  .  886 


LIVES 


OF 


ILLUSTRIOUS  MEN  OF  AMERICA, 


GEOKGE   WASHINGTON. 

THE  family-name  of  WASHINGTON  can  be  traced  through  a  long 
line  of  ancestry.  It  is  found  upon  the  English  Archives  as  far 
back  as  the  thirteenth  century.  The  "Washingtons  were  honored 
and  respected  residents  of  England,  filling  various  offices  of  trust 
and  importance,  until  the  civil  war  between  Cromwell  and  the 
Stuarts  resulted  in  a  temporary  overthrow  of  the  British  monarchy 
and  the  establishment  of  the  Protectorate. 

Possessing  a  preference  for  deeds  of  chivalry  in  the  field,  to  the 
more  quiet  duties  of  civil  station,  they  enlisted  in  the  cause  of  the 
Stuarts  until  they  were  driven  from  the  throne.  Their  identifica 
tion  with  his  opponents,  and  the  signal  services  rendered  by  them 
in  the  royal  cause,  so  soon  as  he  was  firmly  enough  established 
in  power  to  exercise  it,  incurred  the  vengeance  of  Cromwell.  To 
avoid  the  persecution  that  followed  the  dethronement  of  their 
legitimate  Sovereign,  many  royal  adherents  were  induced  to  seek 
shelter  in  foreign  lands. 

To  such,  the  young  colonies  of  America,  over  which  the  Pro 
tector  had  asserted  no  jurisdiction,  offered  a  home,  and  became 
the  asylum  of  many  noble  Englishmen.  Among  those  of  note 
who  thus  came  to  this  country,  was  John  Washington. 

He  settled  in  Westmoreland  county,  Virginia,  and  engaged  in 
agricultural  pursuits :  was  successful  as  an  extensive  planter,  and 

(11) 


12  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

eventually  selected  as  a  Colon-el  of  Virginia  militia  against  the 
Indians.  He  finally  became  a  member  of  the  House  of  Bur 
gesses,  and  so  distinguished  himself  in  every  capacity,  the  citi 
zens,  through  admiration  of  his  services,  transferred  his  name  to 
the  parish  of  which  he  was  a  resident. 

His  son,  Lawrence,  married,  and  had  three  children,  the 
youngest  of  whom,  Augustine,  was  the  father  of  our  WASHING 
TON.  Augustin3  married  twice  and  had  quite  a  numerous  off 
spring.  The  maiden  name  of  his  second  wife,  was  Mary  Ball, 
forever  honored,  as  the  mother  of  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  The 
issue  of  this  last  marriage,  were  six  children,  the  eldest  of  whom 
was  George. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  the  oldest  of  the  six  children,  by  this 
second  marriage,  was  born  on  the  22d  day  of  February,  1732,  in 
Westmoreland  county,  Virginia.  Of  his  father,  though  much  has 
been  said  in  regard  to  the  paternal  solicitude  he  felt  for  his  chil 
dren,  and  many  incidents  related  of  the  methods  he  adopted  to 
impress  their  minds  with  virtuous  precepts,  there  is  really  little 
known.  Yet,  that  he  was  a  man  possessing  those  elevated  ideas, 
characteristic  of  the  Washington  family,  there  is  no  room  to  ques 
tion.  It  is  evident  that  George  was  not  of  sufficient  age  to  profit 
much  from  any  instructions  he  may  have  received  from  his  father, 
who  died  before  he  attained  his  twelfth  year.  His  circumstances, 
at  the  time  of  his  death,  were  those  best  calculated  to  insure  the 
happiness  of  his  children.  He  left  them  sufficient  means,  with 
judicious  management,  to  become  valuable  citizens,  deprived 
of  nothing  requisite  to  their  advancement,  but  not  enough  to 
meet  the  wants  of  prodigal  extravagance  engendered  by  idleness 
and  inactivity. 

Young  WASHINGTON  was  left,  at  the  age  of  eleven  years,  to  the 
care  of  his  mother,  who,  bowed  under  the  affliction  of  her  hus 
band's  death,  assumed  the  responsibilities  of  directing  the  moral 
and  intellectual  culture  of  five  children,  and  the  entire  superin 
tendence  of  unsettled  domestic  affairs. 

This  excellent  woman,  anxious  that  they  should  be  of  service 
to  their  country,  would  gather  her  children  around  the  domestic 
hearth,  and  inculcate  those  lessons  of  morality,  best  calculated  to 
make  useful  and  lasting  impressions. 

This  maternal  tuition  sank  deep  into  the  mind  of  George,  as 
clearly  manifest  from  hia  subsequent  career,  wherein,  notwith- 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  13 

standing  the  excitements  incident  to  its  eventful  vicissitudes,  he 
never  once  deviated  from  the  path  of  honor.  The  reverence  in 
which  he  held  his  mother's  memory,  when  in  the  midst  of  his  suc 
cesses,  the  world's  gaze  was  riveted  upon  him,  shows  he  appre 
ciated  full  well  her  early  devotion.  As  a  result  of  this  parental 
solicitude,  he  possessed  in  childhood  a  scrupulous  love  of  truth, 
nothing  could  corrupt,  and  the  warmest  filial  affection.  Many 
incidents  have  been  related  illustrating  these  traits  of  his  boyhood, 
showing  that,  when  aware  of  violating  parental  injunction,  he  pre 
ferred  a  frank  confession,  at  the  risk  of  incurring  their  displeasure, 
to  the  hypocrisy  of  denial  and  concealment.  On  such  occasions, 
much  as  his  parents  would  regret  the  trivial  loss  sustained  by 
his  thoughtlessness,  they  had  too  much  good  sense  to  censure 
rashly  their  noble  boy,  when  the  result  might  be  to  dim  the 
potent  fire  of  truth  in  his  breast,  which,  if  preserved,  would 
illume  the  pathway  of  his  life. 

Of  WASHINGTON'S  early  education,  in  consequence  of  the  ineffi 
cient  facilities  of  the  country,  for  any  very  great  progress  in  the 
various  departments  of  science  and  literature,  but  little  can  be 
said.  From  a  teacher  of  common  schools,  whose  attainments 
extended  no  further  than  the  branches  of  an  ordinary  English 
course,  he  derived  all  the  assistance  he  received,  in  the  pursuit 
of  knowledge.  He  possessed  an  active,  vigorous  mind ;  and  in 
circumstances  favorable  to  its  expansion,  he  would  doubtless  have 
reached  a  position  among  the  scholastic  celebrities  of  the  world, 
commensurate  with  the  one  he  attained  among  her  civic  and 
military  heroes.  Among  the  traditional  incidents  of  his  school 
days,  are  many  exhibiting  inherent  military  propensities,  charac 
teristic  of  his  ancestry.  We  are  told  that  he  would  marshal  his 
companions  into  miniature  armies,  with  the  gravity  of  a  veteran 
tactitian,  and  fight  mock  battles  with  as  much  animation,  as 
though  imperial  destinies  were  dependent  upon  the  issue.  For 
those  manly  exercises  that  tend  to  develop  the  muscular  system, 
such  as  running,  jumping,  wrestling  and  lifting  heavy  weights, 
he  also  is  said  to  have  had  great  fondness,  and  to  compete  for 
the  mastery  with  his  juvenile  friends,  as  though  an  Olympic 
crown  were  to  wreathe  the  brow  of  the  victor. 

He  had  strong  partiality  for  mathematics,  and  after  master 
ing  the  principles  of  arithmetic,  commenced  the  more  difficult 
branches  of  geometry  and  surveying.  To  these  studies  he  applied 


14  GEOEGE    WASHINGTON. 

himself  with  great  care  and  diligence,  and  in  the  solution  of  their 
problems,  subjected  his  mind  to  a  rigid  discipline,  well  calculated 
to  strengthen  and  enlarge  its  naturally  strong  analytical  powers. 
Aside  from  his  preference  for  this  branch  of  science,  he  no  doubt 
had  decided  to  devote  himself  to  surveying,  which  from  the  vast 
amount  of  un surveyed  territory  in  the  colony,  was  then  a  highly 
profitable  and  honorable  business  to  those  having  the  requisite 
qualifications. 

But  the  most  distinguishing  trait  of  WASHINGTON'S  boyhood,  was 
an  elevated  moral  principle,  that  proves  him  in  advance  of  his 
years,  in  a  correct  appreciation  of  proper  and  fixed  rules  of  action. 
Impressed  at  the  age  of  thirteen  with  the  solid  qualities  of  maturer 
manhood,  and  convinced  of  the  importance  of  a  consistent  course, 
he  drew  up  a  system  of  rules  regulative  of  his  conduct  in  com 
pany  and  conversation,  which  are  not  excelled  in  sentiment  by 
the  maxims  of  Seneca.  Among  these  rules  are  the  following, 
which  indicate  clearly  his  judgment,  and  depth  of  moral  inclina 
tion: 

"Associate  yourself  with  men  of  good  quality,  if  you  esteem 
your  own  reputation:  for  it  is  better  to  be  alone  than  in  bad 
company. 

"Wherein  you  reprove  another,  be  unblamable  yourself:  for 
example  is  more  prevalent  than  precept. 

"  Speak  not  evil  of  the  absent :  for  it  is  unjust. 

"  Labor  to  keep  alive  in  your  breast  that  little  spark  of  celestial 
fire,  called  Conscience." 

These  rules,  fifty  seven  in  number,  embracing,  as  they  do,  the 
very  essence  of  moral  refinement,  evince  very  exalted  ideas  for  a 
schoolboy  of  his  age. 

While  engaged  in  his  studies,  Lawrence  Washington,  his  half- 
brother,  the  eldest  of  the  family  by  the  first  marriage,  returned 
from  the  West  India  war,  where  he  had  won  some  distinction  as 
Lieutenant  under  Admiral  Yernon,  and  entertaining  strong  mili 
tary  preferences  himself,  was  anxious  for  George  to  join  the  Eng 
lish  navy.  He  communicated  this  design  to  his  young  brother, 
who,  instead  of  being  averse  to  it,  was  dazzled  with  the  idea  of 
gratifying  his  martial  inclinations,  as  midshipman  on  board  a 
British  man-of-war.  This  scheme,  however,  though  fully  matured, 
was  thwarted  by  the  interposition  of  his  mother,  who  dissuaded 
him  from  embarking.  Washington's  filial  love  prompted  him  to 


GEOKGE    WASHINGTON.  15 

forego  the  anticipated  pleasure  and  fame  of  a  naval  voyage,  and, 
almost  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  to  abandon  his  midshipman  honors, 
for  the  more  quiet  but  honorable  duties  of  surveying.  Thus,  by 
the  influence  of  this  good  woman,  the  destinies  of  her  son,  doubt 
less  those  of  America,  were  changed  for  all  coming  time.  Our 
country  knows  full  well  its  obligations  to  Mary  Washington. 

His  projected  naval  pursuits  being  finally  abandoned,  he  be 
came  a  member  of  the  family  of  Lawrence  Washington,  who 
resided  at  his  estate  on  the  Potomac,  which,  in  honor  of  his  old 
commander,  he  called  Mount  Yernon, —  a  name  consecrated  in 
American  annals. 

Immediately  after  this  change  of  residence,  in  view  of  the  con 
fidence  in  his  ability  as  a  surveyor,  with  which  he  had  inspired 
Lord  Fairfax,  an 'English  nobleman  of  great  wealth,  who  owned 
extensive,  but  unsurveyed  land  estates,  in  the  Allegheny  val 
leys,  he  was  selected  by  that  nobleman  to  survey  these  lands 
into  parcels,  affixing  to  each  its  proper  boundary. 

WASHINGTON  had  just  entered  his  seventeenth  year  when  he  set 
out  on  this  surveying  expedition,  among  the  uninhabited  and 
sterile  rocks  of  the  Alleghenies.  Crossing  the  lofty  mountains, 
capped  with  snow,  he  entered  a  wilderness  hitherto  almost  unseen 
by  the  eye  of  civilization,  where,  with  no  shelter  but  that  fur 
nished  by  nature,  amid  melting  snows  and  bleak  mountain  rains, 
retarded  in  his  operations  by  swollen  streams,  rocky  crags,  and 
swamps,  he  and  his  party  endured  the  severest  privations. 

By  unwearied  application,  however,  he  surmounted  every 
obstacle,  and  acquitted  himself  of  the  perilous  task  to  the  entire 
satisfaction  of  his  employer.  It  was  while  engaged  in  these 
almost  frontier  duties,  that  he,  for  the  first  time,  had  an  opportu 
nity  of  becoming  somewhat  familiarized  with  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  Indians,  against  whom  he  was  destined  to  win 
some  military  distinction.  After  the  completion  of  this  engage 
ment,  he  was  appointed  public  surveyor ;  to  the  duties  of  which 
post  he  devoted  himself,  with  incessant  energy,  for  the  period  of 
three  years.  During  this  time,  clambering  mountain  crags, 
penetrating  marshy  swamps,  and  measuring  the  unsettled  wilder 
ness,  he  was  subjected  to  every  conceivable  exposure. 

When  we  reflect  that  his  circumstances  in  life  did  not  necessi 
tate  him  to  undergo  these  hardships,  and  that  it  was  the  result  of 
a  love  of  business,  and  a  determined  will  to  make  himself  useful 


1(5  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

to  his  country,  we  must  accord  to  his  industry  the  highest  com 
mendation. 

Through  the  influence  of  his  brother  Lawrence  and  Lord  Fair 
fax,  both  of  whom  entertained  for  him  the  strongest  attach 
ment,  WASHINGTON,  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  was  appointed,  by 
the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  military  inspector,  and  received 
the  rank  of  Major.  Under  this  commission,  in  view  of  the  war 
like  tone  of  the  French  and  Indians  against  the  frontier,  it  became 
his  duty  to  take  charge  of  the  militia  within  the  limits  of  his 
jurisdiction,  and  use  every  precautionary  measure  necessary  to 
counteract  the  threatened  encroachments.  "While  in  this  position, 
upon  which  duties  he  entered  with  alacrity,  as  the  field  promised 
fair  for  the  exercise  of  his  martial  spirit,  he  sailed  with  his 
brother  for  Barbadoes,  whither  he  went  for  the  purpose  of  recruit 
ing  his  health.  During  this  brief  voyage,  he  made  many  obser 
vations,  and  gathered  much  practical  information.  Eeturning  to 
Virginia,  after  an  absence  of  four  months,  he  resumed  the  con 
genial  duties  of  his  office  with  unremitted  energy,  until  the 
arrival  and  death  of  his  brother  Lawrence  made  it  incumbent 
upon  him  to  settle  the  affairs  of  his  estate,  which  produced  a 
temporary  relaxation  from  official  labor. 

Henceforth,  WASHINGTON  must  be  considered  in  a  public  ca 
pacity,  exercising  incalculable  influence  over  the  destinies  of 
America, — lending  his  aid  and  his  counsel  in  the  field  and  the 
cabinet,  with  a  power  and  weight  that  knew  no  competition. 

We  are  now  about  entering  the  first  of  those  eventful  periods 
that  crimsoned  Colonial  soil  with  blood,  and  developed  the 
talents  and  energy  of  WASHINGTON  equal  to  'his  immortal  des 
tiny. 

The  hostile  demonstrations  of  the  French  and  Indians  changing 
from  threats  to  open  warfare,  they  invaded  Ohio,  and  commenced 
the  erection  of  fortifications.  The  object  of  this  invasion  was  to 
suppress  the  rising  growth  of  the  Colonies,  and  to  wrest  from 
England  a  portion  of  her  newly-acquired  possessions,  to  which 
ehe  asserted  her  claim  by  virtue  of  treaties,  but  which  the  French 
claimed  by  right  of  pre-discovery.  As  soon  as  information  of 
these  movements  reached  Williamsburg,  WASHINGTON  was  dis 
patched,  by  Governor  Dinwiddie,  as  commissioner,  to  confer  with 
the  French  commander,  and  demand  the  right  whereby  he  pre 
sumed  to  enter  the  provincial  borders  with  hostile  intentions. 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  17 

WASHINGTON  departed  from  "Williamsburg  in  October,  1753,  on 
this  perilous  mission  of  diplomacy,  with  instructions  to  visit  the 
Indian  settlements  on  the  Ohio  river,  and  thence  to  proceed,  with 
an  Indian  escort,  to  the  headquarters  of  the  French  army,  and, 
in  the  kind's  name,  demand  satisfaction.  After  a  wearisome 

O  * 

journey  through  a  rough,  unimproved  country,  he  reached  the 
Indian  settlements,  and,  according  to  instructions,  convened  their 
principal  chiefs,  and,  through  his  interpreter,  disclosed  the  object 
of  his  mission.  He  was  kindly  received  by  the  sachems,  who, 
instead  of  manifesting  enmity  toward  the  whites,  expressed  a 
strong  desire  to  maintain  amicable  relations. 

His  demand  for  an  Indian  escort  being  readily  complied  with, 
WASHINGTON  hastened  on  to  the  French  garrison,  where  he  arrived, 
without  any  occurrence  worthy  of  note,  on  the  fortieth  day  after 
his  departure  from  Williamsburg. 

He  was  kindly  received  by  the  French  commander,  St.  Pierre, 
who,  from  accounts,  was  a  man  of  some  refinement  and  soldier 
like  qualities.  WASHINGTON  gave  him  the  letter  from  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  wherein  was  set  forth  the  Colonial  claim  to  the  lands 
he  had  invaded,  and  the  reasons  assigned  for  insisting  upon  a 
speedy  withdrawal  of  his  troops.  This  letter  elicited  courteous 
consideration,  and  a  reply  re-asserting  the  French  claim,  by  occu 
pancy,  to  the  territory  in  question,  and  a  positive,  though  digni 
fied  refusal  to  withdraw  his  army,  without  orders  from  Duquesne, 
Governor  of  Canada.  This  reply,  WASHINGTON  w^as  directed  to 
deliver  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  and  was,  in  one  sense,  equivalent 
to  a  formal  declaration  of  war. 

The  object  of  his  mission  being  accomplished,  having  conferred 
with  the  Indians,  and  acquainted  himself  with  the  number  of 
the  French  troops  and  the  extent  of  their  fortifications,  and  nego 
tiations  being  broken  off  by  the  refusal  of  St.  Pierre  to  evacuate 
the  disputed  territory,  WASHINGTON  prepared  to  return  to  Wil 
liamsburg.  But  winter  having  set  in  with  rigorous  severity,  he 
found  it  next  to  impossible  to  travel  on  horseback.  His  horses, 
therefore,  were  dispatched  to  Yenango,  whither  he  and  his  party 
proceeded  in  a  canoe,  well  stored  with  provisions  furnished  by 
the  French  commander. 

On  reaching  Yenango,  he  found  his  horses  in  a  condition 
wholly  unfit  for  use,  and,  with  but  one  companion,  his  gun  on 
his  shoulder  and  knapsack  on  his  back,  he  proceeded,  on  foot, 
2 


18  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

across  the  mountains,  arriving  at  his  destination  on  the  16th  of 
January,  after  an  absence  of  eleven  weeks. 

This  return  of  WASHINGTON  from  the  French  camp  to  "Williams- 
burg,  is  replete  with  suffering,  toil,  and  narrow  escapes  from  the 
Indians  and  swollen  streams.  He  was  not  one  of  those,  who, 
"having  eyes  see  not,  and  ears  hear  not,"  when  engaged  in 
travel  or  important  transactions ;  but,  with  an  observation 
acutely  perceptive,  he  kept  a  correct  journal  of  all  that  occurred 
during  his  embassy,  which,  for  its  valuable  information,  was  pub 
lished  on  his  return,  and  subsequently  re-issued  in  London.  On 
his  return,  his  journal  and  letter  from  the  French  commander 
were  laid  before  the  Governor's  council,  who,  without  awaiting 
the  convention  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  took  immediate  steps 
to  raise  two  companies  of  volunteers,  and,  by  their  unanimous 
voice,  selected  WASHINGTON  for  their  commander-in-chief. 

One  of  these  companies,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Trent, 
proceeded  to  the  Ohio,  for  the  purpose  of  building  a  fort  at  the 
forks  of  that  river, — a  spot  formerly  designated  by  WASHINGTON 
for  that  purpose. 

The  rendezvous  of  WASHINGTON  was  at  Alexandria,  where  he 
remained  for  some  time  in  comparative  inactivity.  The  delib 
erations  of  the  Assembly,  which  had  convened  in  the  meantime, 
resulted  in  nothing  more  than  difference  of  opinion  among  mem 
bers,  and  an  entire  failure  to  furnish  recruits,  or  other  requisites 
essential  to  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  campaign. 

But,  as  the  danger  increased,  and  the  hostile  spirit  of  the 
French  became  manifest  in  overt  acts  of  violence,  the  state  of 
things  assumed  a  more  alarming  aspect,  and  efficient  steps  were 
taken  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  In  response  to  the  Gov 
ernor's  proclamation,  which  promised  great  rewards,  in  the  shape 
of  bounty  lands,  to  all  who  would  join  the  army,  for  a  sparsely 
inhabited  colony,  whose  militia  had  never  before  been  called  into 
requisition  against  a  civilized  foe,  the  enlistment  of  Virginia 
recruits  went  on  with  tolerable  success.  Some  of  the  other  Colo 
nies,  following  the  example  of  Virginia,  voted  men  and  money  to 
meet  the  emergency,  so  that  by  spring,  the  army  had  increased 
to  six  companies. 

These  were  placed  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Fry,  a  gen 
tleman  whose  polished  manners  and  mental  discipline  may  have 
suited  the  walks  of  private  life,  but  were  of  little  avail  in  the  field 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  19 

of  pioneer  warfare.  WASHINGTON,  still  holding  the  rank  of  Colo 
nel,  broke  up  his  head-quarters  at  Alexandria,  in  April,  and  pro 
ceeded  into  the  interior,  to  a  little  stream  called  Will's  Creek. 
Before  arriving  at  that  point,  however,  he  learned  that  Captain 
Trent's  advance  division  had  been  surprised  by  a  detachment  of 
French  troops  and  taken  prisoners.  On  receiving  this  intelli 
gence,  notwithstanding  the  critical  extremity  in  which  he  found 
himself  at  Will's  Creek,  with  no  barrier  between  him  and  the 
enemy's  outposts,  he  boldly  resolved  to  push  forward,  pierce  the 
woods  of  the  Monongahela,  open  the  road  for  the  main  forces, 
and  erect  fortifications. 

While  engaged  in  this  toilful  march,  wherein  his  progress  was 
impeded  at  almost  every  step  by  dense  forests,  miry  swamps,  or 
mountain  spurs,  information  was  received  through  his  scouts,  of 
the  vicinity  of  a  body  of  French  troops,  whose  maneuvers  indi 
cated  an  attack. 

Upon  this  intelligence,  which  was  soon  after  corroborated  by 
another  scout,  WASHINGTON  marched  with  dispatch  to  an  open 
glade,  watered  by  a  small  creek,  and  surrounded  by  gradually 
sloping  hills.  This  glade,  from  its  extreme  levelness  and  abun 
dant  grass,  was  called  Great  Meadows,  distinguished  as  the  place 
of  WASHINGTON'S  first  military  engagement,  and  where  in  reality 
commenced  the  seven  years'  French  and  Indian  war. 

Here  he  made  some  hasty  preparations  of  defense,  and  kept, 
his  scouts  on  the  alert,  to  ascertain  the  proximity  of  the  foe,  re 
solved,  at  the  first  opportunity,  to  give  battle.  From  his  active 
spies  he  soon  learned  that  a  body  of  French  troops,  under  the 
command  of  M.  de  Jumonville,  was  obscurely  concealed  among 
the  rocks  at  no  great  distance  from  the  camp.  WASHINGTON  im 
mediately  prepared  for  an  encounter;  placing  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  men  on  the  right,  and  the  Indians  on  the  left,  he  took 
his  line  of  march,  single  file,  toward  their  retreat. 

On  seeing  these  movements,  the  French  put  themselves  in  a 
position  of  defense,  and  a  brisk  discharge  of  musketry  ensued 
from  both  sides,  which  continued  for  some  time.  Their  com 
mander  and  several  of  their  men  being  killed,  the  enemy  ceased 
firing  and  yielded  the  day.  At  this  victory,  in  which  he  took 
several  prisoners,  WASHINGTON  was  much  elated,  and  in  his  first 
dispatch  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  is  said  to  have  described  it  in 
glowing  terms. 


20  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

But  while  his  little  army  was  making  these  exertions  in  the 
field,  the  Assembly,  actuated  by  a  parsimonious  spirit  unaccount 
able  in  a  legislative  body,  upon  the  eve  of  so  great  a  crisis,  cur 
tailed  the  pay  allowed  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army,  which 
was  before  insufficiently  remunerative  for  services  so  perilous  and 
important.  This  measure  was  received  by  the  army  with  mur 
murs,  and  followed  by  threats  of  resignation  from  the  most  valu 
able  officers,  which  was  only  prevented  by  the  influence  of  their 
commander,  who,  although  far  from  justifying  the  course  of  the 
Assembly,  appealed  to  their  love  of  country,  and  inspired  them 
with  a  part  of  his  own  high  ideas  of  duty.  In  his  letters  to  the 
Governor,  he  denounced,  in  the  strongest  terms,  the  low  estimate 
placed  upon  the  army,  by  the  reduction  of  its  before  pitiable 
allowance,  but  says  of  himself,  did  his  circumstances  permit,-  he 
would  prefer  serving  as  a  volunteer  without  pay,  as  the  honor  of 
serving  his  country  was  his  main  incentive.  This  lofty  senti 
ment,  which  no  other. could  have  infused  into  his  soldiers,  carried 
WASHINGTON  triumphant  through  the  Revolution. 

Colonel  Fry  having  died  shortly  after  the  affair  of  M.  de  Ju- 
monville,  he  was  superseded  in  the  chief  command  by  WASHING 
TON,  who,  apprehending  an  attack  from  the'  main  French  army 
stationed  at  Fort  Duquesne,  commenced  the  erection  of  a  fort  at 
Great  Meadows,  which,  when  completed,  was  called  Fort  Neces 
sity.  Leaving  this  rude  fortress  in  the  command  of  Captain 
McKay  with  a  guard  of  two  hundred  men,  WASHINGTON  pushed 
on  with  the  main  army,  hewing  the  way  for  his  munitions  and  bag 
gage  through  mountain-passes  and  wild  forests,  toward  the  Mon- 
ougahela. 

Arriving  at  a  place  called  Gist's  settlements,  a  distance  of  thir 
teen  miles  from  Fort  Necessity,  which,  from  the  difficulties  on 
the  route,  it  took  as  many  days  to  accomplish,  he  learned  the 
French  army  had  been  largely  reinforced  and  was  preparing  to 
march  against  him.  In  this  extremity  he  sent  orders  to  Captain 
McKay  to  join  him,  with  his  command,  with  all  possible  dis 
patch,  which  were  complied  with. 

But  when  this  reinforcement  arrived,  learning  that  the  strength 
of  the  French  was  much  greater  than  at  first  supposed,  he  resolved 
to  retrace  his  steps,  fall  back  upon  Fort  Necessity,  and  await  the 
approach  of  the  enemy. 

Beaching  the  fort  after  much  suffering,  the  jaded  troops  were 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  21 

set  to  work  strengthening  it  with  intrenchments  and  breastworks, 
encouraged  by  the  presence  and  spirited  example  of  their  com 
mander,  who  well  knew  the  pressing  occasion,  allowed  no  time 
for  repose.  While  engaged  in  these  preparations,  information 
was  brought  by  his  scouts,  that  the  enemy,  nine  hundred  strong, 
were  within  a  short  distance,  advancing  upon  his  position.  In  a 
few  hours,  the  advance  columns  of  the  French  and  Indians  ap 
peared  before  the  fort,  and  commenced  a  random  fire,  at  a  dis 
tance  too  great  to  do  much  execution.  Supposing  this  a  species 
of  strategy  to  which  they  resorted,  to  allure  his  men  from  their 
position,  WASHINGTON  ordered  them  to  reserve  their  fire,  until  a 
nearer  approach  would  render  it.  effective ;  but  seeing  no  disposi 
tion  of  the  foe  to  advance,  he  changed  his  tactics,  and  instructed 
them  to  fire  at  discretion. 

All  day  the  rain  fell  in  torrents,  and  rendered  the  arms  of  the 
men  unfit  for  use,  and  the  enemy  being  protected  by  a  rising 
ground  and  clumps  of  trees,  of  which  they  took  advantage  to 
screen  themselves  after  discharging  their  own  pieces,  the  fire  of 
the  Americans  did  little  execution.  The  battle  was  continued  in 
this  way  for  several  hours,  when  the  French  proposed  a  cessation 
for  the  purpose  of  considering  terms  of  a  surrender  of  the  fort. 
WASHINGTON,  knowing  the  perfidious  nature  of  his  foes,  at  first 
supposed  this  a  stratagem,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the 
strength  of  his  position,  and  rejected  the  proposal.  Being  con 
vinced,  however,  of  their  sincerity,  the  firing  ceased  on  both 
sides,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  preliminaries  of  agreement, 
which  were  finally  adjusted,  and  signed  by  the  respective  parties. 
The  most  important  items  of  this  capitulation,  guaranteed  an 
unmolested  departure  of  the  American  troops  from  the  fort, 
with  all  their  baggage,  and  the  honors  of  war,  and  obligated 
them  to  release  the  prisoners  taken  in  the  action  of  Great 
Meadows. 

WASHINGTON  now  retired  to  Will's  Creek,  where  provisions 
were  stored  sufficient  to  relieve  the  wants  of  his  weakened  army, 
and  thence  proceeded  to  Williamsburg,  and  laid  before  the  Gov 
ernor  and  his  Council  an  account  of  his  campaign,  which  had 
been  conducted  with  such  discretion,  prudence  and  patriotism, 
that  he  received  the  plaudits  of  the  people,  and  a  vote  of  thanks 
from  their  representatives.  Soon  after  these  events,  the  army 
was  increased  to  one  thousand  men,  but  entirely  crippled  in  its 


22  GEOKGE    WASHINGTON. 

operations  by  the  establishment  of  an  independent  regiment  sys 
tem,  adopted  by  the  Assembly  upon  the  recommendation  of  Gov 
ernor  Dinwiddie,  who  was  entirely  ignorant  of  military  affairs. 
By  the  working  of  this  unwise  arrangement,  WASHINGTON  lost 
his  Colonel's  commission,  and  was  expected  to  serve  as  Captain 
of  one  of  the  regiments,  subordinate  to  those  who  had  served 
under  him  in  former  campaigns ;  whereupon,  seeing  no  concert 
of  action,  or  prospect  of  being  able  to  achieve  any  good  for  his 
country,  he  left  the  army,  conscious  of  having  endeavored  to  per 
form  his  duty. 

He  remained  an  inactive,  though  not  an  inattentive  observer 
of  military  operations,  as  directed  by  Governor  Sharp  of  Mary 
land,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  command,  until  the  arrival  of 
General  Braddock,  from  England,  with  two  regiments  of  British 
regulars,  for  the  American  service.  General  Braddock,  though 
a  man  of  some  capacity  as  a  commander,  was  so  arrogant  and 
presumptuous,  that  the  high  hopes  entertained  of  a  speedy  ter 
mination  of  the  war  were  soon  blighted,  and  nothing  characterized 
his  campaign  but  ruin  and  disaster. 

He  arrived  in  the  spring  of  1754,  and  requested  WASHINGTON, 
with  protestations  of  esteem,  which,  if  felt,  were  afterward  not 
respected,  to  attach  himself  to  his  staff  and  assist  in  the  struggle. 
Aware  of  Braddock's  inability  to  grant  him  a  commission  he 
would  accept,  and  being  sufficiently  patriotic  to  serve  his  country 
as  a  private  in  her  armies,  he  complied  with  the  request,  and 
volunteered  as  aid-de-camp. 

General  Braddock's  army,  collected  at  Will's  Creek,  where  it 
was  some  time  detained,  procuring  means  of  transporting  the  bag 
gage  and  munitions  into  the  interior;  WASHINGTON  was  commis 
sioned  to  Williamsburg,  to  procure  funds  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  expedition.  On  his  return  to  camp  he  was  consulted  as  to 
the  line  of  march,  and  in  accordance  with  his  opinion,  the  army 
proceeded  in  two  divisions,  the  front  under  the  command  of  Gen 
eral  Braddock,  and  the  rear  under  Colonel  Dunbar.  He  also 
urged,  with  emphasis,  the  importance  of  sending  Indian  scouts 
in  advance  of  the  main  army,  to  avoid  the  danger  of  ambuscades ; 
this  advice  was  disregarded,  and  the  friendly  Indians,  whose 
fidelity  and  knowledge  of  the  woods  and  defiles  through  which 
they  must  pass,  had  been  tried,  were  so  contemptuously  treated, 
they  left  the  army.  The  cautionary  character  of  WASHINGTON,  as 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  23 

shown  in  his  strict  vigilance  to  prevent  surprise  and  accidents, 
stamps  his  whole  military  career. 

Soon  after  the  army  commenced  its  march,  WASHINGTON  was 
taken  severely  ill ;  and  deprived  of  his  prudent  advice,  it  pro 
ceeded  leisurely  toward  Fort  Duquesne,  without  sentinels  or 
guards,  and  more  resembled  a  caravan  of  merchants  on  a  trading 
expedition,  than  a  disciplined  body  of  soldiers  going  to  capture 
a  hostile  fort.  He  recovered  of  his  illness  and  rejoined  the  army, 
on  the  evening  of  the  8th  of  March,  when  they  were  within  a  few 
miles  of  the  fort,  just  in  time  to  urge  advice,  a  compliance  with 
which  would  have  prevented  the  slaughter  at  Monongahela  the 
ensuing  day.  Understanding  well  the  nature  of  the  country, 
and  the  cunning  of  the  enemy,  he  begged  General  Braddock  to 
send  active  scouts  through  the  defiles,  to  ascertain  whether  any 
lurking  foe  was  concealed  for  their  interception.  These  entreaties, 
though  obviously  important,  were  received  with  contempt  by  the 
General,  who  being  used  to  marshal  his  troops  on  the  level  fields 
of  Flanders,  against  practised  veterans,  despised  the  children 
of  the  wilderness,  over  whom  he  expected  an  easy  victory,  and 
marched  on,  heedless  of  all  admonitions  of  caution,  to  the  Mon 
ongahela. 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th,  after  the  sun  had  risen,  the  army 
was  put  in  motion,  and  the  passage  of  the  river  commenced.  Pro 
ceeding  in  good  order,  they  reached  the  opposite  bank,  and,  after 
a  momentary  halt,  resumed  their  line  of  march,  in  two  divisions, 
through  the  thick  woods  and  ravines.  WASHINGTON,  it  is  said,  as 
he  looked  at  the  soldiers,  with  their  arms  and  uniforms  glittering 
in  the  sun,  inspirited  with  the  hope  of  a  speedy  entrance  into 
Fort  Duquesne,  felt  his  bosom  swell  with  pride  and  animation. 
The  front  division  of  the  army,  under  General  Gage,  commenced 
the  ascent  of  the  hill,  and  proceeded,  though  ignorant  of  the  fact, 
into  the  very  jaws  of  death.  Reaching  a  position,  where  the 
ground  was  elevated  on  the  right  and  covered  with  thick  woods, 
and  filled  with  ravines  on  the  left,  a  terrific  discharge  of  mus 
ketry  from  unseen  foes,  poured  from  all  sides  upon  them,  and 
mowed  them  down  by  scores.  Panic  stricken,  they  turned  in  the 
utmost  consternation  to  retrace  their  steps;  but  scarce  had  they 
begun  this  broken  retreat,  when  they  were  met  in  the  strait  by 
General  Braddock,  who  with  the  rear  division  was  hastening  to 
their  relief.  The  confusion  that  followed  this  collision  was  terri- 


24  GEOKGE    WASHINGTON. 

ble.  Compressed  in  a  dense  mass,  surrounded  by  a  numerous 
and  hidden  foe,  who  poured  upon  them  an  incessant  fire  with 
deliberate  and  deadly  aim,  the  slaughter  was  immense.  In  this 
way,  for  hours,  they  remained  in  this  mountain  slaughter-pen, 
turning  in  confused  evolutions,  between  the  streams  of  death  that 
blazed  from  the  wood  and  ravines,  and  piled  them  in  heaps  at 
every  discharge,  without  being  able  to  see  their  murderous  foe. 
So  stupefied  and  bereft  of  their  senses  were  the  men  from  the  first 
discharge,  that,  instead  of  thinking  of  escape,  in  vain  endeavors 
to  form  themselves  into  platoons,  they  wheeled  from  one  side  to 
the  other,  and  fell  by  hundreds  without  firing  an  effective  shot. 
After  withstanding  this  galling  fire  for  hours,  and  many  of  their 
companions  were  cut  down,  they  broke  and  fled,  in  indiscriminate 
confusion. 

WASHINGTON  and  his  brave  Virginians,  who  from  the  first 
adopted  the  Indian  mode  of  fight,  fired,  every  man  for  himself, 
from  behind  the  trees,  doing  the  only  execution  that  in  the  least 
annoyed  the  enemy.  He  exposed  himself,  with  heroic  daring,  in 
the  thickest  of  the  fight,  and  made  several  hairbreadth  escapes, 
while  men  were  falling  all  around  him.  Bullets  passed  through 
his  clothes,  and  he  is  said  to  have  had  two  horses  killed  under  him. 

By  his  cool  courage  and  discretion,  he  preserved  the  lives  of 
his  valued  rangers,  and  was  enabled  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the 
remnant  of  Braddock's  army,  less  than  half  of  which,  chagrined, 
wounded  and  covered  with  shame,  recrossed  the  river  that,  a  few 
hours  before,  they  passed  with  such  confidence,  discipline  and 
pride.  Of  eighty-six  officers  belonging  to  the  army,  sixty-three 
are  said  to  have  been  killed,  or  mortally  wounded,  among  whom 
was  General  Braddock :  over  seven  hundred  privates  fell  in  the 
engagement. 

The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  less  than  forty,  all  told.  Such  a 
fearful  carnage  and  waste  of  blood  has  few  parallels  in  history. 
WASHINGTON,  with  the  horses  and  wagons  belonging  to  Colonel 
Dunbar's  rear  division,  unannoyed  by  the  enemy  (who,  like  vul 
tures  at  their  prey,  instead  of  pursuing,  hovered  over  the  slaugh 
ter-field  of  Monongahela),  conveyed  the  wounded,  as  best  he  could, 
to  Fort  Necessity. 

Here,  filled  with  chagrin  and  mortification,  Braddock  soon 
died  of  his  wounds,  according  to  WASHINGTON  all  praise  for  his 
bravery,  and  admitting  the  great  wisdom  of  the  advice  he  so 


GEOKGE    WASHINGTON.  25 

contemptuously  rejected  the  evening  previous  to  the  battle.  Well 
he  might.  His  grand  army,  which,  had  this  advice  been  taken, 
would  have  been  masters  of  Duquesne,  mouldered  at  Mononga- 
hela,  a  mournful  monument  to  his  arrogance.  General  Braddock 
was  buried  near  the  fort ;  and  the  army,  with  the  loss  of  its  bag 
gage,  which  occurred  soon  after,  proceeded  to  Fort  Cumberland, 
whence,  after  a  short  repose,  sick  and  depressed,  WASHINGTON 
returned  to  Mount  Yernon. 

The  campaign  of  General  Braddock,  resulted  disastrously  to 
every  thing  connected  with  it,  except  the  fame  of  WASHINGTON, 
which  thenceforth  shone  with  brightest  luster.  The  Assembly, 
for  carrying  on  the  war,  voted  larger  supplies  of  both  men  and 
money ;  and,  indeed,  the  unexampled  distress  and  consternation 
that  followed  the  defeat  of  General  Braddock,  made  this  step  im 
peratively  necessary.  WASHINGTON,  having  proved  himself  the 
most  efficient  officer  they  had  during  previous  operations,  now 
received  the  most  pressing  solicitation  to  rejoin  the  army,  and 
assume  the  chief  command  of  the  Virginia  troops. 

His  experience  in  military  affairs  had  developed  a  considerable 
sacrifice  of  his  private  funds,  and  sad  inroads  upon  his  constitu 
tion,  vigorous  as  it  was ;  yet,  ardently  attached  to  his  country, 
and  anxious  to  render  her  service,  he  complied  with  the  request, 
and  accepted  the  command.  WASHINGTON  took  up  head-quarters 
at  Winchester,  whence,  after  putting  his  men  in  a  situation  for 
duty,  and  making  an  estimate  of  available  forces,  he  went  the 
rounds  of  the  various  military  posts  to  see  their  condition,  and 
put  them  in  a  state  of  defense.  While  performing  this  service, 
he  received  intelligence  that  the  Indians  had  made  an  incursion 
into  the  settlements  and  were  laying  every  thing  waste,  which 
induced  him  to  return  to  their  protection. 

WASHINGTON,  on  assuming  the  command,  devoted  himself  first 
to  remodeling  the  militia  laws,  which  were  sadly  defective,  and 
finally  succeeded  in  getting  them  so  formed,  that  by  legal  pro 
cess,  proper  penalties  could  be  enforced  for  mutiny  and  desertion. 
After  the  adoption  of  these  measures,  he  took  a  journey  to  Boston 
and  Xew  York,  where,  his  fame  having  preceded  him,  he  was 
treated  with  marked  deference  and  respect.  In  New  York,  while 
a  guest  of  Mr.  Robinson,  he  is  said  to  have  been  smitten  by  a 
young  lady  of  great  beauty  sojourning  at  the  same  house,  and 
remained  there  until  duty  called  him  to  his  post. 


26  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

'  Eeturning  to  Williamsburg,  he  devoted  himself  with  energy  to 
the  service,  and  made  active  preparations  for  carrying  on  the 
war.  In  the  summer  the  army  was  augmented,  and  having  re 
established  himself  at  Winchester,  he  kept  his  men  on  the  alert 
to  protect  the  inhabitants  from  the  Indians,  who  were  visiting 
ruin  and  death  throughout  the  settlements.  During  that  spring 
and  summer,  the  distressing  condition  of  the  country  presented 
a  spectacle  sufficient  to  cbill  the  blood  of  anchorites.  Houses 
were  burned,  and  families  driven  for  refuge  to  the  mountains ; 
mothers  were  butchered  and  their  babes  left  upon  their  dead 
bosoms;  fathers  and  brothers  were  shot  in  the  fields,  and  left 
unburied,  a  prey  to  vultures ;  the  brow  of  beauty  was  cleft  by 
Indian  hatchets,  or  left  to  wither  in  orphanage,  at  their  more 
brutal  touch. 

Against  this  state  of  things,  WASHINGTON  was  regarded  as  the 
main  support.  Deploring  the  miseries  of  his  country,  he  says, 
in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  "I  could  offer  myself  a  willing  sacrifice 
to  the  butchering  foe,  provided  that  would  contribute  to  the  peo 
ple's  ease." 

In  the  meantime  the  shafts  of  slander  and  detraction  were  not 
idle.  Chiefly  through  the  agency  of  Colonel  Innes,  who  had 
been  elevated  to  position  through  the  partiality  of  Governor  Din- 
widdie,  and  who  was  envious  of  WASHINGTON'S  growing  fame, 
glaring  falsehoods  were  industriously  circulated  against  him, 
with  a  view  of  inducing  the  people  to  believe  all  their  suffer 
ings  originated  through  his  negligence  and  inability  to  conduct 
the  war. 

But,  as  sooner  or  later  is  the  case  of  all  vile  traducers  of  inno 
cence  or  true  worth,  the  charges  recoiled  upon  the  originators  with 
fearful  effect,  and  WASHINGTON  remained  the  idol  of  the  people. 

During  the  defensive  operations  of  the  present  summer  and  fall, 
which  were  confined  to  the  erection  of  fortifications  and  frequent 
Indian  skirmishes,  WASHINGTON  was  almost  paralyzed  by  the  im 
becility  of  the  Governor,  and  directions  from  the  Assembly,  that 
were  in  direct  contrariety;  and  finally,  seeing  the  utter  hopeless 
ness  of  accomplishing  any  good  results,  while  thus  crippled,  he 
resolved  to  await  the  arrival  of  Lord  Louden,  from  England,  who 
was  expected  to  assume  the  direction  of  affairs. 

On  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  WASHINGTON  repaired  thither, 
and  urged  before  the  convention  of  provincial  Governors,  who 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  27 

had  been  called  together  for  the  purpose  of  planning  a  successful 
campaign,  the  importance  of  a  vigorous  expedition  against  Fort 
Duquesne,  which  had  all  along  been  the  general  rendezvous  of 
the  enemy. 

Before  the  commencement  of  active  operations,  WASHINGTON, 
in  compliance  with  his  physician's  advice,  retired  to  Mount  Yer- 
non,  where,  soon  after,  he  was  prostrated  by  a  fever  of  the  most 
malignant  type,  that  confined  him  to  his  house  for  several  months. 

His  school  of  preparation  had  been  a  severe  one ;  his  only 
remuneration  was  a  place  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen, 
which  he  ever  after  maintained,  and  will,  until  the  name  of 
America  is  lost  in  the  hour  of  final  doom. 

In  the  winter  of  1758,  Governor  Dinwiddie,  whose  total  ignor 
ance,  of  military  matters  had  caused  numerous  difficulties,  from 
the  commencement  of  the  war,  took  his  unregretted  departure  for 
England,  and  was  superseded  by  Lord  Louden. 

Under  the  direction  of  William  Pitt,  who  succeeded  to  the 
British  Ministry,  and  was  years  afterward  chief  controller  of  Eng 
land's  finance,  an  expedition  was  planned  against  Fort  Duquesne, 
and  the  command  given  to  General  Forbes ;  while  the  expenses  of 
the  war  were,  in  the  future,  to  be  met  by  the  English  treasury. 

New  hope  was  now  infused  into  the  minds  of  the  dejected  peo 
ple  ;  the  army,  greatly  increased,  was  united  to  the  regular  troops 
under  General  Forbes,  and  every  thing  put  in  readiness  for  the 
projected  enterprise. 

WASHINGTON,  who  still  held  chief  command  of  the  Virginia 
forces,  having  regained  his  health,  joined  the  army  with  buoyant 
hope,  and  under  more  favorable  auspices  than  he  had  yet  wit 
nessed.  His  favorite  measures  had  all  been  adopted,  and  he 
readily  foresaw  the  happy  results  of  these  systematic  operations. 

After  a  conference  with  the  Quarter-master  General,  he  assem 
bled  his  men,  drilled  them  to  proper  discipline,  and  in  compliance 
with  orders  marched  to  Fort  Cumberland.  General  Forbes,  for 
the  purpose  of  reaching  the  enemy,  resolved  to  open  a  new  road 
through  the  Alleghenies,  and  proceed  with  his  army  in  two  divi 
sions  ;  both  of  which  intentions  WASHINGTON  strenuously  opposed, 
and  urged,  though  without  avail,  the  importance  of  pursuing  the 
beaten  route  Braddock  had  taken  across  the  Monongahela.  Had 
these  suggestions  been  heeded,  the  result  would  have  been  a 
speedy  capture  of  the  fortress,  almost  without  the  loss  of  life ; 


28  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

for  the  French,  emboldened  by  the  success  of  their  predatory 
parties,  were  so  scattered  into  fragmentary  squads,  through  the 
country,  that  no  more  than  a  thousand  soldiers  could  have  been 
concentrated  in  time  to  make  head  against  General  Forbes'  army 
of  five  times  that  number. 

But,  while  consuming  time  in  the  slow  process  of  opening  a 
new  road  through  woods  and  mountain  gorges,  the  enemy,  if 
actively  on  the  alert,  could  have  availed  themselves  of  the  time, 
to  so  reinforce  their  garrison,  as  to  present  more  formidable 
resistance. 

After  weeks  and  months  had  been  spent  in  incessant  labor, 
upon  the  preparation  of  a  route,  during  which,  one  entire  detach 
ment  was  cut  to  pieces  by  the  Indians,  and  much  useless  labor 
incurred,  the  advance  party  had  accomplished  a  distance  of  forty 
miles,  with  General  Forbes  and  the  main  army  confined  in  the 
rear,  when  they  could  have  been  conquerors  of  Fort  Duquesne. 

WASHINGTON,  however,  notwithstanding  his  opposition  to  the 
manner  in  which  the  expedition  was  being  conducted,  with  char 
acteristic  devotion,  rendered  all  the  assistance  of  which  he  was 
capable,  and  was  gratified  to  find  importance  attached  to  his 
counsels,  by  the  General,  who  sought  them  on  all  occasions. 

The  army,  on  commencing  its  march,  being  separated  into  two 
divisions,  WASHINGTON,  at  his  own  urgent  request,  was  placed  in 
the  front  ranks,  actuated  doubtless  by  a  desire  to  guard  effectually 
against  a  Braddock  disaster.  They  proceeded  with  due  caution, 
an*d  at  length  reached  the  fort,  which  they  found  almost  destroyed, 
and  deserted  by  the  French  and  Indians,  who  had  fled  at  the  first 
sign  of  danger. 

Thus  General  Forbes,  at  the  head  of  five  thousand  men,  had 
been  several  months  hewing  a  new  road  through  the  mountains, 
to  capture  an  undefended  fort,  when  a  few  weeks'  time,  along  the 
old  route,  as  WASHINGTON  suggested,  would  have  accomplished 
the  same  result.  Fort  Duquesne  being  taken,  a  small  force  was 
stationed  there  to  prevent  its  re-occupancy  by  the  enemy,  and  its 
name  was  changed  to  Fort  Pitt,  in  honor  of  the  Prime  Minister. 

Thus  ended  a  war  of  seven  years,  replete  with  mismanage 
ment,  and  conducted  contrary  to  the  suggestions  of  WASHINGTON 
throughout,  and  whose  history  is  full  of  suffering  and  wretched 
ness.  Passing  the  fiery  ordeal,  as  a  conspicuous  actor  in  the 
tragedy,  through  all  its  changing  scenes,  WASHINGTON  came  out 


GEOKGE    WASHINGTON.  29 

unscathed,  well  schooled  for  the  duties  of  a  higher  and  more  im 
portant  sphere,  to  which  he  was  soon  called. 

The  war  having  been  brought  successfully  to  a  cjose,  and  the 
rich  blessings  of  peace  again  procured,  WASHINGTON,  who  had 
contributed  so  largely  to  the  desired  result,  was  looked  upon  with 
high  admiration  by  his  fellow  citizens,  and  regarded  as  a  future 
champion. 

Soon  after  the  close  of  the  war,  he  was  married  to  Mrs.  Martha 
Custis,  widow  of  John  P.  Custis,  a  lady  of  great  beauty,  accom 
plishments,  and  wealth.  She  is  described  as  having  been  a 
woman  of  unexceptionable  qualities  of  heart,  and  most  happily 
adapted  to  the  temperament  of  her  husband.  During  the  period 
of  forty  years,  she  discharged  the  duties  of  wife,  in  a  manner 
most  exemplary,  adhering  to  his  fortunes  through  every  vicissi 
tude,  and  contributing  to  his  happiness.  This  union  was,  in 
every  respect,  a  happy  one,  but  resulted  in  no  issue. 

Over  her  two  children,  the  issue  of  her  first  marriage,  her  hus 
band  exercised  the  kindest  paternal  guardianship. 

During  his  last  Indian  campaign,  WASHINGTON  had  been  elected 
a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  by  a  heavy  majority ;  a  posi 
tion  which  he  continued  to  fill  with  marked  ability,  for  fifteen 
years;  giving  as  decided  evidence  of  civic  capacity,  and  superior 
qualities  of  statesmanship  in  the  cabinet,  as  he  had  already  fur 
nished  of  military  talents  in  the  field. 

His  entrance  into  that  body  was  attended  with  an  incident 
illustrative  of  his  extreme  modesty.  The  Speaker  of  the  House 
delivered  a  vote  of  thanks,  accorded  to  him  by  that  body,  for  past 
services,  and  took  occasion  to  apply  some  very  extravagant  lan 
guage  of  commendation.  The  tone  of  his  remarks  so  embarrassed 
WASHINGTON,  that  in  his  attempt  at  acknowledgment,  he  could 
not  find  utterance  for  a  syllable.  The  Speaker,  seeing  his  awk 
ward  position,  as  a  very  timely  relief,  exclaimed,  "Sit  down,  Mr. 
WASHINGTON,  sit  down,  your  modesty  alone  is  equal  to  your  merit, 
and  that  is  more  than  I  can  find  language  to  express." 

WASHINGTON  had  great  influence,  as  a  member  of  the  Assem 
bly  ;  his  advice  was  sought  on  all  important  measures,  and  had 
much  to  do  with  their  adoption,  or  rejection.  He  acquainted 
himself  thoroughly  with  the  various  subjects  coming  before  the 
House  for  consideration,  and  gave  his  views  upon  them,  in  a 
clear,  unpretending  manner,  never  intruding  upon  their  delibera- 


30  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

tious  long  speeches,  consuming  time  rightfully  belonging  to  the 
public,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  display  of  his  talents.  For, 
says  he,  "if  you  have  a  mind,  to  command  the  attention  of  the 
House,  speak  seldom  and  on  important  subjects,  except  such  as 
relate  particularly  to  your  constituents ;  and  in  the  former  case 
make  yourself  perfectly  master  of  the  subject.  Never  exceed  a 
decent  warmth,  and  submit  your  sentiments  with  diffidence.  A 
dictatorial  style,  though  it  may  carry  conviction,  is  always  accom 
panied  with  disgust." 

Rejoiced  with  the  prospect  of  devoting  himself  to  the  peaceful 
pursuits  of  agriculture,  WASHINGTON,  in  April,  1757,  settled  with 
his  family  at  Mount  Yernon,  where,  adorned  by  every  virtue  that 
lends  a  charm  to  life,  he  remained,  an  exemplification  of  the  most 
liberal  hospitality,  until  recalled  from  the  fields  of  harvest  to  those 
of  war. 

A  second  Cincinnatus,  in  the  supervision  of  his  fields,  he  loved 
to  labor ;  and  when  placed  at  the  head  of  the  army,  he  was  taken 
from  the  quietude  of  domestic  life. 

WASHINGTON,  it  is  said,  had  a  fondness  for  seasonable  amuse 
ments,  and  availed  himself  of  the  frequent  opportunities  now 
afforded,  to  take  his  gun  and  go  in  search  of  game,  or  his  hounds 
and  join  a  fox-chase, — the  exciting  diversion  of  which  he  enjoyed 
with  high  relish.  His  willingness,  and  even  anxiety,  to  serve 
his  neighbors,  while  at  Mount  Vernon,  often  caused  him  much 
labor,  by  having  to  comply  with  requests  for  assistance  in  differ 
ent  affairs,  from  those  who  knew  his  generous  nature;  yet  it  was 
always  cheerfully  rendered.  He  was  also  vestryman  of  his  par 
ish  church,  and  took  an  active  part  in  the  diffusion  of  religious 
sentiments.  For,  said  he,  "Religion  is  as  essential  to  Reason, 
as  Reason  is  to  Religion." 

WASHINGTON,  while  enjoying  his  retirement  and  quietly  promot 
ing  his  country's  interests  as  one  of  her  legislators,  was  suddenly 
startled,  as  were  the  colonists,  by  the  enormity  of  the  doctrine 
entertained  in  England,  that  affirmed  entire  Parliamentary  juris 
diction  over  her  transatlantic  possessions.  This  doctrine  was 
asserted  in  the  enactment  of  measures  imposing  onerous  duties 
on  imports,  of  which  the  Stamp  Act  was  a  specimen. 

Immediately  after  the  passage  of  that  act,  WASHINGTON  became 
sternly  identified  with  its  opponents,  and  regarded  it  as  odious  iq 
principle,  and  subversive  of  the  people's  most  cherished  rights. 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  31 

It  must  be  with  feelings  of  pain,  the  historian  enters  upon  a 
delineation  of  the  consequences  of  this  assertion  of  Parliamentary 
power.  It  is  extremely  mortifying,  after  a  portraiture  of  the 
calamities  of  savage  warfare,  happily  checked  by  the  combined 
efforts  of  parent  and  offspring,  to  unsheath  the  "battle-blade"  in 
conflict  for  the  spoils,  and  rebaptize  the  land  with  the  blood  of 
brothers. 

After  having  fought  together  the  wild  savage,  ascended  the 
hights  of  Quebec,  and  won  laurels  for  both  equally  fadeless,  it 
was  a  sad  necessity  that  turned  our  arms  against  each  other. 

But  the  colonists,  though  they  venerated  England's  warrior 
sons,  were  far  from  yielding,  in  tame  submission,  to  an  infringe 
ment  upon  their  rights,  so  palpable,  as  embodied  in  the  Stamp 
Act. 

WASHINGTON  was  an  active  co-laborer  against  this  unwise  meas 
ure  until  its  repeal,  when  it  was  hoped  that  further  aggressive 
experiments  of  that  sort  would  not  be  repeated.  In  this,  how 
ever,  they  were  mistaken.  Blinded  by  a  false  policy,  and  warped 
by  prejudice,  the  principle  of  deriving  revenue  by  a  system  of 
coercive  taxation  upon  American  citizens,  became  a  cherished 
one  with  many  influential  members  of  Parliament,  and  the  repeal 
of  the  Stamp  Act  was  followed  by  others  no  less  obnoxious. 

Upon  these  re-assertions  of  disputed  prerogative,  the  colonists 
took  fire.  Virginia,  though  far  less  apprehensive  from  the  enact 
ment  of  such  measures  than  the  New  England  States,  led  the  van 
in  the  opposition.  They  met  at  Williamsburg  soon  after,  and 
drew  up  a  non- importation  agreement,  binding  themselves  to 
have  no  commercial  interchange,  whatever,  with  Great  Britain, 
while  the  odious  acts  imposing  duty  on  commodities  shipped  to 
America  remained  unrepealed.  This  agreement  WASHINGTON 
was  to  present  in  person,  to  the  Assembly,  at  its  next  session. 

But  when  that  body  convened,  the  encroachments  of  Parlia 
ment  being  the  topic  of  discussion,  some  very  denunciatory 
remarks  were  made,  and  resolutions  presented,  an  acquiescence 
in  which  would  have  made  the  Governor  disloyal  to  his  Sove 
reign,  and  he,  though  opposed  to  the  course  of  his  country,  arose 
and  dissolved  the  Assembly.  They  met,  however,  soon  after, 
and  without  the  presence  of  the  Governor,  unanimously  adopted 
the  non-importation  agreement. 

This  bold  step  of  the  Assembly  was  a  virtual  assumption  of  the 


32  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

right  to  regulate  their  own  concerns,  without  the  sanction  of 
governors  commissioned  from  England, — a  right  they  contin 
ued  to  exercise,  by  the  institution  of  Corresponding  Committees, 
which  the  critical  state  of  affairs  made  essential  to  a  union  of 
feeling  and  concert  of  action  throughout  the  different  States.  Im 
mediately  after  the  convention  of  the  next  Assembly,  news  of  the 
Boston  Port  Bill,  and  its  consequences  upon  the  citizens  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  reached  Williamsburg. 

A  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  was  appointed,  and  preliminary 
measures  adopted  for  the  assemblage  of  a  General  Congress,  with 
representative  delegates  from  all  the  colonies,  for  the  purpose  of 
preparing  for  the  storm  which  they  saw  prefigured  in  the  meas 
ures  of  the  mother  country. 

WASHINGTON,  though  a  resort  to  arms  he  looked  upon  as  the 
last  expedient,  with  that  cool,  firm  courage,  for  which  he  was 
proverbial,  still  hoping  that  a  reconciliation  would  take  place 
without  bloodshed,  presided  over  meetings  in  his  county,  held 
for  the  purpose  of  expressing  the  sentiments  of  the  people,  and 
meeting  the  exigencies  of  the  times.  His  views  in  regard  to  the 
measures  of  the  British  ministry,  were  identically  coincident  with 
those  of  the  mass  of  the  people,  modified  only  by  a  degree  of  firm 
ness  and  discretion,  requisite  to  elicit  weight  and  influence. 

After  an  unceremonious,  rejection  by  Parliament,  of  petitions 
and  remonstrances  presented  by  the  colonists  against  the  assumed 
right  of  taxation,  and  the  destruction  of  all  hope  of  an  amicable 
adjustment  of  difficulties,  a  General  Convention  met  at  Williams- 
burg,  which,  in  addition  to  the  non-importation  agreement  already 
mentioned,  advised  the  prevention  of  exports  also. 

The  deliberations  of  this  body,  of  which  WASHINGTON  was  a 
prominent  member,  resulted  in  the  appointment  of  himself,  Pat 
rick  Henry,  and  others,  delegates  to  the  National  Congress. 

The  first  Continental  Congress  of  America  assembled  at  Phila 
delphia,  on  the  5th  of  September,  1774,  and  resulted  in  a  firm 
avowal  of  colonial  rights,  and  an  expressed  determination  to 
maintain  them  at  all  hazards.  Petitions,  addresses  and  memo 
rials  were  prepared  for  presentation  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain 
and  the  Canadas,  which  evinced  great  wisdom,  foresight  and 
sagacity. 

The  dignified  and  lofty  bearing  of  WASHINGTON,  throughout  its 
deliberations,  won  for  him  the  reputation  of  having  more  correct 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  33 

views  and  sounder  judgment  than  any  other  member  of  that 
body. 

The  labors  of  the  First  Congress  being  brought  to  a  close, 
WASHINGTON,  again  at  Mount  Vernon,  was  devoting  himself  to 
those  peaceful  pursuits  so  congenial  to  his  feelings,  when,  in 
view  of  the  threatening  state  of  affairs,  and  his  superior  military 
skill,  he  was  selected  to  take  command  of  a  volunteer  company 
of  militia.  Attending  as  a  delegate  the  next  Virginia  Convention 
at  Richmond,  he  was  placed  on  the  Committee  on  the  subject  of 
the  public  defense,  and  also  of  arts  and  manufactures ;  in  both  of 
which  capacities  he  exercised  his  accustomed  influence,  and  ex 
pressed  his  intention  of  devoting  his  life  and  fortune  to  his  country, 
if  occasion  required. 

The  second  Continental  Congress  convened  on  the  10th  of  May, 
1775,  and  finding  that  remonstrance  and  petition  only  elicited 
contempt  and  derision,  they  adopted  a  course  of  decisive  action, 
and  commenced  preparations  for  the  crisis.  Already,  blood 
flowed  at  Concord,  and  the  "walls  of  the  capitol  shook  with  the 
boom  of  an  enemy's  cannon."  Beating  high  for  liberty,  the 
American  pulse  quickened  with  the  fire  of  revenge  and  revolution. 

Congress  immediately  appointed  a  committee  of  defense, 
with  WASHINGTON  for  its  chairman, — his  sphere  of  action  being 
the  selection  of  posts  for  occupancy  by  the  Continental  army,  its 
provision  with  arms  and  ammunition,  an  estimation  of  its  neces 
sary  funds,,  and  the  preparation  of  rules  for  its  discipline  and 
government, — duties  onerous,  important  and  complicated. 

Steps  being  taken  preliminary  to  the  commencement  of  hostili 
ties,  and  the  entire  control  of  affairs  being  assumed  by  Congress, 
it  devolved  upon  them  next  to  select  a  commander-in-chief. 

From  the  beginning,  in  the  event  of  war,  WASHINGTON  was 
expected  to  assume  the  command  of  the  Virginia  troops;  and 
though  he  was  the  choice  of  many  delegates  from  different  States, 
for  the  chief  command,  his  advancement  to  that  position,  it  was 
feared,  would  operate  unfavorably  upon  the  minds  of  the  New 
England  States,  which  furnished  the  greater  portion  of  the  Conti 
nental  troops. 

General  Ward    of   Massachusetts,    a  gentleman   of   military 

ability,  who  had  long  been  at  the  head  of  the  army,  and  much 

esteemed  by  the  New  England  States,  it  was  apprehended  by  the 

friends  of  WASHINGTON,  would  be  urged  for  the  post  against  him. 

3 


34  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

Their  fears  were  based  upon  too  low  an  estimate  of  the  patri 
otism  and  virtue  of  the  times,  that,  disarmed  of  favoritism, 
towered  above  all  personal  preference  and  local  prejudice. 

On  the  15th  of  June,  Thomas  Johnson  of  Maryland  arose  and 
nominated  GEOKGE  WASHINGTON,  then  a  member  of  Congress,  for 
commander-iu-chief  of  all  the  forces  raised,  or  to  be  raised,  in 
America.  Upon  this  nomination  the  house  proceeded  to  ballot, 
which  resulted  in  his  unanimous  election. 

"  'T  was  then  America  the  foundation  laid 
Of  freedom's  fair  structure." 

He  accepted  the  appointment  in  a  short  speech  expressive  of 
distrust  in  himself,  confidence  in  the  wisdom  of  Congress,  and  a 
firm  reliance  on  the  God  of  battles.  On  the  19th  of  June  he 
received  his  commission  from  Congress,  who  solemnly  pledged  to 
him  their  "fortunes  and  their  lives"  throughout  the  struggle. 

WASHINGTON,  under  his  new  and  unsolicited  commission,  took 
his  immediate  departure  for  Cambridge,  the  head-quarters  of  the 
American  army ;  passing  through  New  York  and  Philadelphia, 
where  the  fame  of  his  former  exploits  was  not  unknown,  he  was 
honored  with  public  receptions,  the  flattering  cordiality  of  the 
dignitaries,  and  the  deference  of  all  classes,  who  were  inspired 
with  confidence  in  his  capacity  for  the  delicate  position  he  had 
assumed.  On  his  arrival  at  Cambridge  he  was  received  with 
unbounded  joy  by  the  army,  which  seemed  infused  with  new  hope 
and  vigor  by  the  presence  of  one  possessing  such  an  extraordinary 
combination  of  generalship.  Having  assumed  the  command,  he 
began  operations  by  acquainting  himself  with  the  strength  and 
position  of  the  army,  which  was  stationed  in  several  divisions 
on  Bunker,  ^inter,  and  Prospect  Hills,  and  on  Boston  Neck,  near 
Koxbury.  On  consultation  with  his  officers,  he  learned  that  the 
British  army  in  Boston,  under  General  Gage.,  amounted  to  eleven 
thousand  men.  Notwithstanding  the  disparity  of  numbers,  he 
resolved  to  maintain  his  present  position  at  all  hazards. 

A  review  of  his  army  showed  but  fourteen  thousand  five 
hundred  men  fit  for  duty,  when  twice  that  number  was  essential 
to  effective  operations. 

With  this  undisciplined  army,  hastily  drawn  together, — each 
soldier  acting  more  upon  his  own  individuality  than  under  mili 
tary  rule, — unpracticed  in  the  art  of  war, — raw  recruits,  most 
of  whom  had  never  seen  battle, — but  poorly  provided  with  arms 


GEOKGE    WASHINGTON.  35 

and  ammunition,  and  supported  by  a  Congress  not  fully  convinced 
of  the  utility  of  a  standing  army,  against  which  they  affirmed  all 
history  pointed  in  solemn  warning, — WASHINGTON  began  the  war 
of  independence. 

Amid  these  difficulties  he  commenced  the  formation  of  a  regular 
army,  and  the  establishment  of  military  system.  Exercising  both 
the  legislative  and  military  power  of  the  continent,  he  devised 
plans  in  the  field  to  be  approved  in  the  Cabinet,  for  his  own  exe 
cution.  Seeing  what  regulations  were  necessary  to  success,  he 
prepared  them  for  Congressional'  sanction,  and  became  their 
executor  at  the  head  of  his  army. 

He  thus  succeeded  in  establishing  some  order  and  system. 
Soon  after  his  accession  to  the  command,  he  adopted  a  course  that 
was  of  much  subsequent  use,  by  refusing  to  detach  a  portion  of  his 
troops  to  defend  the  coasts  of  Massachusetts  against  the  depreda 
tion  of  a  small  British  force.  Aside  from  the  danger  of  exposing 
his  main  army  by  thus  weakening  it,  it  was  evident  that  similar  soli 
citations  from  all  parts  of  the  country  could  not  be  complied  with,  and 
if  they  could,  it  would  prevent  action  of  the  state  militia,  by  induc 
ing  them  to  rely  solely  upon  him  for  local  protection.  Learning 
that  the  prisoners  taken  at  Bunker  Hill,  and  confined  in  Boston, 
were  badly  treated  by  the  British,  WASHINGTON  remonstrated 
against  such  proceedings  to  General  G§ge,  who,  spurning  all  com-' 
missions  not  of  kingly  derivative,  in  his  reply  affirmed,  "  that  as 
rebels  in  arms  against  their  Sovereign,  the  Americans  were  out 
laws,  and  their  prisoners  deserved  to  be  treated  as  such."  This 
left  WASHINGTON  no  redress  but  the  same  kind  of  retaliation,  which 
was  too  repugnant  to  his  humane  nature  for  him  to  exercise. 

In  the  summer,  the  forces  of  the  army  were  considerably  in 
creased  by  the  accession  of  some  rifle  corps  from  Virginia,  Mary 
land,  Pennsylvania,  and  militia  recruits  from  the  New  England 
States. 

Maintaining  his  position  at  the  head  of  his  army,  WASHINGTON 
dispatched  Colonel  Benedict  Arnold, — who  had  won  high  praise 
for  his  bravery  at  Ticonderoga, — with  eleven  hundred  men,  upon 
the  famous  expedition  up  the  Kennebec. 

His  instructions  were  to  proceed,  without  molesting  the  inhabi 
tants,  through  Canada, — act  in  concert  with  General  Schuyler,  who 
had  boon  sent  against  Montreal, — make  an  attack  upon  Quebec, 
and  divert  the  British  from  interfering  with  the  operations  of  the 


3(5  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

main  army  of  the  north.  The  management  of  this  perilous  enter 
prise  was  well  invested;  Arnold,  after  performing  one  of  the 
most  heroic  feats  of  the  revolution,  camped  where  fell  the  daunt 
less  Wolfe,  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham. 

As  expected,  Guy  Carleton  suspended  'operations  against 
Schuyler,  hurried  to  the  rescue  of  Quebec,  while  Montgomery 
was  enabled  to  penetrate  Canada,  capture  Montreal,  and  unite 
his  forces  with  those  of  Arnold,  which  he  did  soon  after. 

It  is  sad  to  think  of  the  fate  of  these  gallant  officers.  Mont 
gomery  soon  slept  in  glory's  grave,  while  with  colder  heart  than  the 
snow  that  drank  his  blood,  Arnold  stamped  his  name  with  treason. 

WASHINGTON  continued  to  occupy  his  post,  prevented  from 
offensive  operations  against  the  enemy  at  Boston ;  by  want  of 
ammunition,  his  time  was  taken  up  in  strengthening  his  fortifica 
tions  and  disciplining  his  troops. 

British  cannonades,  and  slight  skirmishes  between  small  parties 
at  intervals,  were  the  only  contests  that  occurred,  and  they  with 
no  visible  result  to  either  party. 

At  length,  though  in  a  condition  that  made  it  most  perplexing, 
it  became  WASHINGTON'S  duty  to  devote  himself  to  a  reorganiza 
tion  of  the  army.  The  time  for  which  the  old  soldiers  enlisted 
being  nearly  expired,  he  proposed  a  plan  by  which  twenty-thou 
sand  men  would  be  under  his  command,  and  a  more  thorough 
understanding  established  with  Congress  in  regard  to  his  sup 
plies.  Schooners  and  armed  vessels  wTere  also  provided,  to 
cruise  along  the  coast  and  act  in  concert  with  the  land  army. 

Two  of  these  vessels  were  soon  after  sent  on  a  cruise  to  capture 
some  English  brigs,  laden  with  ammunition  for  Quebec,  but  not  suc 
ceeding  in  the  enterprise  they  anchored  off  St.  John's  Island,  and 
plundered  and  took  the  inhabitants  prisoners.  WASHINGTON,  with 
characteristic  magnanimity,  censured  severely  the  instigators  of  this 
movement,  set  the  prisoners  free,  and  took  immediate  steps  for 
their  conveyance  back  to  the  island.  The  British  soon  after  retali 
ated  with  barbarous  cruelty,  by  the  destruction  of  Falmouth,  and 
declared  a  similar  fate  awaited  the  other  towns  along  the  coast. 
This  produced  such  terror  among  the  inhabitants,  that,  in  re 
sponse  to  their  supplications  for  assistance,  the  Commander  had  to 
reaffirm  his  determination  not  to  break  his  army  into  fragments, 
for  the  protection  of  remote  and  unimportant  points,  at  the  risk  of 
its  entire  destruction. 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  37 

About  this  time  General  Gage,  who  had  spilled  the  first  blood 
at  Lexington,  was  recalled  by  the  British  ministry,  and  super 
seded  in  the  command  of  their  forces  in  America  by  General 
Howe.  That  officer  assumed  the  position,  infected  with  the  same 
false  ideas  of  his  predecessor,  that  he  was  contending  against 
rebels  in  arms  against  their  king,  though  in  every  other  respect 
he  was  much  his  superior. 

WASHINGTON,  though  not  discouraged,  was  mortified  at  the 
tardiness  with  which  enlistments  went  on,  and  the  recruits  came 
in ;  his  difficulties  were  increased,  too,  by  a  spirit  of  displeasure 
manifested  by  some  of  the  troops,  especially  those  of  Connecticut, 
who,  disappointed  in  their  expectations  of  bounty,  as  an  additional 
reward  for  services,  raised  murmurs  and  complaints. 

He  was  consoled,  however,  by  the  appearance-  of  his  wife 
in  camp  ;  following  his  movements  through  winter  and  war,  with 
her  love,  she  reached  his  head-quarters  in  December,  and  con 
tinued  by  his  side  until  spring,  when  with  regret  she  took  leave 
for  Mount  Yernon. 

In  January,  the  active  movements  of  General  Howe,  who  was 
secretly  engaged  in  the  equipment  of  armed  vessels  of  war  in 
the  Chesapeake  Bay  and  Boston  Harbor,  indicated  an  attack  upon 
New  York,  which  was  in  no  position  of  defense,  being  already 
annoyed  by  British  men-of-war  in  the  Hudson. 

To  maintain  the  metropolis  was,  to  the  Continental  army, 
especially  that  portion  of  it  operating  in  the  north,  a  matter  of 
momentous  importance. 

WASHINGTON,  contending  with  the  main  army  in  Boston,  and 
meditating  an  attack  upon  their  lines,  was  in  no  condition  to 
detach  from  his  command  a  force  for  the  protection  of  Few  York. 
General  Lee,  therefore,  was  intrusted  with  this  duty.  He  has 
tened  with  his  usual  zeal  to  call  together  the  troops  of  Connecti 
cut  and  New  Jersey,  and  in  conjunction  with  the  civic  and  military 
authorities,  to  put  the  city  in  a  state  of  defense.  Before  these 
measures  were  completed,  however,  it  was  ascertained  that  the 
object  of  the  naval  equipment,  was  an  attack  upon  the  Carolinas, 
whither  it  soon  sailed  under  the  command  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 

WASHINGTON,  anxious  to  commence  active  operations,  held  a 
council  of  war ;  it  was  adjudged  by  his  officers  unwise  to  make 
an  attack  upon  the  city,  in  their  present  weakened  situation  and 
scarcity  of  supplies.  The  commander  deferred  the  assault,  with 


38  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

a  view  to  increased  preparations,  but  was  so  mortified  to  find  his 
situation  growing  worse  instead  of  better,  by  a  refusal  of  the  old 
soldiers  to  re-enlist  on  the  expiration  of  their  terms  of  service,  that 
he  regretted  bitterly  his  decision. 

In  this  predicament,  renewed  efforts  were  made  to  increase 
the  army  by  a  demand  for  thirteen  regiments  of  troops  from  the 
New  England  States,  and  urgent  appeals  for  ammunition  requi 
site  to  their  proper  equipment.  To  highten  his  distresses,  he 
received  intelligence  that  the  brave  Montgomery  had  fallen  at 
Quebec,  and  the  northern  army  was  repulsed  with  loss.  This 
intelligence  was  accompanied  with  an  order  from  General  Schuy- 
ler  for  three  thousand  troops.  What  was  to  be  done  ? — the  army 
cut  to  pieces  in  Canada, — WASHINGTON'S  soldiers  returning  home  at 
the  end  of  their  terms, — recruits  not  coming  in  fast  enough  to  fill 
their  places,  and  no  supplies  for  those  who  remained.  The  British, 
on  the  other  hand,  emboldened  by  reinforcements,  well  equipped 
and  disciplined,  were  encompassing  the  country  with  their  fleets, 
and  quartering  their  soldiery,  almost  unopposed,  in  the  cities 
and  towns.  It  must  be  confessed,  times  began  to  look  threat 
ening. 

Ardently  attached  to  liberty,  WASHINGTON,  amid  the  threatening 
aspect  of  affairs,  maintained  his  equanimity.  "  He  trusted  that 
Divine  Providence,  which  wisely  orders  the  affairs  of  men, 
would  enable  Mm  to  discharge  his  duty  with  fidelity  and  success" 
Buoyed  with  this  unshaken  confidence,  and  fully  satisfied  of  the 
justness  of  the  cause,  his  sentiments  in  regard  to  the  course  of 
Great  Britain  suffered  no  change.  Instead  of  being  in  the  least 
despondent,  his  energies  arose  proportionably  to  the  necessity 
that  called  them  forth. 

The  importance  of  forcing  the  British  to  leave  Boston  became 
every  day  more  apparent.  Early  in  March,  the  condition  of  the 
army  being  somewhat  improved,  he  commenced  active  operations 
to  accomplish  that  object. 

It  has  been  said  of  military  men,  that  those  who  gain  their 
victories  with  the  least  bloodshed,  give  the  best  evidences  of 
superior  generalship.  Subjected  to  this  test,  the  martial  talents 
of  WASHINGTON  certainly  shine  conspicuously  through  all  his 
campaigns. 

His  great  foresight  in  seeing  results,  sagacity  in  penetrating 
designs,  vigilance  in  preventing  surprise,  his  wisdom  in  planning 


GEOKGE    WASHINGTON.  39 

attacks,  and  deep,  clear  insight  into  human  nature,  gave  him  great 
advantage  in  the  field. 

He  commenced  efforts  against  the  British  garrison  in  Boston, 
by  taking  possession  of  Dorchester  hights,  whence  his  guns  could 
play  upon  the  fleet  in  the  harbor,  and  sweep  another  eminence, 
called  Nook's  Hill,  so  as  to  prevent  its  occupancy  by  the  enemy. 
This  movement  was  conducted  with  such  prudence  and  caution, 
that  the  British  were  ignorant  of  it,  until  he  was  securely  in  posi 
tion.  Their  surprise  was  great  when  they  found  the  Americans 
firmly  established  upon  a  point  of  so  much  importance,  command 
ing,  as  it  did,  their  entire  positions. 

For  the  purpose  of  diverting  General  Howe  from  his  move 
ments,  WASHINGTON  ordered  generals  Putnam,  Greene  and  Sulli 
van,  with  four  thousand  men,  to  manuever  on  the  side  of  the  city 
opposite  the  hights. 

General  Howe,  finding  himself  thus  in  a  state  of  siege,  exposed 
to  the  raking  fire  of  the  Americans,  and  the  anchorage  of  his  ves 
sels  in  the  harbor  untenable,  and  being  scarce  of  supplies,  pro 
posed  to  evacuate  the  city,  provided  his  troops  were  allowed  to 
embark  on  board  the  fleet  without  being  fired  upon. 

To  spare  the  city  from  the  consequences  of  an  assault  was  one 
great  object  of  the  American  general,  and  he  willingly  accepted 
this  proposition. 

On  the  17th  of  March,  1776,  the  British  marched  out  of  Boston 
and  departed  on  board  the  fleet  for  Halifax ;  and  WASHINGTON, 
almost  without  bloodshed,  took  possession  of  the  city,  to  the  joy 
and  congratulations  of  the  inhabitants.  The  Massachusetts 
Assembly,  relieved  from  their  fears  of  an  assault,  expressed  its 
admiration  of  his  skill  in  terms  of  enthusiasm,  while  the  Conti 
nental  Congress  rewarded  him  with  a  vote  of  thanks  and  a  gold 
medal,  expressive  of  their  approbation. 

Upon  its  departure  from  Boston,  WASHINGTON,  fearing  the  real 
destination  of  the  British  fleet  to  be  New  York,  and  resolving  in 
such  event  not  to  be  behind  hand,  sent  a  large  portion  of  his 
army,  under  the  command  of  General  Putnam,  to  that  city, 
whither,  after  leaving  Boston  to  the  care  of  General  Ward,  with 
sufficient  force  for  its  protection,  he  immediately  proceeded  in 
person. 

He  reached  New  York  the  19th  April,  and  began  a  careful 
inspection  of  its  fortifications,,  and  resources,  which  he  strengthened 


40  GEOKGE    WASHINGTON. 

und  increased.  Having  made  these  preparations,  after  remaining 
in  the  city  a  short  time,  he  proceeded  to  Philadelphia  to  confer 
with  the  Continental  Congress.  He  found  that  body  warmly 
aroused  upon  the  subject  of  independence,  and  electrified  by  the 
cries  of  "  give  me  liberty  or  give  me  death,"  "independence  now, 
and  independence  forever," — sentiments  which  met  a  response  in 
his  own  bosom. 

The  State  of  Virginia  had  previously,  by  conventional  vote, 
recommended  Independence  to  Congress,  which  met  the  concur 
rence  of  WASHINGTON.  He  left  Philadelphia,  when  that  measure 
occupied  almost  the  entire  deliberations  of  that  body,  with  a  ma 
jority  of  the  members  favorable  to  its  adoption. 

Shortly  after  his  return  to  the  army,  he  received  a  copy  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  signed  by  the  members  of  Congress, 
which  he  caused  to  be  read  to  the  army  on  the  evening  of  the 
9th  of  July. 

Grand  spectacle ! — hostile  fleets  in  their  harbors  from  Boston 
to  Carolina, — their  army  in  the  north  repulsed, — in  sight  of  forces 
ten  times  their  number,  and  in  arms  with  the  greatest  power  of 
the  world, — with  rewards  upon  their  heads  as  rebels,  that  gallant 
band  paraded  under  arms,  as  the  sun  went  down,  and  rent  the 
air  with  shouts  of  INDEPENDENCE. 

The  British  ministry  finding  the  indomitable  courage  of  the 
Americans  unaltered,  but  rather  strengthened  by  previous 
results,  now  commenced  gigantic  preparations,  which,  it  was 
thought,  would  quash  the  "  rebels"  at  once.  In  addition  to  their 
forces  already  in  the  field,  under  generals  Clinton  and  Howe, 
they  fitted  out  a  large  and  well  equipped  fleet  under  the  command 
of  Lord  Howe,  an  experienced  commander,  that  was  expected  to 
intimidate  them  into  immediate  subjection.  These  arrangements 
were  on  a  far  more  extensive  scale  than  anything  yet  witnessed. 
The  ships  were  large  and  well  built,  and  manned  with  the  flower 
of  the  English  soldiery.  Lord  Howe  arrived  in  July,  and  united 
his  forces  with  those  of  his  brother,  stationed  at  Staten  Island. 

England,  thinking  that  America  might  not  choose  to  measure 
arms  with  such  preparations  as  these,  provided  Lord  Howe,  before 
his  departure,  with  instructions  and  terms  of  reconciliation  with 
the  Colonies.  This  was  a  mere  pretext  to  which  she  resorted,  as 
a  specious  justification  of  her  acts,  and  to  delude  the  people. 
These  terms  were,  in  substance,  nothing  more  than  assurances 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  41 

of  pardon  to  all  rebellious  subjects  who  would  lay  down  their  arms 
and  return  to  their  allegiance.  By  these  shameful  terms,  if  by 
her  imposing  displays  of  power  the  Americans  were  not  awed 
into  submission,  she  presumed  to  throw  upon  them  the  blame  of 
the  war  and  its  consequences,  and  in  this  way  to  create  a  colonial 
reaction  favorable  to  her  interests. 

Thus  Lord  Howe  came  to  this  country,  with  slavery  in  one  hand 
and  the  sword  in  the  other; — the  sword  was  preferred.  This  offer 
of  pardon  came  too  late ; — "  rebel "  was  a  word  she  could  no  longer 
pretend  to  apply.  Patriot  blood  dyed  the  plains  of  Concord,  and 
Bunker  Hill  claimed  their  hero  ashes.  England  had  cut  the  bond 
of  union,  and  the  Declaration  stamped  upon  America  the  seal  of 
Independence,  while  the  name  colonists,  gone  with  things  that 
were,  had  dropped  into  history.  It  was  to  men  who  claimed  to  be 
independent,  that  Lord  Howe  came  with  promises  of  pardon. 
The  terms  were  so  ridiculous,  that,  for  the  purpose  of  showing 
the  people  the  low  estimate  placed  upon  their  rights,  they  were 
published  by  order  of  Congress,  and  did  much  toward  cementing 
a  bond  of  union  among  the  Colonies. 

Upon  his  arrival  the  British  army  amounted  to  near  thirty 
thousand  men,  well  disciplined  and  provided  for,  while  to  compete 
with  it,  WASHINGTON  had  but  about  twenty  thousand  effective  troops. 
The  British  being  entire  masters  of  the  harbor,  and  having  a 
numerous  land  army,  WASHINGTON  was  every  day  expecting  an 
attack  upon  New  York.  He  stationed  a  portion  of  his  army  at 
Brooklyn,  which  had  been  quite  strongly  fortified  during  previous 
operations,  and  which  was  separated  from  the  city  by  the  waters 
of  East  river. 

The  British  soon  after  took  possession  of  Long  Island,  design 
ing  thence  to  cross  over  to  the  city.  The  two  armies  were  now 
only  separated  by  a  range  of  hills,  through  which  several  gaps  or 
passes  opened  from  one  to  the  other ;  these  passes  the  Americans 
took  care  to  fortify  to  the  best  advantage.  On  the  27th  of  August, 
1776,  the  British  army,  fifteen  thousand  strong,  was  put  in  motion, 
with  evident  intentions  of  attacking  the  Americans,  amounting 
to  but  five  thousand  men.  Their  plan  of  attack  was  well 
arranged.  Generals  Grant  and  Heister  led  the  center,  and  com 
menced  the  action  in  front  with  just  spirit  sufficient  to  keep  Lord 
Sterling  and  General  Sullivan,  who  had  been  sent  to  oppose  them, 
annoyed,  until  Clinton  and  Cornwallis,  at  the  head  of  the  British 


42  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

right  wing,  by  a  circuitous  and  unprotected  pass  around  the  hills, 
carne  upon  the  rear  of  the  American  army.  These  arrangements 
succeeded  as  desired ;  generals  Grant  and  Heister  attacked  the 
center  of  the  American  army,  and  made  a  show  of  fight  against 
General  Sullivan  and  Lord  Sterling,  until  the  guns  of  Cornwallis, 
in  the  rear,  gave  the  signal  for  vigorous  action. 

The  Americans,  thus  surrounded  and  hemmed  between  two 
destructive  fires,  though  they  fought  with  heroic  bravery,  at  length 
gave  away. 

Lord  Sterling  fought  bravely  with  the  superior  forces  of  General 
Grant,  until  he  was  attacked  in  the  rear  by  Cornwallis,  when  he 
was  compelled  to  retreat,  which  he  did  in  tolerable  order,  within 
his  lines. 

General  Sullivan,  who  for  hours  withstood  the  efforts  of  Heister, 
being  thus  unsupported,  and  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  over 
whelming  numbers,  was  forced  to  surrender.  The  battle  of  Long 
Island  can  boast  of  no  great  exhibition  of  generalship,  so  far 
as  the  American  arms  were  concerned.  Whether  it  should 
have  been  fought  at  all,  under  the  circumstances,  the  enemy 
numbering  three  to  their  one,  is  indeed  questionable.  The  over 
sight  of  leaving  a  pass  wholly  unguarded,  of  sufficient  dimensions 
for  the  enemy  to  gain  their  rear  and  take  them  almost  by  complete 
surprise,  was  certainly  a  very  great  one.  The  results  of  the  battle 
were  most  lamentable.  It  was  a  repulse  from  which  the  army 
was  long  recovering. 

The  Americans  lost  in  the  action  two  hundred  killed  and 
wounded,  and  over  a  thousand  prisoners,  among  whom  were 
General  Sullivan  and  Lord  Sterling.  This  was  the  commence 
ment  of  a  series  of  disasters  that  followed,  which  no  human  wisdom 
or  sagacity  could  prevent. 

On  the  30th,  WASHINGTON  held  a  council  of  war,  in  which  it 
was  thought  unsafe  to  remain  longer  in  their  present  position. 
He  accordingly  collected  his  entire  army,  artillery  and  baggage, 
abandoned  Long  Island  and  Brooklyn,  and  retreated  with  secrecy 
and  safety  to  New  York,  passing  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of 
the  enemy's  sentinels. 

The  condition  of  the  American  army  after  the  battle  of  Long 
Island  was  truly  distressing.  WASHINGTON  wrote  a  long  letter  to 
Congress,  wherein  he  set  forth  the  situation  of  affairs,  and  pointed 
out  the  numerous  disadvantages  under  which  he  labored,  among 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  43 

others,  the  shortness  of  the  time  for  which  the  soldiers  joined  the 
service.  Not  despondent  at  his  reverses,  he  recommended  to  that 
body  such  measures  as  were  deemed  necessary  for  their  deliber 
ation,  and  re-affirmed  his  intentions  to  devote  himself  to  his 
country,  and  her  alone,  as  long  as  he  could  be  of  service. 

From  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  WASHINGTON  began  to  sus 
pect  their  intentions  were  to  invest  New  York  on  all  sides,  reduce 
the  Americans  to  the  necessity  of  a  capitulation,  and  establish 
winter-quarters  in  the  city.  Foreseeing  the  disasters  likely  to  re 
sult  from  a  close  siege,  in  his  present  straitened  condition,  he 
resolved  to  retire  with  his  army  to  a  place  of  safety  and  watch 
their  movements.  He  stationed  nine  thousand  men  at  Fort 
Washington,  conveyed  his  military  stores  to  a  place  of  security, 
sent  his  disabled  soldiers  into  New  Jersey  and  proceeded  in  person 
with  the  main  army  to  Harlem  hights. 

In  their  evacuation  of  New  York,  the  Americans  lost  in 
various  skirmishes  several  killed  and  over  three  hundred  taken 
prisoners. 

The  British  being  now  in  possession  of  New  York,  WASHINGTON 
collected  his  troops  upon  Harlem  hights,  fortified  himself  with 
intrenchinents  and  breastworks,  and  fixed  his  head-quarters  at 
Morris  House,  close  to  Fort  Washington.  General  Howe,  resolv 
ing  to  keep  a  close  watch  upon  his  movements,  established  him 
self  near  by,  where  the  two  armies  remained  for  some  time  in 
comparative  inactivity,  interrupted  by  occasional  skirmishes,  that 
had  little  effect  upon  either  party,  both  being  unwilling  to  hazard 
a  general  engagement. 

WASHINGTON,  in  assuming  the  defensive,  adopted  a  course  wise 
and  judicious, — so  much  so,  that  General  Howe  wrote  to  the  British 
ministry,  despairing  of  all  hopes  of  bringing  the  war  to  a  close 
by  a  signal  blow,  and  soliciting  large  reinforcements  for  the  spring 
campaign.  WASHINGTON  also  wrote  again  to  Congress  an  elabo 
rate  statement  of  affairs  with  the  army,  urging  an  increase  of 
forces,  and  appealing  to  them  by  everything  dear  as  Ameri 
cans,  to  obviate  the  difficulties  arising  from  the  six  and  twelve 
months'  enlistment  system  and  to  adopt  measures  suited  to  the 
emergency. 

The  Declaration  had  placed  America  essentially  upon  her  own 
resources,  and  Congress  was  fairly x  aroused  to  the  necessity  of 
their  full  development.  At  the  suggestion  of  WASHINGTON,  they 


44  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

resolved  upon  the  organization  of  a  new  army,  composed  of 
soldiers,  who  would  enlist  either  for  three  years  or  during  the 
war. 

They  also  raised  the  salaries  of  the  officers,  increased  the  soldiers' 
pay,  and  gave  the  commander  the  right,  in  certain  contingencies, 
to  select  his  own  officers.  Under  these  arrangements,  strong 
appeals  were  made  to  the  different  States  to  furnish  their  respective 
quota  of  men  for  the  new  army.  Some  of  these,  by  way  of 
inducement,  offered  additional  rewards  in  the  shape  of  bounties, 
which  eventually  did  more  harm  than  good,  by  making  the 
militia  wait  for  higher  bids  before  enlisting,  and  creating  invidious 
distinctions  after  they  were  brought  together. 

While  WASHINGTON  was  thus  engaged  in  organizing  a  new 
army  under  a  new  system,  furnishing  supplies  and  attending  to 
the  appointment  of  its  officers,  General  Howe  sent  armed  vessels 
up  the  Hudson  and  cut  off  his  communication  with  the  Highlands. 
Next,  leaving  Percy  with  5,000  men  near  Harlem  to  watch  the 
movements  of  the  Americans,  he  embarked  his  army  in  boats 
and  proceeded  to  Pell's  point,  landed,  marched  into  the  county, 
and  took  possession  of  Chester  hights,  where  he  was  soon  after 
joined  by  a  large  body  of  Hessian  mercenaries  under  General 
Knyphausen.  WASHINGTON,  upon  these  movements,  evacuated 
nis  position,  took  possession  of,  and  fortified,  Valentine's  Hill ; 
whence  forming  a  chain  of  intrenched  camps  along  Bronx  river 
to  White  Plains,  he  established  himself,  resolved  on  defense  in  case 
of  attack. 

His  camp  at  White  Plains  possessed  some  natural  advantages. 
The  rear  and  right  wing  were  protected  by  a  curve  in  the  river  ;  the 
left  was  secured  by  a  large  pond,  while  parallel  intrenchments 
protected  the  front. 

No  great  leisure,  however,  was  afforded  for  adding  strength  to 
his  position,  by  the  enemy,  from  whose  movements  the  intention 
of  an  attack  became  early  manifest.  WASHINGTON  immediately  con 
centrated  his  force  within  the  lines,  to  be  prepared  for  their  recep 
tion.  On  the  28th  of  October  the  British  made  their  appearance, 
and  engaged  the  Maryland  and  Delaware  troops  under  General 
McDougal,  stationed  at  Chatterton  Hill.  The  attack  was  made 
simultaneously  upon  the  rear  and  flank  of  the  Americans,  who 
being  thus  exposed  to  the  advance  of  superior  numbers,  after  a 
brave  resistance,  abandoned  their  works.  The  loss,  in  this  action, 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  45 

was  not  heavy  on  either  side,  but  its  results  were  favorable  to  the 
enemy,  who  had  gained  an  advantageous  eminence,  that  would  be 
of  service  in  a  general  engagement.  General  Howe,  unwilling  to 
lose  his  advantage  by  risking  a  general  action,  after  a  careful 
reconnoissance  resolved  to  keep  a  vigilant  watch  upon  the  Ameri 
cans,  and  await  the  appearance  of  Earl  Percy  with  reinforcements 
from  Harlem,  when  he  hoped  the  whole  army  would  be  in  his 
power,  and  an  easy  victory  sure.  Percy  at  length  arrived,  and 
the  31st  was  set  for  the  capture  of  the  American  army.  WASH 
INGTON,  in  the  meantime,  knowing  that  in  his  defeat  all  would 
be  lost,  with  the  utmost  secrecy  drew  off  his  army,  and  retreated 
unobserved  to  an  elevated  position  in  the  rear,  well  secured  by 
fortifications  previously  erected. 

The  chagrin  and  surprise  of  General  Howe  on  the  morning  of 
the  31st,  at  seeing  the  army  he  thought  so  completely  in  his 
power  securely  fortified  in  a  place  beyond  his  reach,  knew  no 
bounds. 

Being  disappointed  in  his  wishes  to  engage  the  American 
general  under  circumstances  favorable  to  victory,  Howe  took  a 
retrograde  movement  toward  the  Hudson.  WASHINGTON  placed 
a  large  body  of  troops  under  General  Heath,  to  guard  the  passes 
of  the  Highlands  along  the  river,  and  another  detachment  under 
General  Lee  at  White  Plains,  with  instructions  to  hold  himself  in 
readiness  to  follow  the  main  army,  which  was  dispatched  to  New 
Jersey,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Hackeusac,  where  he  joined  it  in 
person. 

Lord  Howe  approaching  King's  bridge,  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
American  lines,  they  abandoned  their  position,  and  retreated  to 
Fort  Washington,  then  in  command  of  Colonel  Magaw.  The  fort 
was  immediately  invested  by  the  British,  and  peremptorily  ordered 
to  surrender,  which  the  commander  refused. 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th  of  September,  General  Knyphausen 
made  a  bold  assault  on  the  north  side  of  the  fort,  while  Percy 
inade  a  similar  demonstration  on  the  south  ;  at  the  same  time  a 
third  party  assailed  it  on  the  side  next  Harlem  river.  The  fortress 
was  valorously  defended  for  several  hours,  but  they  were  com 
pelled  to  desert  their  posts  and  surrender.  The  American  loss 
was  two  hundred  killed  and  near  three  thousand  taken  prisoners, — 
a  heavy  loss  indeed,  at  that  important  juncture.  The  commander, 
General  Greene,  committed  a  great  fault  in  holding  that  post. 


46  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

The  main  object  of  its  occupancy  was  to  command  the  Hudson, 
and  prevent  the  British  ships  from  ascending  that  river  ;  but  their 
ships  had  all  passed,  and  WASHINGTON  indicated,  in  a  previous 
dispatch,  the  necessity  of  its  abandonment.  Had  this  been  heeded, 
the  disaster  would  have  been  avoided. 

Immediately  after  the  surrender  of  this  post,  Lord  Cormvallis, 
at  the  head  of  six  thousand  men,  passed  over  to  New  Jersey,  in 
the  vicinity  of  Fort  Lee  ,which  was  evacuated  by  the  Americans, 
leaving  all  their  artillery,  provisions,  and  camp  equipage  in  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  WASHINGTON,  finding  himself  hemmed  in 
on  almost  all  sides,  with  forces  insufficient  to  risk  an  engagement, 
and  liable  at  any  time  to  an  attack  by  superior  numbers,  resolved 
to  retreat. 

This  retreat  of  the  American  army  through  New  Jersey,  forms 
the  darkest,  yet  the  brightest,  pages  of  our  history.  Full  of 
suffering  and  distress,  yet  of  constancy  and  devotion  unsurpassed 
in  the  annals  of  the  world,  it  reached  Brunswick  with  less  than  four 
thousand  hungry  veterans,  closely  pursued  by  the  well-equipped 
army  of  Cornwallis.  Thence  it  proceeded  to  Trenton,  the  soldiers 
leaving  their  tracks  marked  with  the  blood  of  frozen  feet,  and 
crossed  the  Delaware  with  but  three  thousand  men  fit  for  duty. 
WASHINGTON,  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  with  three  thousand 
half-famished  troops,  was  the  only  hope  of  Liberty.  With  this 
small  band  as  a  nucleus,  increased  by  Sullivan's  division,  and 
some  troops  from  the  north,  he  had  to  combat  the  combined  power 
of  England's  army  and  navy,  everywhere  victorious. 

Thus  far  the  past  had  been  a  succession  of  disasters.  Defeated 
at  Long  Island,  the  American  army  retreated  to  New  York ;  out 
numbered  there,  they  intrenched  at  Harlem  hights  ;  to  counteract 
the  enemy,  they  camped  on  White  Plains ;  again  beaten  and 
threatened  with  destruction,  they  crossed  to  New  Jersey.  With  the 
loss  of  three  thousand  men,  they  retreated  to  Brunswick;  thence,  to 
avoid  a  victory-flushed  foe,  they  fled  to  Trenton, — crossed  the 
Delaware  a  disheartened  band,  and  occupied  their  present 
position. 

The  enemy  was  everywhere  triumphant.  Complete  masters  of 
the  waters,  with  success  they  sought  victory,  and  occupied  the 
metropolis, — unopposed  they  entered  Rhode  Island,  and  claimed 
it  by  conquest, — no  enemy  but  her  snows,  they  penetrated  the 
Jerseys,  and  planted  their  standard, — no  foe  in  the  field,  they 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  47 

threatened  the  capital,  and  Congress  fled  before  them.  Without 
an  army, — without  a  navy, — amid  defeat  and  destitution,  still 
rang  the  echo,  "give  us  liberty,  or  give  us  death."  Britain  might 
subdue  her  armies,  beat  her  navies,  take  her  forts,  wrest  her  cities, 
and  claim  her  capital,  but  not  her  freedom. 

Truly  a  gloom-cloud  hung  over  our  country.  Congress 
adjourned  its  deliberations  to  Baltimore,  while  General  Putnam 
assumed  the  command  at  Philadelphia.  Availing  himself  of  the 
general  depression,  as  a  reprieve  to  condemned  criminals,  General 
Howe  again  presented  his  specious  terms  of  pardon  to  all  who 
would  lay  down  their  arms  and  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Some, 
from  the  hopeless  aspect  of  affairs,  were  induced  to  accept  these 
conditions,  but  far  the  greater  portion  would  let  "  their  right  hands 
forget  their  cunning,"  sooner  than  submit  to  vassalage  so  base  and 
vile.  WASHINGTON  stood  firmly  amid  the  tempest,  determined  to 
yield  only  when  freedom  fell, — then  shroud  himself  in  the  folds 
of  her  winding-sheet. 

It  was  a  darksome  day  when  Congress  opened  its  deliberations 
in  Baltimore.  The  warmth  and  enthusiasm  that  drew  the  Decla 
ration,  gave  place  to  feelings  earnest,  deep,  and  solemn.  WASH 
INGTON  wrote  them  an  appeal  full  of  stern  resolve,  pathos,  and 
exhortation.  Behind  them  was  pictured  disaster,  before  them 
gloom.  Fully  worked  up  to  the  pressing  crisis,  they  deliberated 
with  seriousness  what  was  to  be  done  to  avert  it.  Seeing  no 
means  left  untried,  they  turned  to  WASHINGTON;  his  judgment  and 
capacity  they  believed  adequate  to  the  emergency,  and  with 
patriotism  of  purpose,  worthy  a  Roman  fame,  invested  him  with 
almost  dictatorial  power.  He  could  now  raise  his  own  armies, 
adapt  its  regulations,  appoint  his  officers,  and  procure  supplies 
wherever  found.  With  cautious  prudence,  fearless  determination 
and  deliberative  activity  he  exercised  this  power,  without  personal 
reference,  wholly  for  the  public  good,  and  only  when  absolutely 
necessary. 

Hitherto,  under  Congressional  rule,  we  have  seen  undertakings 
fail,  and  prospects  wither  as  by  the  glance  of  doom.  Henceforth, 
under  WASHINGTON'S  control,  we  are  to  see  a  succession  of  victories 
crowning  the  American  arms,  until  his  cannon  had  conquered 
a  peace  on  the  plains  of  Yorktown. 

Under  the  directions  of  Congress,  he  had  proved  he  knew  how 
to  obey,  though  they  led  to  defeat ;  now,  under  regulations  of  his 


48  GEOKGE    WASHINGTON. 

own,  he  knew  how  to  command,  while  they  led  to  victory. 
Though  under  circumstances  eminently  more  distressing,  a  second 
Fabius,  he  guarded  the  destinies  of  liberty  and  empire. 

"  Heedless  of  what  a  censuring  world  might  say, 
ONE  MAN  restored  the  state  by  wise  delay  ; 
Hence,  time  has  hallowed  his  immortal  name, 
And  with  increasing  years  increased  his  fame." 

WASHINGTON,  now  having  entire  control  of  the  military,  devoted 
himself  to  the  effective  organization  and  equipment  of  his  army, 
and  the  judicious  appointment  of  its  officers.  Knowing  the  impor 
tance  of  valuable  officers,  he  felt  that  too  much  caution  could  not 
be  bestowed  in  their  selection.  In  regard  to  this  part  of  his  duty, 
as  expressed  in  his  directions  to  one  of  his  colonels,  he  always 
selected  gentlemen  as  essential  to  order  in  his  command;  he  never 
yielded  to  personal  preference,  as  it  was  public  service,  or  to  local 
prejudice,  as  it  was  a  national  cause ;  he  never  selected  old  men, 
as  being  too  much  enfeebled  for  active  labor,  nor  very  young  ones, 
as  they  lacked  experience. 

Being  re-enforced  by  Sullivan's  division,  the  troops  from  the 
north,  and  some  Pennsylvania  recruits,  and  seeing  the  necessity 
of  arousing  the  low  spirits  of  the  army,  WASHINGTON  resolved  to 
commence  offensive  operations,  and  determined  on  a  step  bold 
and  hazardous. 

A  division  of  the  British  army,  mostly  Hessians,  fifteen  hundred 
strong,  was  stationed  at  Trenton,  and  another  detachment  not  so 
large,  at  Bordentown,  some  distance  below.  Against  these, 
WASHINGTON  planned  an  attack.  He  determined  to  re-cross  the 
Delaware  with  his  army,  and  take  them  by  surprise.  General 
Cadwalader  was  dispatched  at  the  head  of  his  brigade,  with 
instructions  to  cross  the  river  below,  and  fall  upon  the  force  at 
Bordentown.  General  Ewing  was  directed  to  cross  opposite 
Trenton,  and  attack  from  below,  while  WASHINGTON  in  person, 
crossed  above,  and  came  upon  the  town  from  the  upper  side. 
These  attacks  were  to  be  made  simultaneously,  on  the  25th  of 
December. 

In  this  blow  all  was  at  stake ;  WASHINGTON  and  his  little  army 
were  fully  up  to  the  crisis.  He  exhorted  his  soldiers  with  warm 
appeals ;  to  his  officers,  he  gave  minute  directions,  and  inspired 
them  with  hope.  It  was  near  night-fall,  when,  nine  miles  from 
Trenton,  WASHINGTON  drew  up  his  men  upon  the  icy  shores  of  the 


GEOKGE    WASHINGTON.  49 

Delaware  preparatory  to  crossing.  The  river  was  much  swollen 
and  full  of  floating  ice,  that  presented  an  angry  barrier  to  their 
boats,  yet  he  determined  to  cross.  It  was  no  Rubicon, — no 
Tigris  or  Danube,  rolling  between  ambition  and  conquest,  but  their 
own  free  stream,  separating  the  sons  of  liberty  from  their  foes. 
Embarking  in  their  boats,  they  made  for  the  opposite  shore. 
Long  hours  they  battled  with  angry  waves  and  floating  ice,  en 
deavoring  to  land.  More  than  once  they  came  near  being  cap 
sized,  but  were  prevented  by  the  stern  energy  of  the  men.  The 
soldiers,  though  wearied,  manned  the  ark  of  independence ; — the 
boats  though  frail,  carried  more  than  "Caesar,  and  his  fortunes." 

To  commemorate  great  deeds,  Greece  tells  the  tale  of  Thermo 
pylae, — the  mountain  Swiss,  engrave  the  name  of  "William  Tell, 
and  Scotland  consecrates  the  heart  of  Wallace ;  but  WASHINGTON, 
that  night,  standing  in  front  of  his  boat,  buffeted  upon  the 
wave,  his  eye  fixed  sternly  upon  the  opposite  shore,  presents 
a  picture  of  moral  sublimity  that  surpasses  them  all. 

Just  after  the  sun  had  risen,  they  reached  the  Trenton  side. 
Few  words  were  spoken  as  they  formed  in  silent  lines.  Sulli 
van,  with  one  division  proceeded  along  the  river,  while  WASHING 
TON  at  the  head  of  his  chosen  men,  took  a  road  to  the  right,  so  as 
to  reach  the  enemy  about  the  same  time.  Though  benumbed 
with  cold,  they  marched  with  a  firm  step, — their  raiment  was 
worn  and  soiled, — their  patriotism  was  pure  as  the  "  snow  be 
neath  their  feet."  Their  feet  cold, — their  souls  warm, — with 
compressed  lips  and  steady  step  they  ascended  the  snowy  hill 
with  the  sternness  of  desperation.  They  reached  the  British  lines, 
ready  for  the  conflict.  They  waited  the  word  of  command,  with 
"conquer  or  die"  carved  deeply  on  each  veteran  brow.  No 
war-cry  of  "Hercules  the  Invincible,"  or  "up  guards  and 
at  them,"  rang  over  that  battle  field  of  liberty.  Glancing 
at  his  men,  rising  in  majesty,  all  the  energies  of  his  soul 
aroused,  with  a  gesture  full  of  meaning,  WASHINGTON  pointed  to 
the  hostile  tents,  and  exclaimed,  "  there  are  the  enemies  of  your 
country!"  It  was  enough.  His  men  rushed  like  lions  to  the 
charge.  The  British  flew  to  their  arms,  and  tried  to  defend 
themselves,  but  in  vain.  The  surprise  was  complete, — all  was 
confusion.  They  tried  to  escape,  but  so  well  had  the  attack  been 
planned,  that  no  avenue  was  left  open.  Surrounded  on  all  sides, 
and  seeing  nothing  but  death,  they  surrendered  prisoners  of  war. 
4 


50  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

WASHINGTON  took  a  thousand  prisoners,  a  thousand  stand  of  arms, 
and  all  their  stores  and  artillery.  The  American  loss  was  two 
killed,  and  two  frozen  to  death ;  of  the  enemy  thirty  were  killed 
or  mortally  wounded,  among  whom  was  Colonel  Rhall  of  the 
Hessian  regiment. 

This  was  the  turning  point  of  .the  Revolution.  Henceforth, 
WASHINGTON  was  admired  by  the  world ;  while  other  nations  began 
to  feel  the  truth  of  Chatham's  remark,  that  America  could  not  be 
enslaved. 

Creasy,  for  one  of  his  "  Fifteen  Decisive  Battles  of  the  World," 
from  her  fields  may  select  Saratoga,  but  penetrating  the  gloom  of 
"  '76,"  posterity  goes  back  to  Trenton  for  the  Marathon  of  America. 
Had  his  other  generals  succeeded  in  carrying  out  their  instruc 
tions,  which  was  found  impossible,  the  enemy  would  have  been 
routed  at  all  points.  WASHINGTON  with  his  prisoners  returned  to 
camp,  while  the  British,  thunderstruck  at  the  bold  daring  of  an 
army  they  thought  nearly  annihilated,  and  mortified  at  their  own 
repulse,  abandoned  their  positions  on  the  Delaware  and  fell  back 
upon  Princeton.  WASHINGTON  immediately  re-crossed  the  Dela 
ware  to  Trenton,  where,  being  joined  by  General  Cadwalader  with 
1,800  men,  he  resolved  to  follow  up  his  advantages.  Lord  Howe, 
learning  the  state  of  affairs,  dispatched  Lord  Cornwallis  from  his 
head-quarters  at  New  York,  in  all  haste,  with  a  strong  force 
against  WASHINGTON,  then  near  Trenton. 

By  forced  marches  he  proceeded  to  Brunswick  and  Princeton, 
took  the  troops  stationed  at  those  points,  and  soon  approached 
the  American  encampment ;  WASHINGTON,  to  gain  time  and  pre 
pare  for  his  reception,  sent  out  active  parties  to  retard  his  pro 
gress,  by  annoying  him  with  skirmishes.  At  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  the  advance  guard  of  Cornwallis  marched  into  Tren 
ton.  WASHINGTON,  with  his  army,  took  possession  of  an  elevated 
eminence  near  by,  separated  from  the  British  by  a  small  creek, 
over  which  there  was  a  bridge  defended  by  his  artillery ;  from 
this  point  a  brisk  fire  was  kept  up  upon  the  enemy's  advance 
columns  until  night-fall. 

Late  in  the  evening,  Cornwallis  arrived  on  the  spot  with  his 
main  army,  and  encamped  in  sight  of  the  Americans,  resolved  to 
overwhelm  them  the  ensuing  day.  WASHINGTON,  in  the  mean 
time,  kindled  fires,  placed  sentinels  at  the  bridge,  and  made  a 
careful  reconnoissance  of  the  enemy,  whose  forces  he  found  twice 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  51 

as  great  as  his  own.  Unwilling  to  risk  an  engagement  with  such 
superior  numbers,  with  great  caution  he  re-kindled  his  fires,  directed 
his  sentinels  to  remain  at  their  posts  until  near  daylight,  to  prevent 
suspicion,  and  removed  all  his  baggage  and  artillery  to  Burlington. 
These  arrangements,  which  were  conducted  with  as  much  silence 
as  a  funeral  procession,  were  all  completed  without  detection,  and 
WASHINGTON  took  his  line  of  march  to  Princeton,  which  Corn- 
wallis  had  just  left  defended  by  three  regiments  of  British  troops. 
Again  he  was  outgeneraled;  Cornwallis'  surprise  may  be  imagined, 
when,  next  morning,  the  American  army  was  nowhere  to  be  seen. 

Thus  his  lengthy  march  and  sharp  maneuvering  brought  to  his 
possession  only  a  frozen  hill.  While  wondering  what  course  the 
American  army  could  have  taken,  he  heard  the  boom  of  WASH 
INGTON'S  cannon  at  Princeton.  The  mystery  was  solved.  The 
Americans  had  eluded  his  grasp,  and  were  cutting  his  troops  to 
pieces  at  that  point.  WASHINGTON,  after  his  secret  departure  from 
his  camp  at  Trenton,  had  pushed  rapidly  for  Princeton  ;  he  reached 
that  place  about  sunrise,  just  as  two  of  the  three  regiments 
stationed  there,  in  obedience  to  prior  orders,  were  commencing 
their  inarch  for  Trenton  to  join  Cornwallis,  in  the  final  attack 
upon  the  American  general.  Never  was  surprise  more  complete. 
The  engagement  was  begun  by  the  Americans,  and  sustained 
with  spirit  by  the  enemy  for  some  time.  But  they  were  so  over 
whelmed  by  the  American  general  and  his  army,  whom  they 
supposed  completely  in  the  power  of  Cornwallis,  that  they  were 
quickly  thrown  into  the  utmost  confusion.  After  standing  their 
ground  for  a  short  time,  they  broke  and  fled  toward  Brunswick, 
leaving  one  hundred  killed  on  the  field,  and  three  hundred  pris 
oners  in  the  hands  of  the  Americans. 

The  generalship,  coolness,  and  bravery  of  WASHINGTON  in  these 
engagements,  have  seldom  been  equaled.  The  heaviest  loss  in 
this  action  was  General  Mercer,  a  gallant  officer,  who  was  killed 
while  leading  on  his  men.  After  these  brilliant  achievements, 
WASHINGTON,  who  knew  not  only  how  to  gain  victories  but  how 
to  make  use  of  them,  not  deeming  it  prudent  in  the  present  ex 
hausted  condition  of  his  men,  to  expose  himself  to  the  superior 
forces  of  Lord  Cornwallis  by  an  attack  upon  Brunswick,  went 
into  winter  quarters  at  Morristown.  Cornwallis  had  marched 
all  the  way  from  New  York,  made  extensive  preparations,  and 
expected  nothing  less  than  the  capture  of  the  entire  American 


52  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

army ;  he  had  been  inarching  and  countermarching  from  Bruns 
wick  to  Princeton,  hence  to  Trenton,  and  back  again  for  some 
time.  Puzzled  by  the  superior  skill  of  the  American  general, 
only  having  seen  him  once,  with  the  loss  of  several  hundred 
prisoners  he  was  now  compelled  to  abandon  his  posts  on  the 
Delaware,  and  leave  the  Americans  almost  entire  masters  of  New 
Jersey.  Thus,  in  a  short  time,  by  masterly  exhibitions  of  wis 
dom  and  prudence,  almost  without  loss,  too,  WASHINGTON  had 
beaten  back  the  enemy  at  every  point,  regained  the  Jerseys,  and 
protected  the  capital.  Hope  again  dawned  upon  the  continent, — 
new  life  and  zeal  were  infused  into  the  minds  of  the  people, — 
joyous  peans  rang  again  over  "  the  homes  of  the  brave,"  while 
WASHINGTON  received  the  merited  homage  of  all. 

The  American  general  now  issued  from  his  head-quarters  a 
proclamation,  counter  to  the  one  formerly  issued  by  Lord  Howe, 
urging  all  who  had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  under  his  promise 
of  pardon,  to  gather  at  his  camp,  and  re-assert  their  free  citizen 
ship.  This  step,  though  disapproved  by  Congress  had  a  good 
effect.  Those  who  had  accepted  the  terms  of  the  British  com 
mander,  had  been  most  shamefully  abused.  His  troops,  in  the 
conquest  of  New  Jersey,  had  committed  indiscriminate  depreda 
tions,  without  reference  to  friend  or  foe ;  those  who  had  taken  the 
oath,  suffered  equally  with  the  balance.  Smarting  under  their 
treatment,  and  seeing  a  change  in  affairs,  they  enrolled  under 
the  American  banner,  and  threw  off  the  yoke,  unwillingly 
assumed,  for  that  protection  which  was  denied  them.  With 
renewed  hope,  WASHINGTON  began  operations  for  the  spring 
campaign,  by  urgent  appeals  to  Congress  to  hasten  recruits  and 
needful  supplies,  to  enable  him  to  maintain  his  advantages.  Con 
gress,  re-inspired  by  his  success,  early  in  February  had  the  army 
augmented  by  the  accession  of  additional  officers  and  troops. 

By  regulations  mutually  acquiesced  in,  prisoners  had  hitherto 
been  exchanged,  officer  for  officer,  and  man  for  man ;  but  pretend 
ing  that  General  Lee  was  a  deserter,*  the  British  subjected  him 
to  cruel  treatment,  and  threatened  him  with  a  court  martial ;  upon 
which,  Congress  recommended  the  severest  retaliation  upon 
officers  taken  prisoners  at  Trenton.  Here  again,  the  humane 
feelings  of  WASHINGTON  shone  conspicuously.  He  remonstrated 

*  He  had,  long  prior  to  the  Revolution,  been  in  the  British  service. 


GEOKGE    WASHINGTON.  53 

with  Congress  against  such  means  of  redress,  as  being  unworthy 
the  dignity  of  civilized  warfare.  While  deliberating  upon  the 
exchange  of  prisoners,  a  detachment  of  British  troops  proceeded 
under  the  command  of  Tryon,  to  Danbury,  and  destroyed 
a  large  magazine  of  military  stores  at  that  place.  In  this  expe 
dition  the  Americans  lost  General  "Wooster,  a  brave  officer,  who 
died  soon  after  of  his  wounds.  WASHINGTON,  in  May,  seeing 
from  his  movements,  that  General  Howe  designed  to  cross  the 
Delaware,  and  perhaps  aim  a  blow  at  Philadelphia,  collected  his 
troops  at  a  strong  point  called  Middlebrook,  on  that  river,  and 
prepared  to  prevent  their  execution.  General  Howe,  withdraw 
ing  his  troops  from  Brunswick,  resorted  to  various  strategies 
and  movements  to  bring  on  a  general  action  in  the  level  country ; 
these,  WASHINGTON  had  too  much  good  sense  to  regard.  Disap 
pointed  in  this  expectation,  he  suddenly  crossed  to  Staten  Island, 
embarked  his  men  on  board  the  fleet,  and  started  out  to  sea,  leav 
ing  the  Americans  in  the  greatest  perplexity,  as  to  its  destination. 
Supposing  his  intention  to  be  against  Philadelphia,  WASHINGTON 
inarched  his  army  to  Germantown,  to  be  prepared  for  the  defense 
of  that  city.  At  Chester,  he  learned  that  Howe  had  taken  an 
easterly  course,  and  was  in  greater  uncertainty  than  ever  as  to 
his  destination.  Determined,  however,  to  keep  a  close  watch  upon 
his  movements,  the  army  remained  in  its  present  position,  awaiting 
further  intelligence. 

After  remaining  in  this  position  during  several  days,  he  received 
information  that  the  British  fleet  was  coming  up  the  Chesapeake 
bay, 'with  evident  designs  against  Philadelphia, — though  from  his 
round-about  movements,  having  steered  far  south  of  the  Delaware 
capes,  General  Howe,  no  doubt,  expected  to  mislead  the  Ameri 
can  army.  Meanwhile  the  struggle  of  America,  and  the  heroic 
bravery  of  her  sons,  began  to  elicit  consideration  and  sympathy 
in  other  lands ;  France,  especially,  began  to  side  with  them  in  the 
contest. 

The  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  an  enthusiastic  French  nobleman, 
ardently  attached  to  liberty,  arrived  in  Philadelphia  and  offered 
his  service  to  Congress.  They  gratefully  accepted  his  oner,  and 
gave  him  a  brigadier-general's  commission.  WASHINGTON  had 
met  the  Marquis  in  that  city,  and  conceived  so  warm  an 
attachment  for  him,  that  he  invited  him  to  become  a  member  of 
his  family.  Henceforth,  until  the  close  of  the  war,  he  is  to  be 


54  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

found  siding  with  the  American  arms,  and  rendering  them 
efficient  services  on  several  important  occasions. 

General  Howe  landed  his  troops  near  the  American  lines,  when 
some  pretty  sharp  skirmishes  ensued.  In  these  the  Americans 
took  sixty  prisoners,  without  much  loss.  WASHINGTON,  perceiving 
the  design  of  the  British  commander  to  bring  on  a  general  action, 
by  endeavoring  to  turn  his  right  flank,  crossed  the  Brandy- 
wine,  and  stationed  himself  upon  an  eminence  near  Chadd's  ford. 
Having  occupied  this  position,  he  took  command  of  the  center, 
General  Sullivan  of  the  right,  and  Armstrong  the  left  wing. 
Lord  Howe  commenced  the  action  by  separating  his  army  into 
two  divisions ;  one,  under  General  Knyphausen,  was  directed  to 
make  an  assault  upon  Chadd's  ford ;  the  other,  under  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  was  to  proceed  along  the  margin  of  the  Brandy  wine,  turn 
the  American  right  flank,  and  gain  their  rear.  Knyphausen  led 
the  attack  with  much  spirit,  and  overcame  General  Maxwell's  light 
troops,  which  made  an  effort  to  arrest  his  progress.  The  Ameri 
cans  opened  a  brisk  fire  upon  his  advance  columns  across  the 
river,  which  prevented  him  from  attempting  the  passage  of  the  ford, 
though  he  returned  their  tire  with  some  spirit.  About  12  o'clock, 
information  was  received  that  the  enemy  was  in  force  approach 
ing  the  upper  fords,  with  the  view  of  turning  the  flank  of  Sulli 
van.  WASHINGTON  immediately  ordered  that  general  to  cross  the 
river  and  attack  them  vigorously,  while  he  passed  Chadd's  ford 
to  engage  Knyphauseu.  Just  then,  however,  different  intelli 
gence  of  the  enemy's  position  reached  him,  and  these  orders 
were  withdrawn.  This  misunderstanding  lost  the  day.  It  was 
soon  discovered  that  Cornwallis  had  crossed  the  Brandywine 
above,  and  gained  the  hights  in  the  rear  of  Sullivan's  right  wing. 
Before  General  Sullivan  could  form  his  troops  for  the  onset,  Corn 
wallis  swept  down  against  him  with  such  resistless  force,  that  he 
was  compelled  to  retreat ;  they  again  rallied,  but  to  no  purpose  ; 
and  finally  retreated  in  confusion.  At  the  same  time,  General 
Knyphausen  boldly  crossed  the  river,  attacked  the  Americans 
under  General  Wayne,  in  front,  and  drove  them  from  their  posts. 
The  Americans,  beaten  at  all  points,  retreated,  or  rather  fled  in 
the  utmost  confusion,  in  companies  and  fragmentary  bands,  to 
Chester  hights,  leaving  the  enemy  masters  of  the  field. 

The  probable  loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  battle  was  250  killed, 
about  the  same  number  taken  prisoners,  and  300  wounded,  among 


GEOKGE    WASHINGTON.  55 

whom  was  LaFayette.  Immediately  after  this  action,  WASHINGTON 
re-crossed  the  Schuylkill  by  the  Lancaster  road,  to  intercept  the 
British  army  and  offer  battle,  which  was  only  prevented  by  a 
heavy  rain  storm  that  set  in  after  the  advanced  columns  of  the 
two  armies  had  exchanged  a  few  shots. 

During  all  these  continued  efforts  and  severe  marches,  over  a 
thousand  of  WASHINGTON'S  men  were  without  shoes.  Barefooted 
armies  may  fight  for  liberty,  but  for  monarchy,  never.  The  two 
armies  being  now  separated  by  a  distance  of  five  leagues, — :the 
British  at  Germautown,  and  the  Americans  on  a  little  stream 
called  Shippack's  creek, — WASHINGTON  resolved  upon  one  of  those 
bold  movements  he  often  practiced,  of  taking  them  by  surprise. 
The  3d  day  of  October,  he  disclosed  his  plan,  which  was  well 
devised.  Generals  Sullivan  and  Wayne,  were  ordered  to  follow 
the  main  Gerrnantown  road,  and  attack  the  enemy  in  front. 
Armstrong,  with  his  brigade,  was  directed  to  take  a  road  to  the 
right,  turn  the  left  wing,  and  fall  upon  their  rear.  General 
Greene,  by  a  similar  movement  on  the  left,  was  expected  to  engage 
the  British  in  the  right,  while  Smallwood,  with  a  detachment  by 
a  route  still  farther  to  the  left,  was  instructed  to  come  upon  their 
right  flanks  and  act  in  concert  with  Armstrong,  against  the  rear. 

Just  after  night-fall,  the  generals  took  their  respective  lines  of 
march,  and  reached  the  British  lines  about  sunrise.  A  warm 
attack  began  in  front,  and  the  engagement  soon  became  general. 
The  officers  performed  their  duty  admirably,  and  every  thing 
promised  victory ; — but  the  enemy's  numbers  being  greater,  and 
more  strongly  posted  than  was  supposed,  the  Americans,  after  a 
gallant  display  of  courage,  were  compelled  to  retreat,  which  they 
did  in  tolerable  order,  leaving  the  British  in  possession  of  the 
field,  though  little  to  boast  of.  The  Americans  at  one  time, 
in  this  engagement,  seemed  about  grasping  a  glorious  victory, 
and  doubtless  would,  had  not  a  thick  fog  made  them  mistake  their 
friends,  for  foes,  and  thrown  them  into  confusion.  The  American 
loss,  as  nigh  as  could  be  ascertained,  was  151  killed,  521  wounded, 
and  400  taken  prisoners;  the  loss  of  the  British  was  not  so 
heavy. 

While  these  operations  were  going  on  in  the  vicinity  of  Phila 
delphia,  the  American  arms  were  everywhere  triumphant  in  the 
north.  Burgoyne  had  surrendered  with  his  entire  army,  at 
Saratoga.  The  political  bearing  of  recent  events  was  not  less 


56  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

favorable  to  America,  than  the  military.  Through  her  commis 
sioners  at  Paris,  a  treaty  of  alliance  was  completed  with  the 
French,  which  promised  assistance.  Whether  prompted  by 
patriotism,  or  motives  of  ambition  against  England,  the  French 
nation  was  induced  to  enter  into  this  treaty,  it  is  not  necessary 
to  discuss.  The  long  intimacy  between  WASHINGTON  and  Lafayette, 
and  the  devotion  of  the  latter  to  our  cause,  show  that  he,  at  least, 
was  a  disinterested  participant.  But  the  motives  actuating  the 
French,  as  a  nation,  are,  from  previous  and  subsequent  acts,  sus 
ceptible  of  being  called  in  question. 

At  the  darkest  period  of  the  Revolution,  when  national  en 
couragement  and  sympathy  were  most  needed,  no  indications  of 
receiving  them  from  France  were  manifest ;  not  until  a  series  of 
brilliant  victories  crowned  our  arms,  and  began  to  promise  suc 
cess  and  a  prospect  of  humiliating  Great  Britain,  did  the  subject 
of  our  independence  receive  consideration  in  the  French  cabinet. 
Subsequent  events  also  place  their  motives  in  a  light  somewhat 
questionable. 

After  the  Revolution,  when  we  had  conquered  a  peace,  France, 
being  engaged  in  war  with  England,  sent  her  commissioners  to 
America  to  engage  our  co-operation ;  they  made  their  appeals,  by 
reminding  us  of  services  rendered  by  them  in  the  Revolution. 
Upon  the  refusal  of  the  United  States,  to  engage  in  her  cause,  seeing 
no  prospect  of  the  debt  being  canceled  by  rendering  like  assis 
tance,  she,  forgetful  of  former  relations,  threatened  us  with  war. 
So  far  as  the  services  rendered  by  her  troops  in  the  field  were 
concerned,  they  amounted  to  no  great  things ;  the  most  essential 
benefit  they  rendered  in  any  sense,  was  the  consideration  it  gave 
us  abroad, — it  being  the  first  recognition  of  our  independent 
nationality. 

WASHINGTON,  being  joined  by  a  portion  of  the  troops  from  the 
north,  retired  to  Yalley-forge,  a  short  distance  from  Philadelphia, 
to  winter-quarters.  Rude  huts,  of  sufficient  numbers  and  dimen 
sions,  were  constructed  for  the  accommodation  of  the  army.  The 
site  was  in  a  thick  wood,  protected  on  one  side  by  a  range  of 
hills,  and  watered  by  the  Schuylkill. 

About  this  time  the  famous  Conway  cabal  commenced  opera 
tions  against  WASHINGTON.  Conway,  from  whom  this  faction 
or  cabal  took  its  name,  was  an  Irishman  of  large  pretensions 
and  small  merits,  serving  as  a  subordinate  under  General  Gates. 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  57 

Basing  his  claims  on  many  scars  and  long  services,  he  applied  to 
Congress  for  promotion,  and  upon  the  recommendation  of  Gates, 
would  luivo  been  advanced  to  an  important  post,  had  not  WASH 
INGTON,  who  wanted  officers  of  "sterner  stuff,"  prevented  it. 
Smarting  under  this  disappointment,  and  goaded  on  by  Gates,  who 
had  high  aims  in  view,  in  which  this  pet  darling  could  be  a  tool 
of  service,  Conway  was  ready  for  any  sort  of  business.  Gates, 
whose  vanity  always  predominated  sufficiently  to  eclipse  every 
other  quality,  after  the  battle  of  Saratoga  imagined  himself  the 
greatest  general  the  world  ever  saw,  or  ever  would  see.  WASH 
INGTON  he  regarded  as  a  very  good  Virginia  farmer,  but  wholly 
unfit  for  the  army.  To  cut  the  matter  short,  Horatio  Gates,  no 
doubt,  aspired  to  the  chief  command  of  the  arrny. 

After  the  battle  of  Saratoga,  where  he  was  first  in  command,  he 
thought  it  a  favorable  time  to  make  an  effort.  The  first  thing  to 
be  done  was  to  pull  WASHINGTON  from  the  high  position  he  occu 
pied  in  the  minds  of  the  people  and  army.  To  accomplish  this  he 
laid  a  deep  scheme  and  availed  himself  of  the  service  of  Conway. 
There  is  little  doubt  but  this  was  the  origin  of  the  "  Conway 
cabal."  Anonymous  letters,  pamphlets  and  tracts,  reflecting 
severely  upon  WASHINGTON,  were  extensively  circulated,  both  in 
Europe  and  America.  The  numbers  of  his  army  were  falsely 
stated,  his  movements  derided, — the  continuation  of  the  war 
was  owing  to  his  want  of  skill, — he  was  opposed  to  the  war  from 
the  outset,  etc. ; — letters  were  written  over  his  forged  signature, 
misrepresenting  his  views  in  every  sense. 

When  we  reflect  that  WASHINGTON  was  the  sole  cause  of  Gates 
being  elevated  to  his  position  as  general,  against  the  wishes  of 
Congress,  he  might  well  view  these  attempts  against  his  character, 
and  exclaim,  "  et  tu  Brute"  Among  the  people  and  the  army, 
where  he  was  enthroned  an  idol,  these  missiles  fell  harmlessly — we 
wish  the  same  could  be  said  of  Congress.  In  that  body  there  was 
a  party  who,  on  the  reception  of  Gates'  official  report  of  his  Sara 
toga  victory,  thought  him  almost  as  great  as  the  future  hero  of 
Camdeu  thought  himself.  Another  board  of  war  was  instituted 
with  Gates  at  its  head, — another  expedition  to  Canada  was  plan 
ned,  with  Gates  at  its  head  ;  these  measures  were  consummated, 
too,  without  so  much  as  consulting  WASHINGTON;  and  Gates,  with 
base  ingratitude,  assumed  these  positions  without  conferring  witfi 
his  commander.  Thus  far  his  machinations  succeed  finely;  pity 


58  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

that  in  his  southern  command,  such  "vaulting  ambition  should 
o'erleap  itself,"  and  his  great  "  cabal  "  end  in  cowardly  flight 
from  the  field  of  Camden. 

In  the  Canada  expedition,  for  the  purpose  of  winning  over 
Lafayette  to  the  new  party,  he  was  offered  the  command  ;  but  not 
being  quite  so  pliable  as  was  imagined,  the  Marquis  declined,  and 
disclosed  the  whole  thing  to  WASHINGTON,  which  was  his  first 
intimation  of  the  project.  WASHINGTON,  inwardly  conscious  of 
patriotism  without  personal  motive,  and  of  having  aimed  to  do 
his  duty  without  selfish  promptings,  was  not  disconcerted  by  the 
movements  of  his  enemies;  he  advised  the  Marquis  to  accept. 
Minds  truly  great,  are  always  above  the  reach  of  envy  and  the 
bitterness  of  faction.  An  eagle's  wing,  waving  in  mid  heaven, 
is  not  more  safe  from  fangs  of  the  creeping  reptile,  than  is  a  truly 
great  mind,  from  the  shafts  of  slander  and  envy. 

Let  the  base  and  vile  traducer  of  character  read  the  confession 
of  Conway,  who,  when  he  thought  life's  sands  ebbing  away,  in  the 
hour  of  retribution,  thus  wrote  to  WASHINGTON  :  "My  career  will 
soon  be  over, — justice  prompts  me  to  declare  my  dying  sentiments. 
You  are,  in  my  eyes,  the  great  and  good  man.  May  you  long 
enjoy  the  love,  veneration,  and  esteem  of  those  States  whose 
liberty  you  have  gained  by  your  virtues."  How  his  spurious 
slanders  against  the  very  embodiment  of  moral  grandeur  weighed 
upon  him  then!  This  faction,  though  it  drew  to  its  support  some 
members  of  Congress,  effected  little,  and  finally  covered  its  abettors 
with  shame  and  disgrace. 

During  the  winter  of  1778,  one  of  the  most  rigorous  known, 
the  American  encampment  at  Valley  Forge  was  the  scene  of 
suffering  and  endurance  seldom  witnessed.  Huddled  together  in 
small  huts,  constructed  in  a  pressing  emergency, — their  feet  frost 
bitten, — without  food — no  blankets  or  raiment  of  any  kind  suitable 
to  their  condition, — they  were  compelled  to  pass  that  wretched 
winter.  To  aggravate  the  distresses  of  the  commander,  a  danger 
ous  mutiny  began  to  manifest  itself  in  camp,  which  was  suppres 
sed  with  much  difficulty.  In  their  destitution,  they  were  forced  to 
go  in  parties  in  search  of  provisions,  and  take  them  wherever 
found,  for  sustenance.  Yet  they  were  censured !  censured  with 
their  general,  for  not  continuing  active  operations.  Brave  veterans 
a\id  leader !  Those  who  believe  that  any  man  but  WASHINGTON 
could  have  kept  that  distressed  army  together,  at  Valley  Forge, 


GEOEGE    WASHINGTON.  59 

under  all  the  circumstances, — suppressing  mutiny, — silencing 
complaints,  not  without  just  cause, — enforcing  discipline, — inspir 
ing  love,  and  commanding  obedience, — have  more  confidence  in 
human  capacity  than  we  are  prepared  to  indorse.  WASHINGTON 
loved  his  army  as  a  father. — he  mingled  with  them, — sympathized 
with  them,  and  shared  their  hardships;  he  encouraged,  alleviated, 
gladdened  and  diffused  his  own  lofty  attributes  among  his  men ; 
they,  in  turn,  loved  him.  Thus  a  bond  of  feeling  prevailed  through 
all  their  difficulties,  though  sometimes  marred  by  trials  almost 
beyond  human  forbearance. 

In  view  of  his  difficulties,  a  Congressional  committee  waited  on 
WASHINGTON  at  his  head-quarters,  and  acquainted  itself  of  his 
condition.  They  found  the  sufferings  of  the  army  in  no  way 
exaggerated  in  his  letters  to  that  body.  Soon  after,  Congress, 
though  with  tardy  reluctance,  increased  the  salaries  of  the  officers 
and  pay  of  the  soldiers,  so  fixing  it  as  to  create  inducements 
for  their  continued  service  during  the  war. 

Notwithstanding  the  severity  of  his  condition,  WASHINGTON'S 
wife  joined  him  at  camp,  as  was  her  custom  during  his  winter 
campaigns,  and  shared  by  his  side  the  privations  of  his  rude  hut 
until  spring.  To  Mrs.  Warren  she  wrote:  "The  General's  apart 
ment  is  very  small ;  he  has  had  a  log-cabin  built  to  dine  in,  which 
has  made  our  quarters  much  more  tolerable  than  they  were  at 
first." — Why  did  they  prefer  that  log-cabin  to  the  quiet  seclusion 
of  Mount  Veruon? — he  loved  Liberty — she  loved  him. 

Immediately  after  establishing  himself  at  Valley  Forge,  "Lord 
North's  Conciliatory  Bills,"  as  they  were  termed, — a  new  project 
for  wheedling  the  Americans  into  submission,  were  presented  to 
Congress.  Their  tone  was  much  modified,  and  less  objectionable 
than  any  previous  terms  they  had  offered ;  they  insisted,  how 
ever,  upon  a  return  to  the  old  Colonial  rule,  as  subjects  of  Great 
Britain,  with  more  privileges  than  she  had  hitherto  expressed  a 
willingness  for  them  to  exercise.  But  it  was  too  late  to  talk  of 
peace,  short  of  American  independence.  WASHINGTON  opposed 
these  conditions  from  the  start,  in  strong  terms.  Independence 
had  been  declared,  and  was  on  the  eve  of  being  recognized  by  a 
powerful  nation ;  the  American  arms  had  been  successful  and 
would  be  again,  and  amid  ominous  reiterations  of  "liberty  or 
death,"  the  ministers  bearing  the  propositions  returned  to  England. 
WASHINGTON  remained  at  Valley  Forge,  enduring  all  the  hard- 


60  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

ships  incident  to  destitution,  winter,  and  war.  His  foraging 
parties  frequently  met  detachments  of  the  enemy,  in  fierce  and 
bloody  combat.  Husbanding  their  strength  and  resources  for  a 
vigorous  campaign,  when  warm  weather  opened  each  party  seemed 
willing  to  act  on  the  defensive.  Thus  the  winter  of  1778  passed 
away.  With  spring  came  renewed  hope,  and  sources  of  unlimited 
joy  to  the  Americans.  The  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and 
defensive,  acknowledging  the  independence  of  the  States,  was 
concluded  with  France,  and  formally  signed  on  the  6th  of  Febru 
ary.  The  treaty  was  presented  to  Congress  the  2d  of  May,  while 
in  session  at  Yorktown,  and  afforded  cause  for  general  rejoicing. 
On  the  8th  of  May  it  was  found  that  the  American  army 
amounted  to  fifteen  thousand  men,  while  the  enemy  had  thirty 
thousand  in  the  field;  and  with  this  odds  against  them,  the 
Americans  began  operations  in  buoyant  spirits.  General  Howe 
having  resigned  his  position  and  departed  for  England,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  British  army  in  America. 
He  opened  the  campaign  by  evacuating  Philadelphia,  and  pro 
ceeding  with  his  army  to  N"ew  York.  WASHINGTON  immediately 
dispatched  Arnold  to  take  command  in  that  city.  The  divisions 
of  generals  Scott,  Maxwell,  and  Morgan  were  ordered  to  watch  the 
movements  of  Clinton,  and  harass  him  on  his  route.  WASHING 
TON  in  person  led  the  main  army  across  the  Delaware,  toward 
Princeton.  The  British  army  soon  after  crossed  the  Delaware 
river,  designing  to  embark  at  Amboy,  and  proceed  by  water  to 
New  York.  They  were  prevented  from  this,  by  a  judicious 
movement  of  the  American  general,  that  threw  his  forces 
between  them  and  that  point.  Being  thus  thwarted  in  their 
designs  upon  the  metropolis,  the  British  proceeded  toward  Mon- 
mouth.  WASHINGTON  was  very  anxious  to  bring  General  Clinton 
to  an  engagement.  Placing  General  Lafayette  at  the  head  of 
three  thousand  men,  with  instructions  to  gain  the  enemy's  left,  he 
prepared  for  action.  General  Lee  on  this  occasion,  waived  his 
right  of  command  in  favor  of  Lafayette.  He  changed  his  mind, 
however,  just  before  the  battle,  and  applied  to  WASHINGTON  for  his 
command  of  the  advance  divisions,  already  near  the  enemy,  under 
Lafayette.  This  vascillation  placed  WASHINGTON  in  great  per 
plexity.  He  placed  two  of  the  divisions,  however,  under  Lee, 
and  advised  Lafayette  of  the  fact.  On  the  morning  of  the  28th 
of  June,  General  Clinton  encamped  near  Monmouth,  at  a  place 


GEOKGE    WASHINGTON.  Gl 

possessing  many  advantages,  it  being  surrounded  by  thick  woods 
and  other  natural  defenses.  WASHINGTON  ordered  Lee  to  com 
mence  the  action,  and  proposed  sustaining  him  in  person  with  his 
own  troops.  Supposing  that  Lee  would  carry  out  these  orders, 
he  made  hasty  preparation  to  join  him  in  their  execution.  On  his 
way  to  the  scene  of  action  he  learned  that  Lee  was  in  rapid  re 
treat  from  the  enemy,  against  whom  he  had  made  comparatively 
no  resistance.  The  British,  thus  in  full  pursuit  of  his  advance 
columns,  WASHINGTON  was  apprehensive  that  his  entire  army 
would  be  thrown  into  confusion.  He  immediately  rode  up  to 
General  Lee,  and  addressed  him  in  terms  more  excited  than  was 
usual  with  him,  and  ordered  him  to  form,  face  the  enemy,  and 
.  sustain  the  battle.  . 

After  considerable  difficulty,  the  orders  of  his  general  were 
complied  with.  Lord  Sterling  now  took  command  of  the  left 
wing,  and  directed  his  guns  against  the  enemy  in  gallant  style ; 
the  right  wing,  under  General  Greene,  protected  the  American 
right  flank.  The  British  began  the  action  in  front,  where,  find 
ing  that  they  were  getting  the  worst  of  it,  endeavored  to  turn  the 
American  left;  beaten  back  there,  they  directed  an  assault  upon 
the  right ;  here  they  were  met  with  so  much  spirit  by  General 
Greene,  that  they  were  forced  to  desist.  General  Wayne  coming 
up  at  the  same  time,,  attacked  the  enemy  with  impetuosity  in  front, 
and  completed  their  confusion.  They  now  retired  to  a  swamp,' 
and  to  avoid  being  attacked  the  next  day,  secretly  decamped  in 
the  night  and  proceeded  to  Middletown,  leaving  the  Americans  in 
possession  of  the  field.  The  British  loss,  in  the  battle  of  Moii- 
mouth,  was  280  killed,  300  wounded  and  100  taken  prisoners ; 
before  Clinton  reached  New  York,— whither  he  proceeded  from 
the  field  of  battle, — near  six  hundred  of  his  men  deserted, 
making  in  all,  a  loss  of  over  1,200  men.  The  American  loss 
was  69. 

Immediately  after  this  battle,  a  correspondence  of  no  very 
amiable  nature  was  opened  between  WASHINGTON  and  Lee.  The 
latter,  nettled  by  the  remarks  of  his  commanding  general  at  Mon- 
mouth,  applied  language  to  him  wholly  unworthy  an  officer 
addressing  his  superior.  This  led  to  consideration  of  the  matter, 
and  Lee,  at  his  own  request,  was  court  martialed.  The  charges 
preferred  against  him  were  disobedience,  misbehavior  in  his  re 
treat,  and  disrespect  toward  his  superior.  These  charges  were  all 


62  GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

sustained.  General  Lee  was  deprived  of  his  commission  in  the 
army  by  action  of  the  court.  At  Momnouth,  Lee  closed  his  mili 
tary  career;  he  never  rejoined  the  army.  He  died  about  the 
close  of  the  war  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 

Soon  after  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  Count  D'Estaing,  an  able 
French  naval  officer,  reached  America  with  a  strong  fleet  to  assist 
in  the  struggle.  Accompanied  with  a  congratulatory  address,  he 
received  orders  to  attack  the  enemy's  fleet,  and  drop  down  to 
Sandy  Hook.  Owing  to  the  tonnage  of  his  vessels  he  found  it  im 
possible  to  execute  these  orders.  He  proceeded  to  Newport,  with 
a  view  of  attacking  the  British  garrison  at  that  place ;  WASHING 
TON  made  every  exertion  to  be  on  the  spot,  to  render  aid  with  the 
land  army.  Misunderstandings,  however,  occurred  between  the 
parties, — no  union  of  action  could  be  obtained,  and  the  expedition 
was  a  perfect  failure.  The  French  admiral  soon  after  left  New 
port ;  he  did  not  get  far  from  his  anchorage,  when  he  encountered 
a  severe  gale,  in  which  his  shipping  was  much  damaged.  WASH 
INGTON  now  learned  that  the  enemy  intended  evacuating  New 
York.  This  induced  him  to  separate  his  army  into  several 
divisions,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  eastern  posts.  His 
head -quarters  were  established  at  Fredericksburgh.  He  next 
stationed  a  part  of  his  army  at  Hartford,  and  sent  Gates  to  the 
command  of  Boston. 

General  Clinton,  in  the  meantime,  smarting  under  his  repeated 
defeats  and  losses,  poured  his  foraging  parties  and  Indian  merce 
naries  over  the  Jerseys  and  back  countries.  They  plundered, 
burned  and  robbed,  and  carried  indiscriminate  slaughter  and  ruin 
wherever  they  went.  The  employment  of  savages  by  England  in 
the  Revolution, — paying  them  so  much  per  scalp, — counting  out 
to  them  so  much  gold,  for  so  much  blood,  was  an  act  of  cruelty 
too  monstrous  for  barbarism  itself.  A  Cain-mark,  it  stamps  her 
escutcheon  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

The  summer  campaign  having  closed,  and  seeing  no  means  of 
striking  an  effective  blow,  WASHINGTON  went  into  winter-quarters. 
He  made  such  disposition  of  his  army  as  he  felt  would  best  secure 
their  own  comfort  and  the  protection  of  the  country.  In  Decem 
ber,  Lafayette  obtained  leave  to  visit  France.  In  an  interview 
with  that  gentleman,  Congress  had  planned  an  expedition  into 
Canada;  in  regard  to  this,  he  was  expected  to  confer  with 
Franklin,  then  our  minister  at  Paris,  and  his  own  government. 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  63 

This  plan  was  subsequently  submitted  to  WASHINGTON,  who 
opposed  it  strongly,  on  account  of  its  impolicy  and  difficulty  of 
accomplishment. 

Though  Congress  had  bestowed  much  deliberation  upon  the 
conquest  of  Canada,  they  yielded  deferentially  to  the  commander, 
an  1  abandoned  the  enterprise.  WASHINGTON,  after  conferring  with 
the  American  Congress  upon  the  method  of  prosecuting  the  war, 
resolved  to  keep  his  army  entirely  on  the  defensive,  during  the 
campaign  of  1779.  The  process  of  recruiting  was  beugn  immedi 
ately,  and  the  army  increased  to  the  required  number.  More  than 
former  care  was  bestowed,  too,  upon  their  discipline.  Baron 
Steuben,  one  of  the  best  tacticians  of  his  day,  who  had  been 
brought  up  in  the  field  an  aid-de-camp  to  Frederick  the  Great, 
was  selected  to  superintend  the  martial  training  of  the  army; 
which  duty  he  performed  with  credit  to  himself  and  service  to 
the  country. 

The  British  continued  to  occupy  New  York,  while  WASHINGTON 
sent  a  portion  of  his  men  on  an  expedition  against  the  Indians, 
which  was  successful.  They  were  driven  back  to  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Canada,  and  all  their  settlements  broken  up.  General 
Clinton,  meanwhile,  sent  a  strong  detachment  of  troops  into  Vir 
ginia,  which  pillaged  and  burned  several  towns,  and  after  being 
reinforced,  took  possession  of  Stony  Point,  commanding  King's 
ferry,  designing  thence  to  get  command  of  the  entire  Hudson. 
WASHINGTON,  to  prevent  this,  drew  his  army  together  with  all 
possible  speed,  and  threw  himself  between  Clinton  and  the  High 
lands,  and  established  himself  at  Windsor.  Clinton,  foiled  in  his 
expectations,  leaving  large  divisions  at  Verplanck's  and  Stony 
Point,  proceeded  with  his  main  army  to  New  York.  Thence  a 
detachment  of  his  army,  under  Tryon,  spread  therhselves  over  the 
country,  about  Long  Island,  and  carried  destruction  and  death 
before  them.  New  Haven  was  burned,  Fair  field  pillaged,  and 
Norwalk  laid  in  ashes  by  their  incendiary  torches.  Such  preda 
tory  excursions  as  these  were  of  advantage  in  the  end;  they  arqused 
the  people  from  their  apathy  to  a  sense  of  duty,  and  gave  them 
clear  evidences  of  what  they  might  expect,  in  the  event  of  ultimate 
subjugation.  WASHINGTON,  not  allured  from  his  strongholds  by 
these  depredations  in  the  level  country,  resolved  upon  an  attack 
upon  Stony  Point,  and  placed  a  strong  body  of  troops,  under 
General  Wayne,  with  instructions  for  that  purpose. 


(54  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

That  officer,  after  a  night  march  of  fourteen  miles,  on  the  15th 
of  October  arrived  near  the  enemy's  outposts,  and  carefully 
reconnoitred  their  position ;  he  then  pushed  on  in  two  divisions 
to  the  attack  upon  the  fortress.  The  orders  of  the  soldiers  were 
to  charge  with  the  bayonet,  and  make  brisk  work  of  the  enter 
prise.  The  soldiers  executed  their  orders  with  great  daring ;  the 
impetuous  bravery  of  the  charge  threw  the  enemy  into  immediate 
confusion.  Wayne  took  550  prisoners,  all  the  baggage  and  artil 
lery  belonging  to  the  fort,  and  63  killed  of  the  garrison,  with  the 
loss  of  but  15  killed. 

A  plan  was  now  devised  for  an  attack  upon  Yerplanck's  Point, 
but  from  some  misunderstanding  in  regard  to  conveying  intelli 
gence  to  the  various  officers  expected  to  participate,  concert  of  action 
was  lost,  and  the  expedition  abandoned.  In  the  spring,  Lafayette 
returned  from  France,  bringing  intelligence  that  a  large  fleet, 
with  soldiers  for  both  sea  and  land  service,  was  on  its  way  to 
the  United  States.  This  armament  reached  Newport,  Rhode 
Island,  on  the  10th  of  July.  The  land  army  under  Count  Roch- 
ambeau  disembarked,  and  received  instructions  from  the  com- 
mander-in- chief  for  the  campaign.  Clinton,  who  began  to  feel 
that  but  little  credit  was  being  brought  to  the  British  arms  through 
his  immediate  agency,  and  chagrined,  at  being  so  outgeneraled  by 
WASHINGTON,  now  directed  his  efforts  chiefly  against  the  French. 
He  sent  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  with  six  thousand  men  on  board  his 
squadron,  with  directions  to  attack  the  French  at  Newport. 
Rochambeau,  being  reinforced  by  General  Heath,  presented  such 
formidable  opposition,  that  the  enemy  gave  up  all  hopes  of  taking 
the  town,  and  returned  to  New  York.  During  this  time, 
WASHINGTON  had  taken  a  strong  position  east  of  the  Hudson, 
despite  Clinton's  efforts  to  prevent  him.  Arbuthnot  succeeded  in 
blockading  the  French  fleet  in  Newport  harbor,  and  keeping  Roch- 
ambeau's  laud  army  inactive.  In  these  positions,  the  two  armies 
remained  for  some  time  on  the  defensive.  Defensive  warfare 
always  operates  more  favorably  to  the  invaded,  than  the  invader. 
At  Hartford,  WASHINGTON  and  Rochambeau  arranged  the  plans  of 
operations  for  the  allied  armies.  These  arrangements  were 
mutually  satisfactory,  though  somewhat  inefficient  from  contin 
gencies,  to  whose  control  tkey  were  partially  subjected. 

We  must  now  notice  a  melancholy  affair,  one  that  cast  a  gloom 
over  the  army,  pained  its  commander,  and  filled  the  country  with 


GEOBGE    WASHINGTON.  55 

surprise.  Benedict  Arnold,  the  hero  of  Crown  Point  and  Ticon- 
deroga, — of  Quebec  and  Saratoga, — the  Ney  of  the  Arniy, — the 
Hannibal  of  the  New  World,  was  intrusted  with  the  command  at 
West  Point, — one  of  the  most  important  posts  of  the  country. 
To  regain  a  fortune,  wasted  by  a  life  of  display  and  extravagance, 
he  presented  forged  claims  to  Congress  for  liquidation,  which  they 
refused  to  allow.  This  resulted  in  a  court  martial,  and  a  mild 
censure  from  WASHINGTON.  Stung  to  the  quick  by  these  proceed 
ings,  and  hoping  to  improve  his  desperate  condition,  he  deter 
mined  to  betray  his  country.  He  opened  correspondence  with 
Major  Andre,  adjutant-general  of  the  British  army.  The  com 
mand  of  West  Point  was  procured  for  the  purpose  of  consummat 
ing  his  end.  Andre  contrived  to  have  a  personal  interview  with 
Arnold  ;  this  took  place  in  the  night,  near  King's  ferry.  Arnold 
gave  the  Major  a  written  statement  of  the  strength  of  West  Point, 
and  expressed  his  willingness  to  deliver  it  up  to  the  British.  He 
also  gave  him  an  exact  written  account  of  the  American  army, 
its  plans  and  dispositions,  with  instructions  to  give  it  to  the  British. 
General  Andre  put  these  papers  in  his  boot,  designing  to  return 
as  he  came,  in  a  sloop  of  war,  anchored  at  no  great  distance  from 
the  place  of  interview.  He  found,  however,  that  an  attempt  to 
reach  the  vessel  would  involve  great  danger.  Another  plan  was 
hit  upon  ;  he  assumed  a  disguise,  changed  his  name  to  Anderson, 
procured  a  pass  signed  by  Arnold,  and  proceeded  on  horseback 
to  New  York.  The  next  day  he  was  intercepted  by  four  militia 
men  ;  he  was  compelled  to  show  his  pass ;  the  name  of  Benedict 
Arnold  was  deemed  sufficient,  and  he  rode  along.  The  destinies 
of  West  Point, — perhaps  those  of  the  country, — were  suspended  on 
the  moment.  No  sooner  had  he  turned  away,  than  one  of  the 
militiamen  remarked  that  "  he  didn't  like  his  looks."  He  was  re 
called  and  searched.  In  his  boot  they  found  the  traitorous  docu 
ments.  He  was  put  under  arrest  and  sent  as  a  spy  to  Colonel 
Jamison.  Jamison  was  astounded  that  such  writings  should 
emanate  from  Arnold,  as  clearly  shown  by  the  pass  and  hand 
writing.  He  very  imprudently  sent  a  messenger  to  Arnold  at 
West  Point,  informing  him  of  Andre's  capture ;  this  gave  the 
traitor  time  to  escape.  The  clemency  of  the  American  general 
was  the  only  hope  left  for  poor  Andre.  He  wrote  WASHINGTON  a 
frank  and  full  exposition  of  the  affair,  confessing  his  connec 
tion  with  it,  and  imploring  his  lenient  interposition  in  his 
5 


6(5  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

behalf.  WASHINGTON  received  this  letter  just  after  he  reached 
West  Point.  It  stung  him  to  the  soul, — both  on  account  of  the 
unfortunate  Andre,  arid  the  dastardly  conduct  of  Arnold.  Andre 
was  soon  after  sent  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  army,  tried,  con 
victed,  and  sentenced  as  a  spy.  Andre  was  young,  handsome 
and  accomplished ;  he  possessed  a  generous  nature,  the  tone  of 
a  high-bred  gentleman,  and  many  excellent  qualities  of  heart. 
The  approval  of  the  sentence  by  WASHINGTON,  was  one  of  the 
severest  trials  of  his  life ;  tears  are  said  to  have  mingled  with 
the  ink  that  signed  his  death-warrant.  Andre  was  executed  on 
the  2d  day  of  October,  in  sight  of  the  army.  He  met  his  fate 
heroically,  and  with  resignation.  Previous  to  his  execution,  he 
begged  that  he  might  be  shot,  instead  of  dying  a  felon's  death. 
This,  however,  was  denied  him.  Divest  the  transaction  of  the 
rigor  of  military  rule,  and  it  is  a  source  of  regret  that  this  request 
of  young  Andre  was  not  granted. 

Arnold  in  the  meantime,  on  the  reception  of  Jamison's  letter, 
knowing  that  it  was  all  up  with  him,  in  great  agitation  mounted 
a  horse,  fled  to  the  river,  jumped  into  a  boat  and  reached  the 
British  vessels  in  safety.  No  more  will  he  furbish  his  gallant 
sword  in  the  cause  of  liberty.  To  render  his  fate  more  sad,  he  had 
a  lovely  young  wife,  who  sank  in  paroxysms  of  grief  under  the 
stroke.  His  separation  from  her  was  mournfully  touching.  He 
was  made  an  officer  in  the  British  service,  and  held  his  rank  until 
the  close  of  the  war.  He  then  went  to  England,  and  dragged  out 
a  miserable  existence,  despised  and  shunned  by  everybody.  Such 
was  the  premium  received  for  his  treachery.  Unhappy  Arnold ! 
His  victor  laurels  changed  to  cypress  wreaths, — the  light  of  former 
deeds  shines  upon  his  name  only  to  make  its  infamy  immortal. 

The  Americans,  by  their  system  of  defensive  warfare,  in  accord 
ance  with  the  clear  foresight  of  WASHINGTON,  had  made  Eng 
land  weary  of  a  contest  that  was  making  havoc  of  her  treasury, 
but  bringing  no  credit  to  her  flag.  She  had  some  very  false 
notions  in  regard  to  the  Americans,  at  the  commencement  of  the 
war.  She  had  been  schooled,  however,  by  our  hardy  yeomanry 
into  more  correct  opinions.  Prospects  were  now  decidedly 
against  her.  The  campaign  of  1781  was  commenced,  on  the  part 
of  the  Americans  with  vigor.  A  considerable  loan  was  negotiated 
with  France,  the  investment  of  which  was  left  discretionary  witli 
WASHINGTON.  By  the  assistance  of  this,  more  active  military 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  07 

operations  were  set  on  foot.  The  principal  efforts  of  the  English 
generals  seemed  concentrated,  for  a  time,  against  the  south,  where 
Gates  had  command.  Arnold,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  British 
troops,  passed  into  Virginia  and  burned  Richmond  to  the  ground; 
he  also  took  command  of  a  British  squadron  in  the  Chesapeake. 
The  French  Admiral,  Destouches,  being  relieved  by  a  storm  from 
his  blockade  at  Newport,  dispatched  a  small  force  under  M.  de  Tilly 
against  him.  On  his  appearance,  however,  Arnold  retired  with 
his  small  crafts  to  a  point  inaccessible  to  the  French  men-of-war. 

WASHINGTON  now  instructed  Destouches  to  proceed  with  his 
fleet  to  Virginia,  and  be  prepared  to  act  in  concert  with  the  land 
army  in  that  quarter.  While  endeavoring  to  execute  this  order 
he  was  overtaken  by  Arbuthnot,  who  pursued  with  his  squadron 
and  gave  battle.  Though  no  decisive  result  was  obtained  by 
either  party  in  the  action,  the  French  Admiral  was  compelled  to 
return  to  Newport.  WASHINGTON  now  sent  General  Lafayette,  at 
the  head  of  twelve  hundred  men,  to  the  Chesapeake,  with  instruc 
tions  to  act  in  concert  with  M.  de  .Tilly  against  Arnold.  This 
gave  Lafayette  the  chief  command  of  all  the  troops  in  Vir 
ginia.  For  some  time  no  very  important  events  characterized  the 
movements  of  either  army ;  each  seemed  maturing  plans  and 
coming  to  an  understanding  with  reference  to  future  operations. 
The  British  had  for  some  time  been  inclined  to  unite  their  forces 
in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  Chesapeake  bay.  A  squadron  of  their 
light  vessels  came  into  the  bay  eventually,  and  proceeded  up  its 
tributaries,  plundernig  the  inhabitants  along  its  banks.  One  of 
these  vessels  ascended  the  Potomac,  and  actually  landed  at 
Mount  Vernon  and  demanded  entertainment  from  WASHINGTON'S 
overseer,  who,  to  save  the  mansion,  readily  provided  on  board 
their  vessels  all  the  refreshments  they  desired.  WASHINGTON  was 
so  pained  on  learning  this,  that  he  wrote  to  his  overseer,  censur 
ing  him  in  strong  terms, — telling  him  that  the  entire  destruction 
of  his  plantation  would  have  been  preferable  to  such  truckling. 

In  May,  the  American  and  French  commanders  met  at 
Weathersfield,  for  the  purpose  of  deliberating  upon  the  course  to 
be  pursued.  The  result  of  this  conference  was  the  planning  of 
an  expedition  against  New  York.  WASHINGTON  called  upon  the 
States  to  fill  up  the  vacancies  in  the  army  with  all  possible  dis 
patch,  for  the  enterprise.  Preliminary  steps,  however,  were  only 
taken  to  consummate  this  object,  when  the  welcome  intelligence 


(J8  GEORGE     WASHINGTON. 

was  received  that  Count  de  Grasse  would  soon  arrive  with  a  large 
fleet,  and  three  thousand  men  for  the  land  service.  Upon  this 
information,  WASHINGTON  changed  his  plans.  General  Greene 
had  superseded  Gates  in  the  southern  command,  after  his  defeat 
at  Camden,  and  Lafayette  was  winning  laurels  in  Virginia,  against 
Cornwallis.  WASHINGTON  now  determined  to  proceed,  with  the 
combined  armies,  to  Virginia,  and  concentrate  his  forces  for  a 
decisive  blow.  To  keep  Clinton  ignorant  of  his  designs,  and  thus 
be  enabled  to  cope  single-handed  with  Cornwallis,  he  resorted  to 
various  strategies.  Letters  were  written,  purposely  to  be  inter 
cepted,  wholly  misstating  his  object;  a  large  supply  of  forage  and 
cooking  utensils  were  so  arranged  as  to  convey  a  false  idea  of  his 
intention.  These  being  done,  the  two  armies  crossed  the  Hudson 
and  proceeded  southward.  It  had  been  agreed  that  WASHINGTON, 
Lafayette  and  Rochanibeau  should  meet  at  Williamsburgh  and 
confer  together  in  regard  to  the  campaign.  WASHINGTON,  intrust 
ing  the  army,  during  its  march,  to  General  Lincoln,  proceeded  to 
Philadelphia.  Thence,  being  in  advance  of  the  army,  he  re 
turned  to  his  beloved  Vernon. 

Six  years  replete  with  change,  destiny  and  revolution,  had 
passed  away  since  he  had  been  at  home ;  yet,  unlike  the  Eoman 
general  who  expressed  his  intention  to  the  senate  of  resigning 
his  post  "  lest  his  fields  should  go  unsown,"  he  had  never  grown 
weary  in  the  service,  or  murmured  at  his  lot.  Remaining  there 
a  few  days,  he  continued  his  route  to  Williamsburgh,  where  the 
three  generals  met  at  Lafayette's  head-quarters.  Lord  Cornwallis, 
in  the  meantime,  having  sent  dispatches  to  General  Clinton  for 
reinforcements,  took  possession  of  Yorktown,  and  began  to  fortify 
himself  in  the  best  possible  manner. 

On  the  30th  of  September,  1781,  the  combined  allied  armies, 
amounting  in  all  to  sixteen  thousand  men,  formally  invested 
Yorktown.  The  Americans  were  on  the  right,  and  the  French 
on  the  left,  each  in  the  form  of  a  crescent.  A  heavy  cannonade 
opened  upon  the  city  from  the  American  lines,  which  did  great 
execution.  After  continuing  the  fire  for  some  time,  without  any 
serious  loss  by  the  enemy,  they  resolved  to  storm  the  redoubts 
erected  by  Cornwallis,  in  which  he  had  posted  the  flower  of  his 
army.  Lafayette,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  American  troops,  led 
the  charge  against  one  of  these  ;  he  advanced  bravely  through 
a  galling  fire,  and  led  his  men  victoriously  into  the  redoubt. 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  69 

Vioinenil,  at  the  head  of  a  French  detachment,  charged  the  other 
with  equal  success.  The  Americans  were  successful  everywhere. 
Their  trenches  had  been  advanced,  and  their  fire  increased,  until 
its  effects  upon  the  city  were  fearfully  manifest.  From  the  30th 
of  September  to  the  17th  of  October,  they  had  been  vigorously 
assailing  the  place  with  bombs  and  shot,  and  storming  the  re 
doubts.  At  length  Cornwallis,  seeing  the  utter  folly  of  submit 
ting  to  a  general  assault,  and  despairing  of  assistance  from  Clin 
ton,  proposed  to  capitulate.  WASHINGTON  accordingly  suspended 
operations,  and  drafted  the  basis  of  capitulation.  These  terms 
were,  that  Cornwallis  and  his  army  should  surrender  prisoners  of 
war ;  their  ships,  boats,  arms  and  accouterments  were  to  be  de 
livered  up  to  the  Americans.  These  terms  were  accepted,  and  a 
capitulation  entered  into  and  signed  by  commissioners  from  each 
party.  On  the  19th  of  October,  the  British  garrison  marched  out 
of  Yorktown  and  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  The 
British  loss,  during  the  siege,  was  500  killed ;  the  number  of 
prisoners  surrendered  by  Cornwallis  was  7,000.  This  was  the  total 
overthrow  of  British  power  in  America,  and  was,  in  one  sense,  the 
closing  of  the  Revolution. 

At  Yorktown  WASHINGTON  fought  his  last  battle.  The  tone  of 
Great  Britain,  toward  America,  lost  its  hitherto  dictatorial  arro 
gance.  A  strong  peace  party  formed  a  part  of  her  Parliament. 
All  indications  were  favorable  to  an  early  adjustment  of  difficul 
ties.  The  news  of  Cornwallis'  surrender  reached  England,  and 
fell  like  a  bomb-shell  upon  the  ministerial  lords  and  aristocrats, 
opposed  to  peace.  Lord  North  is  said  to  have  swooned  away,  so 
powerful  was  its  effect  upon  his  nerves.  Notwithstanding  these 
favorable  prospects,  exertions  were  continued,  and  vigorous 
measures  adopted,  for  another  campaign. 

In  the  south,  the  Americans  were  in  the  aggregate,  victorious ; 
a  speedy  termination  of  the  war  was  looked  upon  as  almost  certain. 
With  accustomed  vigilance  and  sagacity,  WASHINGTON  foresaw  the 
apathetic  attitude  in  which  these  peace  prospects  were  likely  to 
place  the  different  States.  He  took  prompt  and  effective  steps  to 
prevent  any  laxity  of  discipline  or  energy,  until  the  last  cloud 
had  blown  from  the  horizon,  and  the  sun  of  liberty  shone  genially 
upon  the  "  land  of  the  free." 

About  this  time,  murmurs  and  discontents  broke  out  among  the 
soldiers  in  regard  to  their  pay.  So  high  a  place  did  WASHINGTON 


70  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

occupy  in  their  esteem,  that  they  urged  him  to  take  their  griev 
ances  into  his  own.  hands,  and  assume  the  title  of  Icing.  He 
could  at  this  time  have  established  an  American  monarchy,  arid 
himself  assumed  the  regal  diadem.  Make  a  Icing  of  WASH 
INGTON!  They  could  have  made  Csesar  of  Fabius  as  well.  Their 
request,  of  course,  met  a  positive,  not  to  say  an  indignant, 
refusal. 

In  the  summer  of  1782,  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  who  had  succeeded 
General  Clinton  in  the  command  of  the  British  forces  in  America, 
gave  notice  that  negotiations  of  peace,  upon  the  basis  of  a  recog 
nition  of  American  independence,  were  then  pending  in  Paris. 
This  resulted  in  a  cessation  of  hostilities.  These  negotiations  were 
protracted  through  the  fall  and  winter ;  they  were  finally  con 
summated,  to  the  satisfaction  of  all.  In  the  spring  of  1783,  the  glad 
tidings  reached  America  that  her  blood-bought  Declaration  was 
stamped  by  treaty.  On  the  19th  of  April,  1783,  PEACE  was  pro 
claimed  throughout  the  land.  Glorious  day  !  It  was,  according 
to  history,  on  that  same  day  eight  years  before,  that  Gage  com 
manded  the  "  rebels  "  to  lay  down  their  arms  at  Concord !  Now 
regenerated, — divested  of  her  stained  garments, — her  banner 
streaming  in  triumph  and  flouting  defiance  across  the  wave, — 
robed  in  LIBERTY'S  vestments, — America  sang  glad  peans,  while 
the  clangor  of  arms  rolled  away  along  the  margin  of  her  bloody 
decade.  Born  in  the  cradle  of  tyranny, — nursed  in  the  lap  of 
misery, — matured  by  the  productions  of  a  wilderness,  and  revo 
lutionized  by  the  spur  of  oppression, — young  America  had 
leaped  to  glory's  summit,  whence,  pointing  to  the  nations  of  earth, 
she  bade  man — BE  FREE. 

Soon  as  active  service  was  suspended,  the  French  troops  de 
parted  for  home, — our  happy  sharers  of  imperishable  honor.  The 
American  army,  no  longer  needed  in  service,  and  in  a  state  of 
inactivity,  became  more  clamorous  than  ever,  in  regard  to  their 
dues.  They  thought  Congress  could  alleviate  their  distresses  if 
it  would.  The  officers  of  the  army  were  infected  with  this  opinion. 
Memorials  were  drawn  up  expressive  of  their  grievances,  for  pre 
sentation  to  that  body,  and  addresses  were  penned  denouncing 
public  officials.  At  length  they  became  so  inflamed,  that  thrilling, 
eloquent,  anonymous  communications  were  written  and  circulated 
among  the  army,  calling  upon  the  soldiers  to  meet  and  take  pre 
liminary  steps  for  redress.  At  this  crisis,  WASHINGTON'S  wisdom, 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  71 

prudence  and  influence  interposed.  He  mingled  with  his  officers 
and  soldiers,  and  acknowledged  their  causes  of  complaints  were 
just ;  at  the  same  time,  he  impressed  them  with  a  sense  of  duty 
and  remembrance  of  past  glory.  He  issued  a  proclamation,  calling 
his  officers  and  soldiers  together,  for  the  purpose  of  consulting 
what  was  best  to  be  done.  They  met  at  the  time  appointed. 
WASHINGTON,  with  that  indefinable  dignity  which  he  possessed  to 
a  degree  unequaled,  and  a  love  for  his  army  glowing  in  his  face, 
arose  and  addressed  them  solemnly  upon  the  subject  of  agitation. 
This  was  the  occasion  when,  looking  benignly  at  his  brave  old 
comrades,  and  wiping  his  glasses,  he  said,  u  you  perceive,  fellow 
soldiers,  that  I  have  not  only  grown  old,  but  blind,  in  the  service 
of  my  country."  The  feeling  evinced  in  the  remark,  almost  drew 
tears  from  his  soldiers,  as  he  directed  his  full,  clear  gaze  steadfast 
upon  them.  He  reviewed  their  devotion  through  the  past,  and 
eulogized  their  patriotism ;  he  reminded  them  of  the  fact  that  for 
liberty  they  fought,  and  liberty  had  won.  He  referred  to  the  name 
they  had  acquired  in  other  lands,  and  appealed  to  them,  by  all 
that  was  sacred  and  dear,  not  to  tarnish  fame  so  fair  by  deeds  of 
anarchy.  He  concluded  with  inspiring  assurances  that  all  would 
yet  be  well . 

WASHINGTON  knew  his  army, — knew,  too,  the  hidden  springs  of 
the  human  heart,  and  how  to  allay  its  excitements.  His  remarks 
on  this  occasion  had  the  desired  effect.  The  soldiers  went  quietly 
to  quarters,  and  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  their  beloved  general. 
Noble  men !  WASHINGTON'S  connection  with  his  companions  in 
arms  was  soon  to  cease.  Watchful  of  their  interests,  and  linked 
to  them  by  strongest  ties,  as  a  last  proof  of  devotion  he  addressed 
a  circular  to  each  of  the  different  States,  wherein  their  heroism 
and  fortitude,  and  claims  upon  the  country,  were  set  forth  in  a 
true  light.  In  these  circulars,  he  touched  upon  several  matters  of 
importance,  essential  to  the  perpetuity  of  their  independence.  As 
a  sacred  legacy,  bought  with  blood  and  treasure,  its  preservation 
was  to  him  an  object  of  deepest  anxiety.  Through  colonization 
and  revolution, — two  important  national  epochs, — we  had  passed  in 
safety.  Organization  was  now  the  great  subject  of  solicitude  and 
attention.  Among  the  measures  regarded  necessary  to  good 
government,  WASHINGTON  recommended,  a  close  union  of  the 
several'States  ;  a  secred  regard  for  public  justice  ;  a  military  peace 
establishment  as  being  vitally  important.  He  now  took  a  brief 


72  GEOKGE    WASHINGTON. 

tour  through  the  States;  he  was  everywhere  hailed  as  the  benefactor 
of  the  nation, — "  the  Father  of  his  country."  He  returned  to  the 
army  to  perform  the  painful  duty  of  bidding  it  adieu.  On  the  2d  of 
November,  he  delivered  his  farewell  address.  His  soul  full  of 
love,  gratitude  and  emotion,  he  arose  before  his  army ;  a  shade 
of  deep  sadness  passed  over  each  face  as  they  saw,  for  the  last 
time,  their  noble  chief.  He  looked  at  the  army  as  he  alone  could 
look.  Before  him  were  the  veterans  of  Trenton, — the  heroes  of 
Brandy  wine, — the  sufferers  of  Valley  Forge.  The  eventful  past 
came  in  long  review  before  him  as,  in  solemn  dignity,  he  bid  them 
farewell.  His  address  was  not  lengthy,  but  replete  with  the  essence 
of  wisdom  and  patriotism.  Though  years  have  passed  since  that 
November  day,  his  parting  words  are  still  heard.  His  next  deli 
cate  and  equally  sad  duty,  was  to  take  leave  of  his  brave  officers. 
On  the  4th  of  December  they  met  at  Francis'  Hotel, — met  as 
they  had  often  met,  around  the  camp  fire, — met  as  they  should 
never  meet  again.  WASHINGTON  entered ;  his  countenance  was 
sad,  his  heart  too  full  for  words.  The  fountain  of  his  great 
soul  was  convulsed,  and  waves  of  feeling  were  ready  to  gush 
from  his  eyes.  No  words  were  spoken.  WASHINGTON  filled  a 
glass, — turned  to  his  old  comrades, — a  brother  each, — with  a  look 
full  of  deep  remembrance,  and  exclaimed:  "  With  a  heart  full  of 
love  and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you,  devoutly  wishing 
that  your  latter  days  may  be  as  prosperous  and  happy,  as  your 
former  ones  have  been  glorious  and  honorable."  He  then  re 
quested  each  one  to  take  him  by  the  hand.  It  was  too  much. 
Their  pent  up  feelings,  as  they  took  his  hand  for  the  last  time, 
found  vent  in  tears.  Those  stern  veterans,  who  never  quailed  in 
battle,  were  subdued.  They  threw  their  arms  around  their  beloved 
commander,  clasped  him  to  their  bosoms  and  wept  like  children. 
Not  a  word  was  uttered  during  this  scene.  WASHINGTON  retired 
through  the  saddened  throng  to  the  water's  edge,  entered  a  vessel 
and  waved  adieu. 

WASHINGTON  now  proceeded  to  Annapolis,  Maryland,  where 
Congress  was  in  session,  and  visited  that  body.  On  the  23d  of 
December,  while  in  session,  and  before  a  very  large  audience,  con 
vened  to  witness  the  ceremony,  with  impressive  dignity,  all  eyes 
fastened  upon  him,  he  delivered  a  short  address.  It  closed  with 
these  words :  "  Having  now  finished  the  work  assigned  me,  I 
retire  from  the  great  theater  of  action  ;  and  bidding  an  affectionate 


GEOKGE    WASHINGTON.  73 

farewell  to  this  august  body,  under  whose  orders  I  have  so  long 
acted,  I  here  offer  my  commission,  and  take  my  leave  of  all  the 
employments  of  public  life."  As  he  said  this  he  advanced  to  the 
president,  placed  in  his  hands  the  commission  he  received  from 
the  same  body  eight  years  and  a  half  before,  and  GEORGE  WASH 
INGTON  was  again  a  private  citizen. 

Having  thus  laid  down  a  power  he  had  exercised  with  so  much 
wisdom  and  justness,  he  retired  to  Mount  Yernon,  and  again 
devoted  himself  to  the  pursuits  of  agriculture,  anticipating  final 
release  from  public  duty.  His  home,  as  usual,  became  the  scene 
of  the  most  liberal  hospitalities  and  kindly  greetings.  Men  of 
distinction  came  to  Mount  Yernon  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  to 
see  the  "  Great  WASHINGTON,  and  enjoy  his  conversation."  These 
he  entertained  in  the  most  agreeable  manner,  and  impressed  with 
loftier  conceptions  of  him  than  they  had  before,  notwithstanding 
the  exalted  character  previously  attached  to  his  name. 

From  the  enjoyment  of  his  domestic  quietude,  however,  he  was 
again  called  to  public  services.  America  had  declared  and  main 
tained  her  independence  as  a  nation ;  her  foes  from  without  had 
been  subdued,  but  her  internal  political  organization  had  yet  to  be 
constructed.  WASHINGTON,  who  had  contributed  so  much  to  her 
military  victories,  was  now  called  to  her  aid  in  a  civic  capacity. 
The  political  regulations  of  the  country  were  sadly  deficient.  A 
center  of  political  power  was  to  be  established,  and  its  sphere  of 
action  defined,  its  jurisdiction  asserted,  and  its  supremacy  main 
tained.  Congress  had  hitherto,  been  invested  with  powers  suf 
ficient  to  raise  supplies,  organize  the  militia,  and  adopt  measures 
of  defense ;  but  the  authority  of  raising  revenue,  contracting  or 
liquidating  national  debts,  or  promoting  her  commercial  interests, 
was  nowhere  vested  in  the  confederacy  A  general  Convention 
was  proposed,  to  meet  at  Philadelphia,  with  representatives  from 
all  the  States,  for  the  purpose  of  regulating  the  government. 
WASHINGTON  was  the  chosen  delegate  from  Yirginia.  He  de 
voted  himself  with  great  care  to  an  analysis  of  the  existing  state 
of  things,  and  acquainted  himself  thoroughly  with  the  systems  of 
other  republics,  to  be  better  prepared  to  see  the  defects  of  his  own. 
This  Convention  met  in  May,  1787,  and  selected  WASHINGTON 
for  its  President.  Their  deliberations  continued  through  several 
months  of  severe  labor,  and  resulted  finally  in  the  adoption  of  the 
present  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  was  signed  by 


74  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

the  delegates.  Meeting  the  approval  of  Congress,  it  was  referred 
to  the  several  States  for  adoption  or  rejection.  Subordinate  con 
ventions  were  held  throughout  the  States,  for  the  purpose  of  con 
sidering  the  claims  of  the  Constitution,  which  resulted  in  its 
adoption.  Under  the  Constitution,  a  President  was  to  be  elected 
for  the  first  time.  As  to  who  should  fill  this  station,  there  was 
but  one  opinion.  In  WASHINGTON,  all  saw  a  proper  person  for 
chief  magistrate.  With  reluctance  he  yielded  to  the  wishes  of  the 
people.  The  first  presidential  election  of  the  United  States  was 
held  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  February,  1787,  and  resulted  in 
the  unanimous  election  of  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  He  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  the  office,  well  aware  of  its  responsibilities. 
"  About  ten  o'clock,"  says  WASHINGTON,  u  I  bade  adieu  to  Mount 
Vernon,  to  private  life  and  to  domestic  felicity,  and  with  a  mind 
oppressed  with  more  anxious  and  painful  cares  than  I  have  words 
to  express,  set  out  for  New  York,  in  company  with  Mr.  Thompson 
and  Colonel  Humphreys,  with  the  best  disposition  to  render  ser 
vice  to  my  country,  in  obedience  to  its  call,  but  with  less  hope  of 
answering  its  expectations." 

On  the  23d  of  April  he  reached  New  York,  then  the  seat  of 
government.  He  took  the  oath  of  office  on  the  30th,  delivered  his 
inaugural,  and  entered  upon  his  duties  as  President  of  the  United 
States.  Congress  was  busy,  in  the  meantime,  regulating  a  correct 
form  of  national  government.  Under  the  powers  guaranteed  to 
that  body  by  the  Constitution,  the  military,  judiciary,  commercial 
and  monetary  interests  of  the  country  were  to  be  protected  by  its 
wisdom.  They  at  length  established  a  department  of  State,  of 
war,  and  of  the  treasury,  styled  the  Executive  departments  of  the 
government,  requiring  a  secretary  at  the  head  of  each.  These 
secretaries  were  to  be  a  part  of  the  President's  Cabinet;  WASHING 
TON'S  first  duty,  then,  after  election,  was  to  select  suitable  persons 
to  fill  these  stations, — or  in  more  modern  parlance,  to  select  his 
Cabinet,  he  appointed  as 

Secretary  of  State,  THOMAS  JEFFERSON; 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON; 

Secretary  of  War,  JAMES  KNOX; 

Attorney-General,  EDMUND  RANDOLPH. 

Such  were  the  first  President  and  Cabinet  of  the  United  States. 
Three  rules  governed  WASHINGTON,  in  his  appointments  to  office; 
first,  the  fitness  of  men  for  station :  second,  their  just  claims  to 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  75 

public  favor;  third,  the  distribution  of  offices  among  all  the 
States  as  much  as  possible. 

During  WASHINGTON'S  first  administration,  the  machinery  of 
government  was  successfully  put  in  operation.  Many  important 
measures  were  enacted  for  the  protection  and  prosperity  of  the 
country.  Foreign  affairs  were  regulated,  and  preliminary  steps 
taken  to  settle  domestic  matters.  A  system  for  the  liquidation  of 
the  national  debt,  contracted  during  the  war,  was  submitted. 
A  wise  and  judicious  policy  toward  the  Indians  was  adopted.  A 
national  bank,-— a  measure  then  regarded  by  the  ablest  men,  as 
being  of  infinite  utility, — was  established.  A  t^,x  was  levied  upon 
distilled  spirits,  and  many  other  measures  of  usefulness  to  the 
young  confederacy  were  introduced. 

It  was  during  this  administration  that  dissensions  arose  between 
Jefferson  and  Hamilton,  upon  political  issues,  that  eventually  re 
sulted  in  the  formation  of  two  great  political  parties  in  the  country ; 
of  which  more  in  the  proper  place.  Before  the  expiration  of  his 
term  of  office,  he  was  besieged  by  men  of  note  and  capacity, 
especially  the  members  of  his  Cabinet,  with  pressing  solicitations 
to  consent  to  re-election.  So  sure  was  he  of  retiring  to  private 
life  at  the  close  of  his  term  of  office,  that  he  had  prepared  a  fare 
well  address  to  the  people.  But  the  urgent  appeals  of  his  friends, 
who  portrayed  to  him  the  condition  of  the  country,  and  insisted 
that  it  was  his  duty  to  continue  in  office,  induced  him  to  forget 
personal  preference  in  his  anxiety  to  promote  the  public  good. 
He  accordingly  entered  the  second  time,  upon  the  discharge  of 
his  duties  as  President,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1793.  One  of  the 
first  national  questions  of  magnitude,  requiring  the  consideration 
of  the  President,  was  our  foreign  relations.  France,  our  former 
ally,  was  about  entering  upon  the  elaboration  of  her  stupendous 
scheme  of  Democracy,  which  resulted  in  her  revolution,  and  dis 
plays  of  Napoleonic  genius.  Her  declaration  of  war  against 
Holland  and  England,  met  the  approval  and  elicited  the  sympa 
thies  of  many  Americans,  who  in  addition  to  an  ardent  attach 
ment  to  universal  freedom,  entertained  prejudices  against  the 
latter  power,  never  to  be  forgotten.  WASHINGTON  foreseeing,  that 
to  be  mixed  up  in  a  war  between  England  and  France  would 
greatly  derange  our  then  young  commercial  interests,  and  that 
embroilment  with  the  hostile  parties  would  be  very  difficult  to 
prevent,  after  consultation  with  his  Cabinet,  issued  a  proclama- 


76  GEOKGE   WASHINGTON. 

tion  of  strict  neutrality,  urging  its  observance  upon  all,  as  being 
of  vital  interest  to  America.  The  French  minister  Genet,  arriv 
ing  in  America  soon  afterward,  construed  the  warm  reception 
given  him  by  the  people, — who  were  not  unappreciative  of 
services  rendered  by  his  country,  in  the  war  of  independence, — 
into  a  willingness  to  side  with  France ;  he  secretly  organized 
factious  assemblies,  and  formed  hostile  opposition  to  the  neutrality 
proclamation,  and  excited  them  against  the  administration.  He 
went  so  far  as  to  procure  an  entry  into  our  ports  with  the  prizes 
taken  by  his  privateers.  This  step  excited  the  remonstrance  of 
Great  Britain,  and  was  pronounced  by  the  Cabinet,  illegal.  Genet 
now  became  so  enraged,  that  he  violated  every  rule  of  decorum, 
and  conducted  himself  in  a  manner  unworthy  a  national  diplo 
matist.  He  still  continued  to  incite  the  people  to  side  with 
France, — denounced  the  President  and  his  Cabinet,  and  encour 
aged  his  schemes  of  privateering.  Against  all  this  blustering 
zeal,  WASHINGTON  adhered  to  his  convictions,  and  determined 
upon  a  strict  enforcement  of  the  neutrality  laws.  With  Great 
Britain,  also,  our  relations  were  in  an  unsettled  condition.  The 
treaty  of  peace  had  not  been  fully  complied  with,  in  all  its  terms  ; 
right  of  search  and  impressment  of  our  ships  and  seamen,  had 
not  in  every  instance  been  abandoned, — Indian  annoyances  had 
been  continued,  and  privateering  kept  up.  Finally,  however,  the 
British  Cabinet  signified  a  willingness  to  settle  peacefully  all 
existing  difficulties.  John  Jay  was,  therefore,  dispatched  minis 
ter  to  England,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  definite  treaty 
with  that  power;  Congress,  in  case  of  his  failure  to  accom 
plish  this  object,  took  steps  to  place  the  country  in  a  state  of  de 
fense.  He  succeeded  in  effecting  a  treaty,  which,  though  not 
entirely  satisfactory,  was  submitted  to  Congress,  which  convened 
the  following  June,  for  the  purpose  of  its  ratification.  It  being 
approved  after  some  modifications  by  just  two-thirds  of  the  mem 
bers,  involved  WASHINGTON  in  some  perplexity.  England  had 
not  approved  the  alterations,  and  should  he  sign  it  without  such 
approval?  While  considering  this  question,  England  becom 
ing  seriously  complicated  with  France,  reaffirmed  the  right  of 
preventing  the  shipment  of  provisions  from  America  to  that 
country.  While  thus  perplexed,  an  imperfect  form  of  the  treaty 
was  published  by  the  enemies  of  the  administration,  before  WASH 
INGTON  gave  it  his  approval.  Its  dejpcts  were  displayed  in  all 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  77 

their  magnitude,  and  its  more  meritorious  features  suppressed. 
Upon  its  appearance  in  this  form,  the  people  took  alarm ;  the 
Bostonians  especially,  were  almost  as  indignant  as  when  they  re 
ceived  news  of  the  old  Stamp  Act.  They  passed  denunciatory 
resolutions,  and  forwarded  them  to  the  President.  The  country 
was  everywhere  stirred  up  upon  the  provisions  of  the  treaty,  and 
the  excitement  was  on  the  steady  increase.  But  in  spite  of  popu 
lar  prejudices  to  stop  the  clamor  and  opposition,  and  show  the 
utter  uselessness  of  its  continuance,  WASHINGTON,  after  mature 
deliberation,  repaired  to  Philadelphia,  convened  his  Cabinet,  and 
recommenced  the  immediate  ratification  of  the  treaty,  as  essential 
to  the  preservation  of  peace,  and  the  establishment  of  tranquillity. 
The  treaty  was  finally  signed  by  the  President,  and  all  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  except  the  Secretary  of  State.  Petitions 
were  now  extensively  circulated  against  the  treaty,  to  be  pre 
sented  to  Congress  at  its  next  meeting.  When  that  body  con 
vened,  these  remonstrances  were  read,  and  resulted  in  the  passage 
of  resolutions  calling  upon  the  President  for  papers  and  docu 
ments,  containing  Mr.  Jay's  instructions  to  the  Court  of  Great 
Britain.  Basing  his  objection  upon  constitutional  grounds, 
WASHINGTON  refused  to  furnish  these  documents,  asserting  that 
making  treaties  did  not  belong  to  the  powers  of  Congress.  This 
was  followed  by  a  long  and  heated  debate  upon  the  floor  of  the 
House  of  Representatives. 

While  thus  engaged  with  the  affairs  of  government,  WASHING 
TON  learned  the  imprisonment  of  his  old  friend  and  companion  in 
arms,  General  Lafayette;  he  made  every  effort  in  his  power  to 
procure  his  release,  but  without  avail.  Before  the  close  of  his 
administration,  he  was  urged  again  to  continue  in  office.  But  in 
addition  to  his  determination  to  return  to  the  enjoyment  of 
private  life,  which,  in  fact,  became  necessary  for  him,  after 
services  so  long  and  arduous,  patriotism  dictated  it ;  believing, 
that  more  than  twice  as  chief  executive,  would  be  a  prece 
dent  dangerously  inimical  to  the  best  interests  of  the  country. 
About  six  months  before  the  expiration  of  his  last  term,  his  im 
mortal  "Farewell  Address" was  published,  which,  for  its  wise 
and  patriptic  sentiments,  was  appended  to  the  Statute  laws  of 
many  of  the  States.  On  the  7th  of  December,  1796,  WASHINGTON 
appeared  for  the  last  time  before  the  Houses  of  Congress,  and 
delivered  an  able  address,  of  which,  as  being  the  last  words  of 


78  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON  to  his  country  as  her  public  servant,  we 
give  the  closing  sentence : 

u  The  situation  in  which  I  now  stand  for  the  last  time,  in  the 
midst  of  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
naturally  recalls  the  period  when  the  administration  commenced  ; 
and  I  can  not  omit  the  occasion  to  congratulate  you  and  my  country 
on  the  success  of  the  experiment,  nor  to  repeat  my  fervent  suppli 
cations  to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  and  Sovereign 
Arbiter  of  Nations,  that  his  providential  care  may  still  be  ex 
tended  to  the  United  States ;  that  the  virtue  and  happiness  of  the 
people  may  be  preserved,  and  the  government  which  they  have 
instituted  for  the  protection  of  their  liberties  may  be  perpetual." 

Seeing  his  successor,  Mr.  Adams,  inaugurated  into  the  respon 
sible  station  he  had  just  vacated,  WASHINGTON  made  preparations 
for  his  retirement  to  Mount  Yernon.  Prior  to  his  final  exit  from 
the  stage  of  public  action,  a  dinner  was  given  him,  at  which  the 
distinguished  of  other  countries,  as  well  as  his  own,  were  guests. 
On  the  day  of  the  entertainment  he  was  President  of  the  United 
States, — on  the  next,  he  would  be  a  private  citizen.  While  enjoy 
ing  the  repast  with  a  degree  of  festivity,  WASHINGTON  filled  his 
glass,  and  turning  to  his  distinguished  company  said:  "Ladies 
and  gentlemen,  this  is  the  last  time  I  shall  drink  your  health  as 
a  public  man.  I  do  it  with  sincerity,  wishing  you  all  possible 
happiness."  A  shade  of  sorrow  passed  over  each  face  as  he 
uttered  this.  Some  of  the  company  expressed  their  feelings  in 
tears.  Forever  free  from  public  anxieties,  with  feelings  that 
kings  might  envy,  he  at  once  took  his  departure  for  home.*  On 
his  route,  he  received  every  conceivable  demonstration  of  honor 
and  love  from  the  people.  Again  an  unostentatious  farmer  at 
Muunt  Yernon,  he  devoted  himself  to  congenial  pursuits.  He 
exemplified  in  his  daily  vocations  the  highest  traits  of  the  citizen, 
the  man,  and  the  Christian.  His  regular  habits  were  renewed, 
without  the  interruption  of  public  cares.  Soon  after  he  became 
established  at  home,  he  thus  wrote  Lafayette:  "Breakfast  being 
over,  I  mount  my  horse  and  ride  around  my  farms,  which  employs 
me  until  it  is  time  to  dress  for  dinner,  at  which  I  rarely  miss 
seeing  strange  faces,  come,  as  they  say,  out  of  respect  to  me ; 

*  The  political  events  of  WASHINGTON'S  Administration,  will  be  dwelt  upon  more 
at  length,  in  subsequent  pages  of  these  "Lives." 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  79 

and,  how  different  is  this  from  having  a  few  social  friends  at  a 
cheerful  board.  The  usual  time  of  sitting  at  table,  a  walk  and 
tea,  bring  me  within  the  dawn  of  candle-light,  previous  to  which, 
if  not  prevented  by  company,  I  resolve  that  as  soon  as  the  glim 
mering  taper  supplies  the  place  of  the  great  luminary,  I  will 
retire  to  my  writing  table,  and  acknowledge  the  letters  I  have  re 
ceived.  Having  given  you  this  history  of  a  clay,  it  will  serve  for 
a  year." 

But  this  quietude  came  near  being  again  interrupted.  The 
French,  from  the  first  issue  of  the  neutrality  proclamation,  had 
been  insidiously  endeavoring  to  alienate  the  people  of  the  United 
States  from  the  doctrine  of  non-intervention.  After  the  Jay 
treaty  their  tone  became  haughty  and  imperious.  Pretending  that 
the  conclusion  of  that  treaty,  without  their  co-operation,  was  an 
infraction  of  former  stipulations  between  them  and  us,  they  de 
nounced  our  ministers  ;  Charles  Pinckney  was  treated  with  great 
indignity,  and  finally  ordered  to  leave  the  country.  This  was 
followed  by  gross  violations  of  agreements  between  the  two  couu- 

t/      O  O 

tries.  Outrages  upon  our  commerce  became  quite  frequent. 
Congress  immediately  assembled,  and  made  vigorous  preparations 
for  war.  A  call  for  ten  thousand  men  was  made,  and  steps  taken 
to  bring  them  together.  WASHINGTON  received  solicitations  from 
all  sides,  to  take  the  chief  command.  President  Adams  wrote 
him,  "  we  must  have  your  name.  There  will  be  more  efficiency 
in  that,  than  in  many  an  army."  WASHINGTON  replied,  deploring 
the  necessity  that  required  a  resort  to  arms,  and  affirming  a  desire 
to  remain  in  private  life.  He  says,  however,  u  I  shall  not  intrench 
myself  under  the  cover  of  age  and  retirement."  He  was  finally 
placed  again  at  the  head  of  the  American  army,  and  began 
active  exertions  to  render  it  efficient.  But  while  these  movements 
were  going  on,  great  changes  took  place  in  France.  On  the 
ruins  of  the  Directory,  Napoleon  Bonaparte  had  built  his  mighty 
power.  Again,  ministers  were  sent  from  America  to  France. 
Napoleon  had  too  much  good  sense  to  embroil  himself  in  a  quar 
rel  with  this  country  just  at  that  time.  A  treaty  of  peace,  adjus- 
tive  of  all  difficulties,  was  speedily  concluded. 

These  efforts  of  WASHINGTON  to  form  a  new  army  were  his  last. 
Though  he  had  long  enjoyed  uninterrupted  good  health,  the  time 
had  come  when  he  must  fall  from  among  men.  WASHINGTON  had 
an  excellent  constitution,  but  was  of 'a  short-lived  family.  On  the 


gO  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

12th  and  13th  days  of  December,  he  exposed  himself  in  sleet  and 
snow,  while  going  his  accustomed  rounds  about  his  farms.  The 
result  was  a  sore  throat  and  a  severe  ague.  On  the  morning  of 
the  14th,  he  was  bled  by  one  of  his  overseers.  Finding  no  relief, 
Dr.  Craik  was  sent  for,  and  afterward  Drs.  Brown  and  Dick. 
Their  skill  could  not  avert  the  stroke.  He  continued  in  great 
misery  through  the  day.  At  5  o'clock  in  the  evening,  speaking 
to  Dr.  Craik,  he  said,  "  Doctor,  I  die  hard,  but  thank  God,  I  am 
'not  afraid  to  die."  At  6  o'clock  in  the  evening,  addressing  him 
self  to  Drs.  Craik,  Dick  and  Brown,  he  said  with  much  difficulty, 
"  I  feel  myself  going, — I  thank  you  all  for  your  attention.  But  I 
pray  you,  take  no  more  trouble  about  me,"  again  he  said  :  "Let 
me  go  off  quietly, — I  can  not  last  long."  At  10  o'clock  in  the 
evening,  he  said  to  Mr.  Lear:  "I  am  just  going.  Have  me 
decently  buried,  and  do  not  let  my  body  be  put  into  the  vault,  in 
less  than  three  days,  after  I  am  dead."  Just  after  10  o'clock,  in 
that  solemn  death-chamber, — his  wife  at  his  side,  his  physicians 
bending  over  him,  and  members  of  his  household  in  the  room,— 
he  looked  at  them  all,  and  exclaimed,  "Father  of  mercies,  take 
me  to  thyself."  Having  said  this,  his  eyes  closed, — his  heart 
stilled  its  pulsations, — GEORGE  WASHINGTON  WAS  DEAD. 

Congress,  on  learning  his  death,  closed  deliberations,  and  re 
solved  to  wear  mourning  the  residue  of  the  session.  The  speaker's 
chair  was  draped  in  black,  and  every  manifestation  given,  to  testify 
the  deepest  grief.  The  whole  nation  mourned,  and  everywhere 
were  seen  indications  of  sorrow.  Nor  to  America  alone  was 
grief  confined.  The  British  fleet  lowered  England's  flag  at  the 
news,  as  if  her  troops  would  sigh  over  his  bier.  France  mourned 
his  fall.  Napoleon  circulated  the  following  notice  to  his  army,  on 
hearing  of  the  event :  u  WASHINGTON  is  dead.  This  great  man 
fought  against  tyranny  ;  he  established  the  liberty  of  his  country. 
His  memory  will  always  be  dear  to  the  French  people,  as  it  will 
to  all  the  freemen  of  the  two  worlds."  This  notice  concluded 
with  an  order,  that  all  the  banners  and  flags  throught  France, 
should  be  dressed  in  crape  for  ten  days. 

WASHINGTON  was  buried  the  18th  of  December,  1799.  In  the 
last  month  of  its  last  year,  the  eighteenth  century  claimed  God's 
noblest  work,  and  departed  with  WASHINGTON.  Vernon  is  his 
resting  place, — America,  his  mausoleum. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


IN  1  joking  over  the  names  of  illustrious  cotemporaries  fb- 
that  one  appropriate  to  place  next  to  Washington,  we  have  con 
cluded  none  embraced  more  merit,  or  afforded  a  better  type  of 
his  times,  than  BENJAMIN  FKANKLIN.  Though  no  halo  of  military 
fame  circles  his  brow,  it  is  adorned  with  chaplets  no  less  lasting 
or  brilliant. 

Indeed,  if  his  name  could  be  erased  from  the  records  of  empire, 
it  would  still  embellish  those  of  science,  and  live  in  the  great  book 
of  nature.  In  studying  his  life,  we  find  such  a  blending  of  saga 
cious  diplomacy  with  scientific  inquiry,  that  we  are  alternately 
thrown  into  the  presence  of  the  statesman  and  philosopher,  without 
knowing  which  most  to  admire. 

His  paternal  lineage,  it  is  claimed,  can  be  followed  to  Northamp 
tonshire  England,  where  his  forefathers  dwelt  in  1555. 

During  the  flame  of  persecution  that  prevailed  in  the  reign  of 
Queen  Mary,  his  family  adhered  to  their  Protestant  faith,  notwith 
standing  the  risk  incurred.  His  great  grandfather,  it  is  said, 
kept  the  family  Bible  tied  on  the  under  side  of  a  stool,  and  when 
he  wished  to  instruct  the  children  from  its  pages,  one  was  put  on 
watch  at  the  door,  while  the  stool  was  turned  upside  down ;  if 
the  sentinel  gave  warning  of  the  approach  of  any  clerical  official, 
the  stool  was  immediately  placed  in  its  proper  position. 

His  father  came  to  this  country  in  1685,  and  settled  in  New 
England.  His  ancestors,  seem  to  have  entertained  exalted  ideas 
of  religious  liberty,  the  full  enjoyment  of  which,  induced  their 
emigration  to  America. 

6  (81) 


82  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  was  born  in  Boston,  on  the  6th  of  Janu 
ary,  1706  (O.  S.,)  being  the  youngest  son  of  his  father's  second  mar 
riage.  In  fact  he  tells  us,  in  his  autobiography,  that  he  was  "  the 
youngest  son  of  the  youngest  son,  for  five  generations  back." 
His  father  was  a  dyer  by  trade,  but  the  profits  accruing  from  that 
business  after  his  arrival  in  America,  not  being  sufficient  to  meet 
the  wants  of  a  numerous  family,  he  embarked  in  the  vocation  of 
soap  boiler  and  tallow  chandler.  Both  his  parents  reached  ex 
treme  old  age,  and  according  to  the  epitaph  placed  over  their 
remains,  "lived  lovingly  together  in  wedlock  fifty-five  years; 
and  without  estate,  or  any  gainful  employment,  by  constant  labor 
and  honest  industry,  with  God's  blessing,  maintained  a  large 
family  comfortably,  and  brought  up  thirteen  children  and  seven 
grandchildren  reputably." 

To  go  back  to  the  cradle  for  indications  of  future  greatness, 
and  to  take  their  subjects  from  the  humblest  obscurity  and  place 
them  in  the  highest  positions,  with  a  disposition  to  praise  every  act 
of  their  lives,  are  faults  too  common  with  biographers.  If,  how 
ever,  any  individual  ever  arose  from  the  smallest  beginnings,  to 
high  position,  essentially  through  the  medium  of  his  own  efforts, 
BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  did. 

In  his  father's  employ,  during  his  early  boyhood,  save  an  eccen 
tric  inquisitiveness,  he  gave  no  evidences  of  extraordinary  capacity. 
Between  the  awkward  lad  at  the  soap  kettle,  and  the  unrivaled 
diplomatist,  or  the  little  urchin  cutting  candlewicks,  and  the  man 
who  was  to  tame  the  lightning,  certainly  there  is  not  the  remotest 
semblance  of  connection.  Nor  can  it  be  said  of  FRANKLIN,  that  his 
talents  were  in  any  way  the  development  of  circumstances.  To 
no  influential  benefactor,  who  became  early  interested  in  his 
behalf,  was  he  indebted  for  being  placed  on  the  road  to  fame. 
By  his  own  industry  he  ascended  step  by  step,  to  distinction, 
and  by  his  judgment  made  it  the  precursor  of  happy  results. 
Until  he  was  twelve  years  of  age,  he  was  kept  at  his  father's  trade, 
assisting  in  the  lighter  parts  of  it;  but  becoming  dissatisfied 
with  his  business,  he  manifested  a  disposition  to  "  go  to  sea."  To 
prevent  this,  he  was  apprenticed  to  the  cutlers  trade,  but  by  some 
misunderstanding  he  remained  but  a  short  time,  and  returned 
home. 

Soon  after,  he  began  to  exhibit  a  taste  for  books,  and  read  those 
he  could  procure,  with  avidity.  Among  the  books  of  which  he 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  83 

speaks,  as  being  read  with  great  profit,  about  this  time,  were 
Plutarch's  Lives.  This  turn  for  reading,  determined  his  father 
to  apprentice  him  to  the  printing  business,  under  his  brother 
James,  then  editor  of  the  New  England  Courant  newspaper. 
In  this  position  he  soon  found  access  to  the  library  of  a  very 
worthy  gentleman,  and  devoted  himself  more  closely  to  the  study 
of  letters.  In  addition  to  other  books,  he  read  the  Spectator  with 
great  interest,  and  was  so  pleased  with  the  style,  that  he  afterward 
tried  to  imitate  certain  portions  of  it,  for  the  purpose  of  improv 
ing  his  own  composition.  The  writings  of  FRANKLIN,  though 
vigorous  and  instructive,  are  in  all  respects  so  different  from 
those  of  Addison,  that  one  would  never  think  he  tried  to  imitate 
the  classic  author  of  the  Spectator.  If  he  was  really  trying  to 
adopt  its  style,  the  failure  was  evidently  complete. 

About  this  time,  also,  he  conceived  a  passion  for  verse-making, 
and  published  several  pieces,  which,  he  says,  "  sold  prodigiously 
about  town,"  though  they  "were  wretched  stuff,  in  street  ballad 
style."  We  have  no  doubt  they  were.  The  plain  matter  of  fact 
qualities  of  his  mind,  and  its  grasping  philosophical  profundity, 
were  certainly  unadapted  to  the  muses.  They  were,  doubtless,  more 
the  result  of  his  peculiar  desire  to  experiment  in  rhyme  and 
measure,  and  to  try  his  powers  upon  every  thing  that  presented 
itself,  than  any  fervor  of  poetic  fancy.  Though  his  criticism  on 
Pope's, 

Immodest  words,  admit  of  no  defense  ; 
For  want  of  modesty,  is  want  of  sense, — 

when  he  suggested  that: 

Immodest  words,  admit  but  this  defense; 
For  want  of  modesty,  is  want  of  sense, — 

is  certainly  not  so  bad.  It  seems,  from  his  rendering  of  the 
couplet,  a  "want  of  sense,"  he  thought  sufficient  apology  for 
"  immodest  words,"  notwithstanding  Pope's  expression  to  the  con 
trary.  Such  was  his  common-sense  way  of  viewing  things,  and 
thinking  for  himself,  at  the  age  of  sixteen. 

At  this  age,  he  "  met  with  a  book,  written  by  one  Tyron,"  that 
advocated  a  strictly  vegetable  diet,  as  essential  to  health.  He 
read  the  work,  and,  true  to  his  experimental  nature,  desiring  to 
test  practically  that  method  of  living,  he  "determined  to  go  into 
it."  From  the  experience  of  his  culinary  investigations,  no  very 
satisfactory  results  were  obtained,  and  he,  soon  after,  repudiated 


84  BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN 

the  doctrine  of  "  one  Tyrou,"  and  returned  to  animal  food,  with  a 
degree  of  high  relish. 

He  possessed  through  life  great  powers  of  inspiring  confidence, 
and  reconciling  men  to  his  way  of  thinking.  This  success  in 
enforcing  his  opinions,  he  attributes,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the 
Socratic  mode  of  arguing  points, — that  is,  instead  of  flat  contra 
diction,  and  positive  affirmation,  he  substituted  the  milder  way 
of  "  I  should  not  think  so,"  or  "  I  imagine,  thus  and  so."  He 
was  induced  to  adopt  this  method  of  disputation,  by  a  perusal  of 
"Xenophon's  memorable  things  of  Socrates."  The  influence  ex 
erted  by  that  eminent  philosopher,  upon  FKANKLIN,  whose  docile 
mind  became  thus  early  impressed  with  his  example,  continued 
through  life. 

His  brother  publishing  some  article  that  gave  offense  to  the 
Assembly,  the  publication  of  his  paper  was  suppressed  by  that 
body;  it  was  continued  for  some  time,  however,  in  the  name  of 
BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN.  To  consummate  this  evasion,  it  was  neces 
sary  for  his  brother  to  cancel  the  indenture  of  Benjamin's  ap 
prenticeship,  with  a  discharge.  A  misunderstanding  arose  between 
the  brothers  soon  after,  and  Benjamin  threatened  to  leave  his 
employ,  and  availing  himself  of  his  discharge,  asserted  his  free 
dom.  This  act,  he  afterward  considered  "unfair,"  and  reckoned 
among  "  the  first  errata  of  his  life." 

Under  his  discharge,  granted  merely  for  the  purpose  of  continu 
ing  his  brother's  paper,  he  clandestinely  left  Boston,  selling  his 
books  to  raise  means  to  go  upon,  and  went  to  New  York  city , 
where  he  arrived  in  October,  1723,  without  money,  friends,  or 
recommendation.  After  making  an  unsuccessful  effort  to  get 
employment  as  a  printer,  he  started  to  Philadelphia,  which  he 
reached  the  same  month.  His  entrance  into  that  city,  where  he 
was  destined  to  win  distinction,  was,  from  his  own  account,  not 
very  imposing. 

His  first  transaction  was  to  buy  three  "great  rolls"  of  bread. 
His  pockets  being  "  stuffed  out  with  shirts  and  socks,"  he  put  one 
of  these  rolls  under  each  arm,  and  commenced  eating  the  other. 
In  this  way  he  commenced  an  inspection  of  the  city,  "looking  in 
the  face  of  every  one  he  met."  It  is  not  surprising  that  his  future 
wife,  Miss  Head,  who  was  standing  in  the  door  of  her  father's 
residence,  as  he  passed  by,  should  think  he  made  an  "  awkward 
and  ridiculous  appearance." 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  85 

While  thus  walking  the  streets,  he  was  attracted  by  a  large 
assemblage  of  persons,  "all  going  one  way,"  and  resolved  to 
follow.  He  soon  found  himself  in  the  first  Quaker  church  of 
the  city,  in  the  midst  of  a  large  congregation,  who  had  met  for 
public  worship. 

"  After  looking  around  awhile,  being  very  drowsy  "  he  "  fell  fast 
asleep,"  in  which  state  he  continued  through  the  service,  and 
would  doubtless  have  so  remained  during  the  day,  had  not  "  some 
one  been  kind  enough  to  rouse  him,  when  the  meeting  broke 
up." 

Such  was  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN'S  first  appearance  among  the 
citizens  of  Philadelphia,  whom  he  was  destined  to  surprise  by  his 
superior  wisdom.  He  was  not  long  in  finding  employment,  which, 
by  continued  industry,  he  made  agreeable  and  remunerative. 
While  engaged  in  the  wretched  printing  office  of  Keimer,  he 
attracted  the  consideration  of  Sir  William  Keith,  governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  who  was  anxious  to  establish  him  in  business  in 
Philadelphia,  and  gave  him  a  letter  for  presentation  to  his  father 
for  that  purpose,  promising  him,  at  the  same  time,  the  public 
printing.  With  this  letter  FRANKLIN  left  the  office  of  Keimer, 
and  returned  to  Boston,  where  he  gave  a  glowing  description  of 
Philadelphia,  and  astonished  his  old  companions  by  exhibiting 
among  them  his  "  watch,"  and  a  pocket  full  of  silver,  which  he 
says,  was  to  them  "a  kind  of  raree  show"  Basing  his  objections 
upon  his  youth,  his  father,  was  decidedly  opposed  to  his  embark 
ing  in  business  for  himself  at  Philadelphia,  notwithstanding  the 
promised  patronage  of  Governor  Keith,  and  wrote  that  gentleman 
accordingly.  He  returned  to  Philadelphia  and  gave  Keith  the 
letter  from  his  father,  who,  far  from  falling  into  his  prudential  way 
of  thinking,  with  every  protestation  of  esteem,  told  FRANKLIN,  he 
would  set  him  up  in  business  himself,  and  wait  until  the  profits 
of  his  trade  would  enable  him  to  cancel  the  obligation.  FRANKLIN 
supposing  him  actuated  by  correct  motives,  accepted  this  liberal 
proposition,  and  thought  he  was  "the  best  man  in  the  world." 
It  was  finally  agreed  between  the  governor  and  himself,  that  he 
should  go  to  Europe  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  printing 
materials  and  fixtures,  upon  the  next  vessel ;  there  being  at  that 
time  but  one  ship  a  year  plying  from  Philadelphia  to  London. 

FRANKLIN,  in  the  meantime,  by  close  application  to  business, 
had  established  a  bright  reputation  as  a  young  man  of  sober, 


86  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

industrious  habits,  and  withal,  about  the  best  workman  in  the 
city.  By  availing  himself  of  all  odd  moments  from  business,  and 
by  a  continuous  search  after  knowledge,  he  also  began  to  elicit  con 
sideration  among  literary  men.  His  associations  were  confined  to 
the  strictly  virtuous  and  moral,  and  mostly  with  those  possessing 
social  affinities,  and  taste  for  literature,  etc.  Literary  societies 
were  formed,  and  friendly  circles  among  the  young,  for  mutual 
benefit,  wherein  FRANKLIN  took  a  lively  interest,  and  was  looked 
upon  somewhat  in  the  light  of  a  leader. 

In  accordance  with  the  plan  of  Governor  Keith,  he  furnished  him 
an  inventory  of  articles  needed  to  begin  business,  and  their  cost, 
and  prepared  for  his  trip  to  Europe.  Keith  was  to  give  him 
letters  of  introduction  to  many  notables,  and  also  letters  of  credit, 
upon  which  money  was  to  be  drawn,  after  he  reached  London,  to 
buy  his  materials  with.  He  postponed  giving  these  letters,  how 
ever,  from  time  to  time,  until  the  vessel  was  ready  to  depart, 
when  he  sent  FKANKLIN  word  to  go  aboard,  and  he  would  bring 
them  in  person  to  the  ship  before  her  departure  from  Newcastle. 
He  accordingly  "  took  leave  of  his  friends,  and  exchanged  promises 
with  Miss  Read,"  who  it  seems  had  discovered  some  fine  qualities 
in  the  awkward  youth  with  the  rolls,  and  left  Philadelphia. 
Arriving  at  Newcastle,  he  learned  the  governor  was  there,  who 
excused  himself  from  an  interview  upon  a  plea  of  business,  but 
promised  to  send  him  the  letters  on  board.  The  infamous  designs 
of  this  precious  governor  will  soon  be  developed. 

Such  men  as  Governor  Keith  imposing  upon  susceptibility,  form 
one  of  the  greatest  barriers  to  the  progress  of  young  men  w.ho 
have  to  rely  exclusively  upon  their  own  energy  and  judgment 
for  success.  To  thus  deceive  a  youthful  struggler  with  pretended 
friendship,  at  the  risk  of  blighting  his  prospects,  is  the  very 
essence  of  meanness. 

The  voyage  to  Europe  was  not  a  very  agreeable  one ;  they  en 
countered  some  very  unpleasant  weather,  and  the  ship  furnished 
no  extra  accommodations.  FKANKLIN,  in  the  meantime,  had  re 
ceived  a  package  purporting  to  be  the  governor's  letters,  upon 
which  his  hopes  were  based. 

He  reached  London,  December  24th,  1724,  and  proceeded 
to  look  up  the  stationers  and  printers,  to  whom  he  imagined  the 
letters  were  introductory.  He  succeeded  in  finding  them,  and 
presented  the  letters ;  the  stationer  read  them,  and  remarked  to 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  37 

FRANKLIN  that  he  had  never  heard  of  such  a  rnan  as  Governor  Keith. 
His  other  letters  from  that  gentleman  amounted  to  about  the 
same  thing.  The  fact  is,  the  governor  had  neither  credit  nor 
friends  in  London,  and  the  whole  thing  was  a  base  deception. 

FRANKLIN,  now  separated  from  home  by  the  Ocean,  found  him 
self  in  the  metropolis  of  the  world  without  any  money  or  intro 
ductory  letters.  He  had,  however,  that  best  of  mediums  for 
young  men  without  means,  a  good  trade,  of  which  he  was 
complete  master,  and  plenty  of  industry  to  prosecute  it.  Thus, 
his  establishing  himself  in  business  on  his  own  account  in 
Philadelphia,  proved  an  air  bubble,  that  exploded  without  a  tinge 
of  probability.  He  soon  got  a  situation,  however,  as  journey 
man  printer  for  a  Mr.  Palmer,  in  which  he  continued  about  a 
year.  While  here,  he  committed  the  folly  of  publishing  a  tract, 
entitled,  "A  Dissertation  on  Liberty  and  Necessity, — Pleasure 
and  Pain," — rather  difficult  and  comprehensive  subjects.  His 
motive  in  publishing,  this  was  certainly  to  make  an  effort  in  the 
literary  line,  as  he  neither  expected  nor  realized  any  thing  from 
it.  It  proved,  however,  a  medium  to  form  acquaintance  with  men 
of  congenial  feelings,  which  was  doubtless  the  main  object  in 
view. 

He  soon  after  left  the  office  of  Palmer,  and  entered  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  Mr.  "Watts,  at  Lincolns'  Inn  Fields.  He  now  con- 
cieved  the  idea  of  laying  up  some  money,  and  adopted  a  system 
of  frugality ;  to  which  he  adhered,  though  without  parsimonious- 
ness;  through  life.  He  also  stuck  closely  to  his  habits  of  sobriety 
and  industry,  losing  no  time,  and  drinking  nothing  but  cold  water. 
This  strict  adherence  to  temperance,  acquired  for  him,  among 
the  other  workmen,  who  were  in  the  habit  of  taking  their  daily 
potions,  the  name  of  "  Water  American."  After  remaining  in 
London  near  a  year  and  a  half,  he  was  persuaded  by  a  Mr.  Den- 
ham,  a  merchant  of  Philadelphia,  to  return  to  that  city  and 
assume  the  position  of  clerk  for  him  in  a  dry-goods  store. 
Accordingly,  on  the  23d  of  July,  1726,  he  sailed  for  Phila 
delphia,  where  he  arrived  the  llth  of  October.  Denham  opened 
an  extensive  stock  of  goods,  in  a  business  part  of  the  city,  while 
FRANKLIN  commenced  duty  as  his  clerk,  with  which  he  was  well 
pleased,  until  the  death  of  his  principal,  which  occurred  the  ensu 
ing  February,  threw  him  out  of  employment.  He  again  had 
recourse  to  his  trade,  however,  and  re-entered  the  office  of  hia  old 


88  BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN. 

employer,  Keimer,  as  general  superintendent  or  foreman.  A 
young  man  named  Hugh  Merideth  was  in  the  office  at  the  same 
time.  But  a  short  time  elapsed,  however,  before  Keimer's  irri 
tability  became  intolerable,  and  using  some  harsh  language 
toward  FRANKLIN,  he  took  his  hat  and  left  the  office,  requesting 
Merideth  to  call  at  his  room  in  the  evening;  Merideth  complied, 
and  the  project  of  going  into  co-partnership  in  the  printing  busi 
ness  was  discussed  between  them.  It  was  finally  agreed  that 
they  should  estaolish  a  printing  firm  in  the  spring,  and  Meridetlrs 
father,  who  approved  of  the  plan,  made  arrangements  to  procure 
the  materials  from  London.  Keimer  having  a  job  to  perform  soon 
after,  that  required  more  skill  than  he  had  in  his  office,  sent  for 
FRANKLIN,  rather  apologizing  for  his  conduct,  to  execute  the 
work.  In  compliance  with  the  request  of  Merideth  he  returned, 
and  in  the  prosecution  of  the  work,  which  was  the  printing  of  some 
bank  notes,  he  prepared  a  kind  of  copper-plate  press,  which,  he 
says,  was  the  first  ever  seen  in  America. 

Shortly  after  their  printing  materials  reached  the  city,  when 
FRANKLIN  and  Merideth  settled  with  Keimer,  and  commenced 
business  for  themselves  near  Market  Street.  To  give  some 
idea  of  the  city  and  of  its  inhabitants,  as  well  as  some  peculi 
arities  of  our  subject  at  the  time  he  commenced  business,  we 
subjoin  an  extract  from  his  autobiograpy : 

"There  are  croakers  in  every  country,  always  boding  its  ruin. 
Such  a  one  there  lived  in  Philadelphia;  a  person  of  note,  an 
elderly  man  with  a  wise  look,  and  a  very  grave  manner  of  speak 
ing  ;  his  name  was  Samuel  Mickle.  This  gentleman,  a  stranger 
to  uie,  stopped  me  one  day  at  my  door  and  asked  me  if  I  was  the 
young  man  who  had  lately  opened  a  new  printing  house.  Being 
answered  in  the  affirmative,  he  said  he  was  sorry  for  me,  because 
it  was  an  expensive  undertaking,  and  the  expense  would  be 
lost;  for  Philadelphia  was  a  sinking  place,  the  people  already 
half  bankrupts,  or  near  being  so."  *  *  *  f  *  * 
"Then  he  gave  me  such  a  detail  of  misfortunes,  now  existing,  or 
that  soon  were  to  exist,,  that  he  left  me  half  melancholy.  Had  I 
known  him  before  I  engaged  in  this  business,  probably  I  never 
should  have  done  it." 

About  this  time  he  started  a  literary  society,  composed  of  the 
best  read  young  men  of  the  city,  called  the  Junto,  of  which  he 
was  the  soul  for  a  long  while.  This  was,  for  a  time,  the  best 


BENJAMIN    FEANKLIN.  89 

association  in  the  country,  and  afforded  FRANKLIN  a  fine  oppor 
tunity  of  cultivating  his  taste  for  literature.  He  devoted  himself 
to  business  with  great  energy,  often  working  at  his  type,  until 
twelve  o'clock  at  night,  and  began  to  thrive  tolerably  well,  for  a 
young  beginner. 

He  now  conceived  the  idea  of  starting  a  newspaper  in  Phila 
delphia,  there  being  none  of  importance  published  in  the  city. 
Accordingly,  on  the  25th  of  September,  1729,  the  Pennsylvania 
Gazette  was  issued,  in  the  name  of  FRANKLIN  and  Merideth. 
FRANKLIN  assumed  the  editorial  department  of  the  paper,  and 
soon  brought  it  into  considerable  repute  by  his  bold,  vigorous  way 
of  handling  the  different  issues  of  the  day.  His  subscription  list 
increased  with  wonderful  rapidity,  and  he  soon  established  a 
permanent  reputation,  and  was  elected  public  printer  by  the 
Assembly. 

While  editor,  he  is  said  to  have  used  some  persons  of  note  in 
the  city  rather  roughly,  while  speaking  of  their  public  acts,  which 
met  the  condemnation  of  some  of  his  subscribers,  who  informed 
him  of  the  fact.  FRANKLIN  sent  an  invitation  to  all  his  patrons 
who  were  displeased  with  his  editorial,  to  come  and  take  supper 
with  him;  which  was  promptly  accepted.  His  guests  came  at  the 
hour,  and  were  very  kindly  received.  They  were  at  length  seated 
to  supper,  which  consisted  of  coarse  corn  meal,  "or  sawdust" 
puddings,  as  they  were  called,  and  some  pitchers  of  water.  FRANK 
LIN  began  eating,  and  asked  his  guests  to  eat  also,  which  they 
endeavored  to  do,  but  their  stomachs  rebelled  against  the  fare, 
while  vainly  trying  to  partake  of  the  meal.  FRANKLIN  soon  arose, 
in  an  independent  manner,  and  exclaimed:  "My  friends,  an 
editor  wlio  can  subsist  on  sawdust  and  water,  as  I  can,  needs 
no  man's  patronage" 

Soon  after  the  establishment  of  his  paper,  the  co-partnership 
existing  between  him  and  Merideth  was  dissolved,  he  becoming 
sole  proprietor.  One  of  the  first  measures  of  importance  that  pre 
sented  a  theme  for  newspaper  discussion,  was  the  "necessity  of  a 
paper  currency."  Fifteen  thousand  pounds  was 'the  entire  circu 
lation  in  the  state  of  Pennsylvania.  FRANKLIN  took  sides  in 
favor  of  it,  which,  while  it  gave  him  popularity  with  the  people, 
elicited  opposition  from  capitalists.  The  measure  was  finally  adopt 
ed  by  a  decisive  majority  of  the  Assembly,  and  he  was  warmly 
commended  for  the  active  part  taken.  In  addition  to  his  printing 


90  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

office,  he  opened  a  book  or  stationery  store,  on  a  small  scale, 
which  he  made  remunerative,  applying  himself  to  business  with 
untiring  energy. 

Miss  Read,  with  whom  he  "exchanged  promises"  on  his 
departure  for  London,  was  married  during  his  absence,  but  not 
living  agreeably,  her  husband  being  a  worthless  individual, 
they  separated  shortly  afterward.  FRANKLIN  now  renewed  his 
visits  to  her  house,  repeated  his  addresses  and  was  accepted. 
They  were  married  on  the  1st  of  September,  1730,  and  lived  a  life 
of  uninterrupted  conjugal  felicity.  u  She  proved,"  says  FRANKLIN, 
ua  good  and  faithful  helpmate,  assisted  me  much  by  attending 
to  the  shop;  we  throve  together,  and  ever  mutually  endeavored  to 
make  each  other  happy." 

FRANKLIN  fully  understood  the  importance  of  reading,  and 
manifested,  during  his  life,  a  deep  solicitude  for  the  moral  and 
intellectual  enlightenment  of  the  people.  A  general  diffusion  of 
knowledge  among  the  masses,  so  as  to  make  its  mediums 
available  to  all,  especially  the  American  youth,  he  looked  upon 
as  a  matter  of  paramount  importance,  and  contributed  greatly  to 
its  consummation. 

Soon  after  his  embarkation  in  business,  he  took  steps  for 
the  establishment  of  the  Philadelphia  Library,  that  has  since 
become  one  of  the  finest  in  the  United  States.  He  drew  up  a 
subscription,  to  be  signed  by  those  favorable  to  the  project,  each 
subscriber  annexing  to  his  name  a  certain  amount  to  be  paid  down, 
and  a  small  annual  fee  for  the  maintenance  of  the  institution.  In 
this  way,  with  an  advance  cash  capital  of  one  .hundred  pounds, 
and  a  yearly  subscription  of  twenty-five  pounds,  through  the 
agency  of  FRANKLIN,  the  Philadelphia  Library  was  founded,  and  its 
doors  thrown  open  one  day  during  each  week.  It  was  the  pre 
cursor  of  much  good  ;  a  taste  for  reading  was  infused  among  the 
citizens,  which  was  attended  with  beneficient  results.  Its  utility  at 
length  became  so  manifest,  that  it  was  the  recipient  of  public  and 
private  patronage,  and  some  considerable  donations.  It  has 
since  continued  to  increase,  having  a  more  enlarged  sphere  of  doing 
good,  until  it  can  boast  of  a  collection  unsurpassed,  perhaps,  in 
the  Union. 

FRANKLIN  now  began  to  prosper  in  business,  and  attain  easier 
circumstances  in  life.  So  great  indeed  had  been  the  change,  that 
his  wife  thinking  u  her  husband  deserved  a  silver  spoon,  and 


BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN.  91 

China  bowl  as  well  as  any  of  his  neighbors,"  contrary  to  his 
hitherto  frugal  sentiments  purchased  those  articles  at  the  "  enor 
mous  cost  of  twenty  three  shillings,"  and  surprised  him  by  plac 
ing  them  before  him  at  the  breakfast  table. 

FRANKLIN,  notwithstanding  his  frugality,  was  liberal  and  high 
souled,  though  not  without  a  species  of  inherent  aristocracy.  He 
wished  to  accumulate  wealth,  and  attain  position,  which,  especi 
ally  in  our  day,  cover  a  greater  multitude  of  sins  than  charity,  in  the 
world's  estimation.  His  economical  way  of  living,  with  patient 
industry,  he  knew  was  essential  to  success.  Thus,  he  eventually 
reached  celebrity  and  accumulated  means,  so  that  his  wife's  silver 
spoon  was  the  pioneer  to  several  hundred  pounds  of  rich  silver 
plate  that  found  its  way  to  his  table.  His  frugality  was  the 
result  of  a  just  appreciation  of  its  importance,  as  shown  from  the 
following  regulations  of  his  life  at  that  time : 

u  It  is  necessary  for  me  to  be  extremely  frugal  for  some  time, 
till  I  have  paid  what  I  owe." 

u  To  endeavor  to  speak  the  truth  in  every  instance;  to  give  no 
body  expectations  not  likely  to  be  answered,  but  aim  at  sincerity 
in  every  word  and  action, — the  most  amiable  excellence  in  a 
rational  being." 

"  To  apply  myself  industriously  to  whatever  business  I  take  in 
hand,  and  not  divert  my  mind  from  it  by  any  foolish  project  of 
growing  suddenly  rich  ;  for  industry  and  patience  are  the  surest 
means  of  plenty.  I  resolve  to  speak  ill  of  no  man  whatever,  not 
even  in  a  matter  of  truth ;  but  rather  by  some  means  excuse  the 
faults  I  hear  charged  upon  others,  and  upon  proper  occasions, 
speak  all  the  good  I  know  of  everybody." 

Young  man !  the  above  are  sands  of  gold, — treasure  them. 

As  regards  FRANKLIN'S  moral  sentiments,  they  were  most 
unexceptionable.  There  is  a  certain  standard  fixed  by  public 
opinion,  to  which  all  men's  morals  must  be  subjected.  But, 
occasionally,  we  meet  with  characters,  a  subjection  of  which  to 
any  fixed  criterion  or  rule  is  essentially  difficult.  There  are  those 
whose  actions,  like  rays  from  a  great  moral  luminary,  shine  far 
beyond  the  radius  of  rule  and  ordinance.  The  noble  philanthro 
pist,  who  acts  from  principle,  and  scatters  abundance  among  the 
needy,  is  often  unappreciated  by  those  who  do  less,  in  conformity 
to  discipline.  Some  men  endeavor  to  do  right  through  fear  of 
being  punished  for  doing  wrong;  others,  through  expectations  of 


92  BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN. 

reward  for  so  doing.  Some  think  doing  right  consists  merely 
in  not  doing  wrong,  and  live  perfect  negatives  and  "  barren  fig 
trees"  in  God's  vineyard, — no  benefit  to  themselves  or  to  their 
country.  Others  again,  conform  strictly  to  specific  regulations,  to 
which  are  affixed  rewards  and  penalties,  for  the  purpose  of  meet 
ing  the  one  and  avoiding  the  other ;  while  a  third  class,  actuated 
by  no  premium  held  out  to  virtue,  impelled  by  no  threatened  lash 
of  punishment,  lator  to  do  good  from  an  elevated  inherent  moral 
principle.  They  do  not  stop  to  inquire,  "if  we  do  not  do  this, 
what  punishment  we  shall  suffer,"  or  if  we  do  that,  what  benefits 
receive;  but,  obeying  the  dictates  of  a  principle  broad  enough 
to  make  them  benefactors  of  the  human  race,  they  make  oppor 
tunities  to  do  good  on  all  occasions.  To  this  class  belongs  BENJA 
MIN  FRANKLIN.  From  an  inherent  love  of  virtue  he  endeavored 
to  reach  moral  perfection,  and  exemplified  it  by  his  own  acts. 
Impelled  by  this  high  moral  principle,  he  adopted  the  following 
coJe  of  morals,  and  methods  of  conforming  to  it: 

"  1.  Temperance. — Eat  not  to  dullness,  drink  not  to  elevation." 

"  2.  Silence. — Speak  not  but  what  may  benefit  others  or  yourself; 
avoid  trifling  conversation." 

"  3.   Order. — Let  all  your  things  have  their  places ;  let  each 
part  of  your  business  have  its  time." 

"-L  Resolution. — Eesolve  to  perform  what  you  ought,— perform, 
without  fail,  what  you  resolve." 

"  5.  Frugality. — Make  no  expense,  but  to  do  good  to  others  or 
yourself;  that  is,  waste  nothing." 

"6.  Industry. — Lose  no  time;  be  always  employed  in  some 
thing  useful;  cut  off  all  unnecessary  actions." 

U7.  Sincerity. — Use  no  hurtful  deceit;  think  innocently  and 
justly;  and,  if  you  speak,  speak  accordingly." 

"  8.  Justice. — Wrong  none  by  doing  injuries,  or  omitting  the 
benefits  that  are  your  duty." 

"9.  Moderation. — Avoid  extremes ;  forbear  resenting  injuries 
so  much  as  you  think  they  deserve." 

"  10.  Cleanliness. — Tolerate  no  uncleanliness  in  body,  clothes, 
or  habitation." 

"11.  Tranquillity. — Be  not  disturbed  at  trifles,  or  at  accidents 
common  or  unavoidable. 
"12.   Chastity." 
"13.  Humility.— Imitate  Jesus,  and  Socrates." 


BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN. 


93 


The  above  partakes,  to  some  extent,  of  the  peculiarities  of  their 
author;  it  is  perceived,  he  places  the  Athenian  philosopher, 
Socrates,  next  the  Saviour ;  yet,  for  a  purer  or  better  code  of 
morals,  we  are  forced  to  the  Decalogue. 

For  the  purpose  of  a  closer  and  more  constant  adherence  to 
these  principles,  he  prepared  a  form  with  seven  upright  lines, 
representing  each  day  of  the  week,  intersected  with  thirteen  hori 
zontal  lines,  for  the  virtues  just  enumerated,  thus : 


Temperance. 

Silence. 

Order. 

Resolution. 

Frugality. 

Industry. 

Sincerity. 

Justice. 

Moderation. 

Cleanliness. 

Tranquillity. 

Chastity. 

Humility. 


SUN. 

MON. 

Tu's. 

WED. 

THUR. 

FBI. 

SAT. 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

ft 

* 

* 

* 

When  he  violated  either  of  these  virtues,  such  violation  was 
marked  by  a  star,  in  its  appropriate  column,  under  the  day  of  the 
week,  and  opposite  the  virtue,  as  indicated  above.  Such  was  his 
extreme  anxiety  to  live  in  accordance  with  the  golden  rule,  that 
he  was  ever  watchful  of  his  duty,  and  studiously  careful  in  its 
faithful  performance.  As  an  independent  embodiment  of  moral 
purity,  FRANKLIN  had  no  equals.  For  the  motto  of  his  book  he 
adopted  the  following  lines  from  Addison : 

"  Here  will  I  hold.    If  there's  a  power  above  us, 
(And  that  there  is,  all  nature  cries  aloud, 
Through  all  her  work),  HE  must  delight  in  virtue ; 
And  that  which  HE  delights  in  must  be  happy." 

"  And  conceiving,"  he  says,  "  God  to  be  the  fountain  of  wisdom, 
I  thought  it  necessary  to  solicit  his  assistance  and  added  the 
following  prayer,  for  daily  use:" 

u  Oh  powerful  Goodness !  bountiful  Father !  merciful  Guide ! 
increase  in  me  that  wisdom  which  discovers  my  truest  interests. 
Strengthen  my  resolution  to  perform  what  that  wisdom  dictates. 
Accept  my  kind  offices  to  thy  other  children,  as  the  only  return 
in  my  power,  for  thy  continual  favors  to  me." 


94  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

Additional  evidence  of  his  morality  is  furnished  by  the  time 
table  or  u  scheme,"  adopted  to  assist  him  in  keeping  his  u  order 
columns"  free  from  marks,  and  in  his  arrangement  of  the  hours 
of  the  day,  assigning  to  each  its  proper  employment.  Commenc 
ing  at  five  in  the  morning  his  first  duty  was  to  "rise,  wash,  and 
address  powerful  Goodness ;"  then,  after  a  careful  inquiry  as  to 
"  What  good  can  I  do  this  day,"  its  labors  were  begun  with  exact 
system,  and  closed  in  the  evening  with  a  review  of  its  transactions, 
and  the  question :  "  What  good  have  I  done  to-day  ?"  His  per 
sonal  application  of  these  virtues,  he  saw,  was  so  beneficial  to 
himself,  that  he  soon  conceived  the  idea  of  forming  a  "  United 
Party  for  Virtue,"  extending  it  over  his  own  and  other  countries, 
to  consist  of  those  who  were  inclined  to  moral  progress,  and  be 
controlled  by  judicious  regulations.  This,  however,  he  never 
attempted  to  put  into  execution.  Among  his  written  observa 
tions  about  this  time,  are  found  the  following: 

"  That  there  is  one  God,  who  made  all  things. 

"  That  he  governs  the  world  by  his  providence. 

"That  he  ought  to  be  worshiped  by  adoration,  prayer,  and 
thanksgiving. 

"  But  that  the  most  acceptable  reverence  to  God,  is  doing  good 
to  man. 

"  That  the  soul  is  immortal, 

"  And  that  God  will  certainly  reward  virtue,  and  punish  vice." 

In  1732,  he  commenced  the  publication  of  "Poor  Kichard's 
Almanac,"  and  met  with  the  greatest  success. 

Few  periodicals  of  any  sort  have  attained  a  reputation  com 
mensurate  with  "  Poor  Eichard's  Almanac."  In  its  table  of  con 
tents,  as  published  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  upon  its  first 
issue,  are  seen  "  Many  Pleasant  and  Witty  Verses,"  "  Jests  and 
Sayings,"  Moon  no  Cuckold,"  Bachelor's  Folly,"  "Parson's  Wine 
and  Baker's  Pudding,"  "Breakfast  in  Bed,"  "Oyster  Lawsuit,  etc." 
From  Poor  Kichard,  a  valuable  little  work,  under  the  title  of 
"  Way  to  Wealth,"  has  since  been  compiled. 

FRANKLIN,  when  near  thirty  years  of  age,  applied  himself  to  the 
study  of  languages,  and  made  sufficient  progress  in  French, 
Spanish,  and  Italian,  to  be  enabled  to  read  each  with  some  facility. 
Of  the  Latin,  he  already  had  a  partial  knowledge,  but  he  now 
devoted  himself  to  it  again  with  profit.  He  shortly  after  visited 
Boston,  for  the  first  time  during  ten  years,  and  had  an  interview 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  95 

with  his  brother,  who,  laying  all  old  difficulties  aside,  gave  him  a 
cordial  greeting.  On  his  return  home  he  was  selected  clerk  of  the 
Assembly,  and  was  soon  after  appointed  postmaster  of  Phila 
delphia.  In  every  capacity  he  proved  faithful,  and  was  regarded 
one  of  the  most  useful  citizens  of  the  place.  Indeed,  he  sought  for 
opportunities  to  render  himself  of  service  to  the  community. 
Through  his  agency,  improvements  were  made  in  the  city  patrol, 
and  the  "  Union  Fire  Company,"  the  first  in  Philadelphia,  was 
organized. 

About  this  time  the  celebrated  Whitefield  came  to  Phila 
delphia,  and  having  occasion  to  get  FRANKLIN  to  do  considerable 
printing  for  him,  it  was  the  medium  of  an  intimacy  and  attach 
ment  between  them.  FKANKLIN  relates  of  himself,  that  being  in 
attendance  while  he  was  preaching  one  day,  and  having  cause  to 
suspect  a  collection  for  some  object  of  which  he  did  not  approve, 
he  determined  not  to  give  a  cent.  He  had  in  his  pocket  some 
coppers,  a  few  dollars  in  silver  and  some  coins  of  gold.  After 
Whitefield  began  his  sermon,  such  was  his  influence  upon  him, 
that  FKANKLIN  concluded  he  would  give  him  his  coppers ; — as  he 
proceeded  with  his  remarks,  he  was  farther  worked  upon,  and 
thought  he  would  give  the  silver  also ;  the  preacher  finally  closed 
his  sermon  so  admirably,  that  when  the  collector  came  around,  he 
"  emptied  his  pockets  "  to  him,  silver,  gold  and  all. 

FRANKLIN'S  success  in  the  printing  business  induced  him  to 
establish  copartnerships  or  branch  offices  in  the  different  colonies, 
each  of  which  terminated  happily.  In  this  way  he  did  much  good, 
by  establishing  worthy  young  men  in  profitable  business,  all  of 
whom  eventually  bought  his  interest  and  continued  for  them 
selves.  About  this  time  FRANKLIN  organized  a  Philosophical 
Society,  for  the  encouragement  of  science  and  literature,  that  was 
attended  with  good  results.  His  next  efforts  were  directed  to 
defensive  preparations  of  the  province,  for  contingencies  likely  to 
grow  out  of  the  war,  in  which  Spain,  France  and  Great  Britain 
were  engaged.  There  were  no  state  militia  laws,  or  other  means 
of  defense  in  the  province ;  this  state  of  things  elicited  his  tract 
entitled  u  Plain  Truth,"  which  so  aroused  the  people,  that  they 
assembled  in  a  body, — formed  themselves  into  companies, — 
furnished  their  own  arms,  and  made  provisions  for  being  prop 
erly  drilled  and  taught  the  art  of  war.  He  also  invented  an 
improvement  in  stoves,  which  came  much  into  use,  and  was 
7 


9(5  BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN. 

eventually  patented,  and  made  the  patentee  quite  a  handsome 
fortune,  FRANKLIN  himself  disapproving  of  patents. 

In  1749,  he  commenced  efforts  for  the  establishment  of  the 
University  of  Philadelphia,  for  the  education  of  youth,  which 
were  attended  with  so  much  success  that,  before  the  expiration  of 
the  year,  it  was  open  for  the  reception  of  pupils,  and  soon  became 
the  most  popular  institution  in  the  country.  FRANKLIN  continued 
one  of  its  trustees,  during  a  period  of  forty  years,  and  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  many  young  men  reach  distinction  who  had 
been  recipients  of  its  advantages. 

FRANKLIN  having  accumulated  a  very  handsome  property,  and 
being  relieved  from  incessant  labor,  resolved  to  devote  himself  to 
philosophical  pursuits,  and  began  his  experiments  in  electricity. 
He  was  interrupted,  however,  in  his  quietude,  by  calls  from  the 
country  to  public  capacities.  He  was  appointed  justice  of  the 
peace,  city  alderman,  and  chosen  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  all 
about  the  same  time.  Of  the  office  of  justice  of  the  peace,  he 
says  :  "  I  tried  it  a  little,  attending  a  few  courts,  and  sitting  on  the 
bench  to  hear  causes ;  but  finding  that  more  knowledge  of  the 
common  law  than  I  possessed,  was  necessary  to  act  with  credit 
in  that  station,  I  gradually  withdrew  from  it,  excusing  myself  by 
being  obliged  to  attend  to  the  higher  duties  of  a  legislator  in  the 
Assembly."  He  continued  for  ten  years  a  member  of  the 
Assembly,  and  was  one  of  the  most  practical  common-sense  men 
in  that  body.  His  selection  to  these  posts,  though  he  confesses  to 
a  gratification  of  ambition,  was  wholly  unsolicited  on  his  part. 
He -was  also,  in  conjunction,  with  a  Mr.  Norris,  selected  to  negoti 
ate  a  treaty  with  the  Indians,  which  was  satisfactorily  concluded 
without  difficulty.  His  next  exertions  were  directed  to  the  found 
ing  of  the  Philadelphia  Hospital.  For  the  furtherance  of  this 
commendable  enterprise,  he  wrote  in  its  behalf  for  the  papers,  and 
instituted  subscriptions  to  raise  the  necessary  funds.  Being  a 
member  of  the  Assembly,  he  introduced  a  bill,  and  by  his  labor 
and  influence,  procured  its  passage  through  that  body,  making  an 
appropriation  for  its  benefit.  Money  was  at  length  obtained,  and 
the  Pennsylvania  Hospital  building  erected  upon  an  eligible  site; 
the  institution  flourished  with  the  greatest  success.  He  also  suc 
cessfully  proposed  plans  for  lighting  the  city  and  paving  the 
streets  of  Philadelphia.  The  practical  powers  of  his  mind  were 
always  seeking  to  be  of  service  to  his  fellow-men.  One  day  he  was 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  97 

experimenting  upon  methods  of  converting  the  lightning  into 
purposes  of  usefulness,  the  next,  making  improvements  in  stoves; 
sometimes  founding  hospitals  and  universities;  at  others,  turning 
his  attention  to  the  best  method  of  cleansing  the  streets  of  dust ; 
to-day,  philosophizing  with  Socrates  and  adopting  a  code  of  morals, 
to-morrow  satirizing  under  the  caption  of  an  "  Oyster  Lawsuit ;" 
founding  a  city  library  on  one  day,  the  next  he  joins  the  Union 
Fire  Company ;  earnestly  engaged  in  the  establishment  of  a 
philosophical  society,  soon  after  his  success  in  which,  he  turns 
his  thoughts  .to  an  improvement  in  lamps.  He  desired  to  be  use 
ful  to  his  country  in  any  and  all  spheres,  and  by  his  industry  and 
practical  common-sense  powers,  few  have  ever  been  more  so. 
Since  his  entrance  into  Philadelphia  an  awkward,  penniless  lad, 
he  had  traveled  through  Europe,  organized  a  Literary  Society, 
established  a  City  Library,  founded  a  Hospital,  instituted  a 
Philosophical  Society,  started  a  Fire  Company,  effected  a  Treaty 
with  the  Indians,  made  arrangements  for  paving  the  city,  and 
made  such  discoveries  in  Electricity,  that  he  was  honored  with  the 
degree  of  Master  of  Arts,  from  both  Harvard  and  Yale  Colleges. 
He  had  conducted  an  able  paper,  raised  a  family,  and  accumulated 
a  handsome  fortune  in  the  meantime.  Such  are  the  triumphs  of 
industry. 

In  1754,  about  the  time  hostilities  of  the  French  and  Indian 
war  were  beginning  to  be  manifest,  FRANKLIN  was  sent  as  dele 
gate  to  the  Albany  Convention,  which  met  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  means  of  defense.  He  there  presented  a  plan  of 
union  and  consolidation  among  all  the  colonies,  which,  after  slight 
modification,  was  adopted  by  that  body.  His  plan  provided  a 
governor,  or  president,  appointed  by  England,  for  all  the  colonies,- 
and  a  kind  of  Congress  composed  of  delegates  from  each  colony, 
by  its  Assembly.  The  plan,  however,  was  not  adopted, — the 
Assemblies  affirming  it  contained  too  much  prerogative,  and  Eng 
land,  that  it  was  too  democratic. 

During  the  administration  of  Governor  Morris,  contentions 
between  the  Assembly  and  the  executive  ran  high ;  FRANKLIN  was 
always  selected  as  the  member  to  reply  to  the  governor's  abusive 
messages,  which  he  did  with  decided  ability,  and  a  degree  of  tart 
ness,  that  made  him  grow  weary  of  the  contest.  FRANKLIN  still 
felt  attachment  for  the  land  of  his  nativity,  and  often  thought  of 
Boston.  When  Mr.  Quincy  came  from  that  city  to  Philadelphia, 
7 


98  BENJAMIN     FEANKLIN. 

to  procure  aid  for  Massachusetts  to  prosecute  the  war  against  the 
French,  through  FRANKLIN'S  influence,  he  obtained  funds  to  the 
amount  of  ten  thousand  pounds.  This  act  produced  between  the 
two  the  warmest  attachment,  that  continued  through  life. 

After  the  arrival  of  General  Braddock  in  America,  the  prose 
cution  of  French  and  Indian  hostilities  assumed  a  new  aspect, 
and  all  thought  would  be  speedily  terminated.  Braddock 
assembled  his  army  at  Will's  Creek,  where  he  was  promised 
horses  and  wagons  to  convey  his  provisions  into  the  interior.  In 
this,  however,  he  was  disappointed :  he  gave  vent  to  the  severest 
invectives  against  those  who  had  failed  to  perform  their  agree 
ments.  The  difficulty  was  finally  obviated  by  FRANKLIN,  who 
had,  in  the  meantime,  been  appointed  Postmaster-General.  He 
visited  the  general's  camp,  and  agreed,  upon  certain  stipulations, 
to  furnish  horses  and  wagons  sufficient  for  the  expedition.  To 
the  fulfillment  of  this  agreement,  he  devoted  himself  with  energy. 
At  length,  by  advertising,  and  arousing  the  people  to  the  neces 
sity  of  the  movement,  after  giving  Ms  own  bond  for  their  services, 
a  hundred  and  fifty  wagons,  and  as  many  horses  as  were  needed, 
were  procured  and  delivered  at  Will's  Creek.  General  Braddock 
was  lavish  of  encomiums  bestowed  on  him  for  this  service,  and 
spoke  of  it  in  his  dispatches  to  England,  as  the  greatest  or  only 
real  exhibition  of  patriotism  witnessed  during  his  campaign. 
FRANKLIN,  after  the  disastrous  termination  of  this  expedition, 
undertook  the  establishment  of  an  organization  to  promote  the 
interests  of  the  German  population  of  Philadelphia, — their  moral 
and  intellectual  elevation. 

After  the  defeat  of  General  Braddock,  an  act,  in  the  passage 
of  which  FRANKLIN  had  been  mainly  instrumental,  was  adopted 
by  the  Assembly,  appropriating  men  and  means  for  the  general 
defense.  He  was  selected,  in  conjunction  with  others,  to  see  the 
funds  judiciously  invested,  and  was  afterward  appointed  by  the 
governor  to  take  charge  of  the  north-western  frontier,  and  erect 
fortifications.  In  military  operations  he  was  entirely  out  of  his 
sphere, — could  not  have  been  placed  more  so.  With  his  usual 
industry,  however,  he  assumed  the  command  of  five  hundred 
men,  marched  to  the  post  of  duty,  and  began  building  a  chain 
of  forts.  Having  completed  these  arrangements,  he  was  re-called 
by  the  Assembly  of  which  he  was  still  a  member.  He  gave  the 
command  into  other  hands  without  reluctance,  and  returned  to 


BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN.  99 

Philadelphia.  Here  he  was  made  colonel  of  a  regiment,  and 
became,  strangely  as  it  may  sound,  for  awhile,  Colonel  FRANKLIN. 
It  was  an  honor,  however,  of  which  he  was  not  very  vain,  if  we 
may  judge  from  the  mortification  he  expresses  to  have  felt,  when 
his  regiment  would  parade  the  streets  and  fire  salutes  at  his  door, 
or  when  his  officers  would  assemble,  upon  his  leaving  home,  and 
escort  him  out  of  town.  Soon  after  this  he  was  offered  a  general's 
commission,  by  Governor  Morris,  who  insisted  upon  his  under 
taking  an  expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne.  FRANKLIN,  knowing 
his  military  inability,  positively  refused. 

In  1746,  he  applied  himself  more  closely  to  his  philosophical 
studies,  and  especially  to  the  subject  of  electricity,  which  at  that 
time  elicited  considerable  attention,  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  He 
received  from  London  some  glass  tubes,  by  the  aid  of  which  some 
imperfect  experiments  could  be  made ;  of  these  he  had  patterns 
taken,  and  others  blown,  similar  in  construction.  He  immediately 
began  his  investigations,  and  wrote  their  result  to  Europe.  In 
one  of  his  letters  to  Europe,  he,  at  length,  indicated  his  belief  in 
the  similarity  of  lightning  with  electricity.  It  was  read  before 
the  Royal  Society,  where  the  idea  was  derided,  and  FRANKLIN 
laughed  at,  for  advancing-  it.  His  writings,  however,  were 
published,  and  created  quite  a  sensation.  Buffon,  the  eminent 
French  philosopher,  was  so  struck  with  them,  that  he  procured 
their  translation,  and  Nollet,  another  French  celebrity,  wrote  a 
lengthy  reply,  denouncing  his  theories  entirely  ;  but  not  long  after, 
FRANKLIN  demonstrated  the  truth  of  his  experiments,  when  with 
his  kite,  during  a  thunder  storm,  near  Philadelphia,  he  suc 
ceeded  in  transferring  the  lightning  from  the  cloud  to  a  bottle,  and 
making  it  subservient  to  his  will.  The  results  were  entirely  satis 
factory  :  they  were  published,  and  the  fame  of  FRANKLIN  flew, 
bright  and  vivid,  over  Europe  and  America. 

The  "Philadelphia  experiments,"  as  they  had  been  called, 
were  elsewhere  repeated,  and  similar  results  obtained  The  idea 
of  drawing  lightning  from  the  clouds,  was  a  novel  one.  The 
world  was  electrified,  and  the  name  of  FRANKLIN  became  co-exten 
sive  with  its  limits.  He  was  soon  after  elected  a  member  of  the 
London  Royal  Society,  and  presented  with  a  gold  medal.  Morris 
was  superseded,  in  the  governorship  of  the  province,  by  a  Mr. 
Denny,  but,  instead  of  a  cessation  of  the  vexatious  differences 
between  the  Assembly  and  the  executive,  they  continued  with 


100  BENJAMIN     FKANKLIN. 

extreme  rancor.     As  agent  for  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  FKANK 
LIN  was  at  length  commissioned  with  instructions  to  the  king  of 
England,  where  he  arrived  the  27th  of  July,  1757,  after  rather  a 
disagreeable  voyage. 

The  object  of  this  trip  to  Europe,  was  to  settle  the  incessant 
wrangle,  in  the  presence  of  William  Penn,  between  Governor  and 
Assembly,  proprietors  and  people,  which  had  been  kept  up  for  years. 
That  a  colony,  settled  by  the  peaceful  Penn,  and  occupied  by  the 
Quakers,  should  have  been  the  most  quarrelsome  in  America, 
seems  most  strange;  yet  such  was  the  case.  These  quarrels 
originated  in  this  way ;  there  were  in  the  province  large  land 
holders,  some  owning  immense  tracts,  these  were  called  Propri 
etaries.  The  lands  held  by  them  amounted,  in  the  aggregate,  to 
almost  as  much  as  held  by  the  people.  The  governors,  each, 
went  into  office  by  appointment  from  the  crown,  and  were  instruc 
ted  to  hold  proprietary  lands  exempt  from  taxation.  In  time  of 
peace,  this  created  little  dissatisfaction  ;  but  when  war  broke  out, 
and  its  expenses  had  to  be  met  by  the  imposition  of  land  taxes, 
these  lands,  being  exempt,  threw  the  whole  burden  upon  the 
people. 

The  Assembly  passed  acts  levying  a  tax  equally  upon  all  the 
lands,  but  the  governors,  under  their  instructions,  would  as  often 
annul  them.  Thus  the  governor  and  Assembly  were  always  at 
variance,  and  FKANKLIN,  whose  pure  democracy  was  true,  as  his 
mind  was  great,  became  the  champion  of  the  Assembly  and 
people. 

Other  good  results  attended  FRANKLIN'S  mission  to  Europe. 
His  philosophical  pursuits,  especially  his  electric  discoveries, 
made  him  as  great  a  favorite  with  the  learned  and  ingenious,  as 
his  tact,  as  a  statesman,  did  with  the  diplomatists  then  thronging 
the  capitals  of  Europe.  When  not  engaged  in  the  perplexing 
duties  of  his  immediate  mission,  it  was  very  congenial  to  his  feel 
ings  to  turn  aside  for  the  communings  of  science. 

On  his  arrival  in  Europe,  his  society  was  courted  by  her  most 
celebrated  scientific  men,  who  regarded  themselves,  as  peculiarly 
fortunate  in  having  opportunities  of  converse  with  FRANKLIN. 
Among  his  intimate  associates  were  Collinson,  of  the  Eoyal 
Society;  Mr.  Strahan,  member  of  Parliament;  Boccaria,  the 
eminent  Italian  electrician,  and  others  of  no  less  note.  From 
FRANKLIN'S  colloquial  powers,  and  vivacity  of  mind,  it  is  needless 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  101 

to  say,  such  associations  were  infinitely  pleasurable.  In  the 
friendly  circle,  composed  of  such  personages,  his  wisdom,  wit,  and 
virtues  shone  sufficiently  conspicuous  to  make  him  the  reigning 
star. 

During  the  delay  for  the  fulfillment  of  his  mission,  he  traveled 
through  England,  and  acquainted  himself  not  only  with  her 
institutions  and  resources,  but  contracted  the  intimacy  of  her  great 
and  learned  men.  He  visited  the  place  of  his  ancestors,  and 
instituted  successful  investigations  in  regard  to  his  genealogy,  of 
which  he  says,  in  the  commencement  of  his  autobiography,  he 
"  ever  had  a  pleasure  in  obtaining  information."  Shortly  after, 
the  "Political  History  of  Pennsylvania,"  or  its  "Historical  Re 
view,"  was  published.  It  was  a  history  of  the  political  workings 
of  the  province,  setting  forth  the  difficulties  of  the  Assembly  with 
the  proprietaries,  with  a  bold  defense  of  the  former.  A  re 
view  of  Pennsylvania's  political  history,  from  the  refractory  con 
dition  of  the  colony,  engendered  by  her  proprietary  distinctions, 
FRANKLIN  very  aptly  denominated  "A  Disagreeable  Journey." 
This  work,  though  published  anonymously,  was  ascribed  to  FRANK- 
LIN,  who  was  greately  abused,  especially  by  the  proprietary  party; 
in  consequence,  he  afterward  disavowed  its  authorship,  though 
Sparks  says,  in  his  Life  of  FRANKLIN,  "the  book  was  written 
under  his  direction  ;  and  he  may  fairly  be  considered  responsible 
for  its  contents."  This  was  no  doubt  the  case.  FRANKLIN  confesses 
to  having  prepared  the  "  Remarks  on  the  Proprietary's  Estimate 
of  his  Estate,"  "  some  of  the  inserted  Messages,  and  Reports  of 
the  Assembly "  it  contained,  and  being  truly  recognized  as  the 
champion  of  the  Assembly  and  people,  during  the  whole  vexatious 
proprietary  controversies,  it  is  very  reasonably  inferable,  that  the 
work  was  originated,  prosecuted,  and  given  to  the  world  under 
his  direction.  His  connection  with  it  is  farther  indicated  in  a 
letter  from  Europe,  in  which  he  says,  speaking  of  the  removal  of 
the  prejudice  existing  in  England  against  the  province  of  Penn 
sylvania,  "  this,  I  ho'pe,  we  have  it  in  our  power  to  do  by  means 
of  a  work  now  nearly  ready  for  the  press,  calculated  to  engage 
the  attention  of  many  readers,  and  remove  the  bad  impression 
received  of  us."  This  "  Historical  Review,"  was  the  book  referred 
to  as  being  then  "  nearly  ready  for  the  press,"  and,  true  to  his 
prediction,  it  did  "  engage  the  attention  of  many  readers,"  and 
by  its  masterly  expose  of  their  conduct,  made  the  proprietaries, 


102  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

who  had  been  chiefly  instrumental  in  fomenting  the  prejudice 
referred  to,  smart  unmasked  before  the  public  gaze.  It  is  said  of 
him,  also,  that  he  first  suggested  Canada  as  the  theater  of  opera 
tions  for  the  English,  instead  of  Germany,  in  the  war  with  France, 
and  advised  the  successful  expedition  against  Montcalm.  What 
he  may  have  given  as  his  opinion,  in  conversation  with  others  in 
regard  to  the  military  movements  of  the  two  nations,  we  are  not 
prepared  to  opine ;  but,  to  ascribe  the  conquest  of  Canada,  and 
the  trophies  won  by  the  heroic  Wolfe  at  Quebec,  to  FRANKLIN, 
seems  evidently  rather  far-fetched,  and  too  much  a  disposition  to 
render  unto  Csesar,  things  which  are  not  Caesar's. 

William  Pitt  was  then  England's  motive  power,  in  her  wars  ; 
and  after  several  unsuccessful  efforts  for  an  introduction  to  that 
statesman,  FRANKLIN  himself  pronounced  him  "  inaccessible." 
Yet,  complicated  with  the  difficulties  of  a  perplexing  mission, — 
traveling  over  Europe, — conferring  with  the  learned  and  philo 
sophic, — debarred  from  an  interview  with  her  prime  minister, — 
the  honors  of  the  conquest  of  Canada  were  chiefly  due  to  FRANK 
LIN  (?)  We  think  not.  He  did  not  need  them  or  want  them ; 
and  the  affirmation  may  be  safely  ventured,  that  he  would  not 
have  claimed  them. 

Before  the  completion  of  his  business,  he  traveled  through 
Scotland,  and  formed  intimacies  with  her  scientific  men, — visited 
her  institutions  of  learning,  and  acquired  much  valuable  infor 
mation.  Speaking  of  this  trip,  and  its  pleasing  reminiscences,  to 
use  his  own  singular  but  comprehensive  word,  he  calls  it  the 
"densest  happiness"  of  his  life. 

While  in  England  he  urged,  by  his  able  pen,  the  necessity  of 
her  retaining  Canada,  in  a  clear  and  forcible  manner,  that,  no 
doubt,  had  some  influence  in  the  negotiations  that  resulted  in  its 
annexation  to  Great  Britain.  He  devoted  considerable  time  to 
traveling  over  the  continent,  and  making  observations  upon 
government,  literature,  and  science.  In  these  travels  he  frequently 
renewed  his  philosophical  experiments.  A  peculiar  kind  of  stone, 
called  tourmalin,  was  placed  in  his  possession,  which  he  found  to 
contain  electric  properties  ;  on  another  occasion,  he  demonstrated, 
the  then  little-known  fact,  that  cold  could  be  produced  by  evapor 
ation.  He  also  invented  a  musical  instrument,  called  the  har 
monica,  which  came  considerably  in  use.  He  had  much  taste 
for  music,  from  boyhood,  as  is  shown  in  the  arrangement  of  his 


BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN.  103 

''scheme  of  hours,"  to  which  we  have  referred,  where,  in  the 
evening,  he  assigns  to  one  hour  "musie,  diversion,  or  conver 
sation."  He  thus  continued  a  student,  and  turned  the  results  of 
his  pursuits  not  only  into  means  of  personal  enjoyment,  but  of 
public  utility. 

While  in  England,  he  was  made  Doctor  of  Laws  by  the  uni 
versities  of  Edinburgh  and  Oxford ;  hence  the  familiar  appellation 
of  Dr.  FRANKLIN.  Before  his  departure,  so  great  a  hold  had  he 
taken  upon  the  learned  and  the  noble,  that  he  became  fairly 
domesticated,  and  received  pressing  invitations  to  remain.  His 
stay  had  been  so  agreeable  and  profitable  that,  to  all,  his  leave 
was  a  source  of  profound  regret.  Among  other  regrets,  those  of 
Hume  were  thus  expressed  to  him,  in  a  letter :  u  I  am  very  sorry 
that  you  intend  soon  to  leave  our  hemisphere.  America  has  sent 
us  many  good  things,  gold,  silver,  sugar,  tobacco,  indigo,  etc.; 
but  you  are  the  first  philosopher,  and,  indeed,  the  first  great 
man  of  letters  for  whom  we  are  beholden  to  her."  After  a 
sojourn  in  England  of  more  than  five  years,  wherein  he  completed 
his  mission,  he  sailed  for  America,  where  he  arrived  in  November. 
His  son,  in  the  meantime,  had  been  made  governor  of  New 
Jersey.  On  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  he  received  the  congratu 
lations  of  the  citizens,  and  a  vote  of  thanks  from  the  Assembly, 
for  the  fidelity  with  which  he  had  served  the  country  during  his 
long  absence. 

The  Lancaster  Massacre,  which  occurred  soon  after,  in  the  county 
of  that  name,  called  to  work  the  pen  of  FKANKLIN.  In  the  county 
lived  a  settlement  of  friendly  Indians,  twenty  in  number,  who  were 
peaceable  and  inoffensive.  Notwithstanding  this,  they  were  sur 
rounded  in  the  night-time,  by  a  band  of  desperadoes,  who  mur 
dered  their  chief  and  all  present.  The  absent  Indians,  on  their 
return,  were  placed  in  the  workhouse  for  safety ;  but  it  was  broken 
open  by  the  same  men,  and  all  the  Indians  butchered.  FKANKLIN 
wrote  a  pamphlet  condemning  the  act  in  the  strongest  terms,  and 
appealing  to  the  citizens  to  wipe  out  the  stain  of  such  an  outrage 
by  an  assertion  of  the  supremacy  of  the  laws.  The  friendly  In- 
diang  throughout  the  province  being  similarly  threatened,  FRANKLIN 
was  placed  at  the  head  of  an  armed  association,  to  suppress  the 
mischief;  which  he  promptly  did,  by  making  propositions  to  protect 
such  as  fled  for  safety  to  Philadelphia.  He  went  in  person,  as 
deputy  from  the  Assembly,  to  meet  the  leaders  of  the  marauders, 


104  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

then  on  their  way  to  the  city,  and  succeeded  in  persuading  them 
to  disband  their  forces. 

In  1763,  John  Penn  succeeded  to  the  governorship  of  Penn 
sylvania.  Immediately  after  the  convention  of  the  Assembly,  the 
old  disputes  were  revived.  In  raising  means  to  defray  the  ex 
penses  of  the  Indian  war,  the  Assembly  assessed  a  land  tax,  and, 
conformably  to  Parliamentary  decision,  placed  all  lands  on  an 
equal  footing.  The  governor,  availing  himself  of  a  clause  in  the 
decision,  that  said,  "all  lands,  of  equal  quality,  should  have 
a  fixed  valuation,"  he  said  that  it  meant,  "  the  ~best  of  the  proprie 
tary  lands  should  only  be  taxed  as  much  as  the  worst  lands  of  the 
country."  Miserable  interpretation!  He  was  a  kinsman,  how 
ever,  of  the  proprietaries,  and  acted  from  selfish  motives.  Here 
the  whole  controversy  was  re-agitated,  looking  no  better  in  its 
new  phase.  FKANKLIN  resumed  his  old  station,  as  champion  of 
the  Assembly,  against  such  assumption  ;  he  was  afterward  se 
lected  to  draft  a  petition  from  that  body  to  the  king,  "  praying 
him  to  take  the  provincial  government  into  his  own  hands." 
This  measure  being  consummated,  the  Assembly  gave  instructions 
in  regard  to  another,  which  was,  eventually,  to  be  of  more  mo 
ment  than  local  quarrels  ;  these  were  remonstrances,  to  their 
foreign  agent,  against  the  idea  that  began  to  be  entertained,  in 
England,  of  deriving  revenue  from  the  colonies  by  taxation.  In 
1764,  after  having  been  fourteen  years  a  member  of  that  body, 
FRANKLIN  was  beaten  for  the  Assembly,  by  a  small  majority  for 
his  opponent.  This  was  owing  to  his  advocacy  of  a  change  of 
government.  He  was  again  appointed  minister  to  England,  with 
a  view  of  bringing  about  the  measures  proposed  by  the  last  Assem 
bly  ;  he  departed  thither  on  the  7th  of  November.  Early  in  De 
cember,  he  found  himself  again  in  London,  for  the  third  time, — 
twice  since  his  trip  at  the  instance  of  Keith. 

While  there,  his  duties  filled  a  broader  sphere  than  special 
agent  for  Pennsylvania.  In  the  primary  object  of  his  mission  he 
would  have  been  successful,  had  not  the  proceedings  of  the  min 
istry  developed  events  that  nationalized  his  business.  The  Stamp 
Act,  the  "  mother  of  mischiefs,"  as  he  termed  it,  began  to  be  agi 
tated  soon  after  his  arrival.  That  measure  he  opposed  with  all 
the  power  and  zeal  his  pure  democratic  principles  could  dictate, 
until  its  final  passage ;  he  then  wrote  to  America,  that  "  her  sun  was 
down,  and  it  might  be  a  long  while  before  it  arose  again."  He 


BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN.  105 

also  wrote,  insisting  upon  a  strict  adherence  to  their  non-importa 
tion  agreements.  In  regard  to  these,  he  was  questioned  by  mem 
bers  of  Parliament,  as  to  "  whether  the  Americans  would  not 
become  weary  of  them?"  He  answered,  "Never!"  He  was 
asked,  "What  used  to  be  the  pride  of  Americans  ?"  He  replied, 
"To  indulge  in  the  fashions  and  manufactures  of  Great  Britain." 
Also,  "  What  was  now  their  pride  ?"  "  To  wear  their  old  clothes 
over  again,  till  they  can  make  new  ones,"  was  the  reply. 
Through  the  exertions  of  FKANKLIN  mainly,  that  act  was  repealed  ; 
though  William  Pitt  said,  "he  was  glad  America  resisted  it," — 
that  Parliament  had  no  right  to  pass  it.  The  Stamp  Act  was 
followed  by  other  schemes  of  colonial  taxation,  all  of  which  FKANK- 
LIN  strenuously  opposed.  From  London  he  traveled  through  Hol 
land  and  the  Germanic  States,  everywhere  making  such  investi 
gations  as  would  naturally  crowd  upon  a  great  and  philosophic 
mind. 

All  the  acts  levying  tax  upon  imports  into  America,  were  finally 
repealed,  except  the  one  requiring  duty  on  tea,  which  was  just 
enough  to  maintain  the  odious  principle  and  bring  about  the 
famous  "  Boston  Tea  Party."  Shortly  afterward,  FKANKLIN  visited 
Paris,  where  his  discoveries  in  electricity,  from  the  patronage  of 
Buffon,  and  others  no  less  eminent,  had  created  a  greater  sensa 
tion  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  world.  He  was  there  the  reci 
pient  of  marked  distinction  from  the  greatest  men  of  the  French 
nation. 

During  these  movements,  his  pen  was  not  idle ;  that  mighty 
weapon  of  peace  was  vigorously  wielded  in  a  truthful  cause.  He 
wrote  an  elaborate  cause  of  the  colonial  discontents,  showing  the 
usnrpational  intrusions  of  Parliament  upon  their  rights,  and  prov 
ing  that,  in  the  settlement  of  each,  under  charters  granted  by  the 
king,  that  he  and  his  privy  council  alone  had  jurisdiction  over 
them,  and  also  exposing  the  unconstitutionality  of  Parliamentary 
taxation,  over  a  people  who  had  no  representation  in  that  body. 
This  was  one  of  FKANKLIN'S  masterpieces,  and  created  quite  a 
sensation  in  Europe  and  America. 

From  the  primary  object  of  his  mission,  as  agent  for  Pennsyl 
vania,  he  had  become  the  general  minister  of  most  of  the  colonies, 
and  was  complicated  with  the  duties  of  representing  the  sentiments 
of  each,  against  the  oppressive  series  of  revenue  acts  passed  by 
Parliament ;  yet,  amid  this  complexity  of  business,  he  found  time 


106  BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN. 

to  devote  to  science  ;  he  was  selected  as  President  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society.  In  view  of  the  non-importation  agree 
ments,  a  rigid  adherence  to  which  he  urged  upon  the  colonies,  the 
full  development  of  provincial  resources  became  a  matter  of  per 
manent  interest.  He  insisted  upon  an  encouragement  of  all  kinds 
of  manufactures,  and  successfully  urged  the  culture  of  silk  in  Penn 
sylvania. 

He  soon  after  had  an  interview  with  Lord  Hillsborough,  who 
had  succeeded  to  the  Secretaryship  of  America,  and  presented 
that  gentleman  with  his  credentials  of  agency  from  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Assembly,  which  he  angrily  almost  refused  to  accept  or 
recognize,  averring  his  disapproval  of  colonial  agents  appointed 
by  the  Assemblies.  This  was  another  instance  of  the  extreme 
littleness  of  the  English  nobles  of  the  George  Germain  and  Town- 
send  school,  who,  mortified  and  chagrined  at  not  being  able  to 
awe  the  Americans  into  submission  by  threats,  vented  their  spleen 
upon  their  leading  champions.  Afterward,  meeting  FKANKLIN  in 
Dublin,  Ireland,  where  he  was  an  honored  guest,  ashamed  of  his 
former  conduct,  or,  as  FKANKLIN  expresses  it,  "  designing  to  pat 
and  stroke  the  horse,  to  make  him  more  patient,  while  the  reins 
were  drawn  tighter  and  the  spurs  set  deeper  into  his  sides,"  he 
was  fawningly  obsequious  in  his  civilities.  He  protracted  his 
stay  in  Dublin  until  the  convention  of  the  Irish  Parliament,  when 
he  took  occasion  to  strengthen  their  proverbially  warm  suscepti 
bilities,  in  their  good  opinion  of  America,  and  their  cause  in  the 
coming  troubles.  Proceeding  to  Scotland,  he  received  the  warm 
greetings  of  his  old  friends,  Lord  Kames,  Hume,  and  Eobertson, 
the  eminent  historians,  and  others  of  equal  celebrity.  All  over 
Europe,  he  had  warm  friends,  of  the  most  distinguished  charac 
ters.  No  American  has  ever  had  the  influence  and  reputation, 
across  the  waters,  equal  to  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN.  During  this 
excursion  he  saw,  for  the  first  time,  Eichard  Bache,  who  had  been 
his  son-in-law  for  four  years,  by  marriage  to  his  only  daughter, 
Sarah  Franklin.  We  shortly  after  find  him,  in  connection  with 
other  electricians,  selected  to  devise  means  for  the  protection  of 
the  Purfleet  powder  magazines  from  lightning.  He  suggested  to 
the  other  members  of  the  committee,  the  now  common,  pointed 
lightning-rod.  One  of  them  dissented  from  this,  which  resulted  in  a 
controversy  as  to  whether  pointed,  were  better  than  blunt  rods. 
This  was  essentially  a  pointed  quibble  on  one  side,  and  a  Hunt 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  107 

one  on  the  other,  as  Franklin,  by  renewed  experiments,  demon 
strated  the  advantages  of  the  pointed  rod  over  the  other. 

Lord  Dartmouth  was  now  placed  at  the  head  of  American 
affairs,  in  the  place  of  the  arrogant  Hillsborough :  he  was  far 
more  acceptable  to  the  colonies.  In  the  meantime,  Governor  Hut- 
chinson,  of  Massachusetts,  received  his  salary  from  the  king, 
which,  being  contrary  to  colonial  usage,  and  regarded  as  a  dan 
gerous  precedent,  produced  the  famous  Boston  Resolutions,  which, 
accompanied  with  a  petition,  he  was  urged  to  present  to  the  king; 
they  were  sent  to  Franklin.  This  petition  prayed  the  crown  that, 
inasmuch  as  the  governor  derived  his  office  from  it,  that,  as  a 
bond,  uniting  him  to  the  people,  he  should  look  to  them  for  his 
emoluments.  The  resolutions  denounced  the  course  of  Parlia 
ment,  and  were  couched  in  language  bold  and  explicit.  These 
Franklin  prefaced  with  wise  and  judicious  remarks,  for  republi- 
cation  in  London.  He  also  wrote,  at  this  time,  his  two  famous 
satirical  productions,  entitled  "  Rules  for  reducing  a  great  Empire 
to  a  small  one,"  and  an  "  Edict  by 'the  King  of  Prussia."  The 
first  was  an  ironical,  yet  good-humored  expose  of  Parliamentary 
proceedings  toward  the  colonies,  under  the  head  of  General  R-ules, 
an  adherence  to  which  would  result  in  the  reduction  of  a  "great 
empire"  to  a  "  small  one."  The  other  was  a  happy  satire  upon 
the  various  schemes  resorted  to  for  taxing  the  colonies.  It  claims 
to  be  an  edict  from  the  King  of  Prussia,  who  commences  with  all 
the  pomp  and  verbosity  of  preamble  and  resolution,  "That, 
whereas  the  first  settlers  of  the  island  of  Great  Britain  were  Sax 
ons  and  Germans,  and  subjects  of  his  predecessors,  therefore,  by 
virtue  of  such  settlement,  he,  the  King  of  Prussia,  claimed  entire 
jurisdiction  over  the  continent  of  Great  Britain,  and  did,  by  said 
edict,  levy  a  tax  upon  its  inhabitants  for  his  own  emolument." 

The  whole  thing  was  exceedingly  ingenious,  and  created  such 
a  stir  among  the  nobility,  that  Lord  Mansfield  denounced  it  a 
great  "  mischief  maker."  In  fact,  so  watchful  was  he  of  the  inter 
ests  he  was  deputed  to  represent,  that,  in  America,  they  gave  him 
the  name  of  the  "  GKEAT  DIRECTOR."  About  this  time  his  writings, 
five  or  six  editions  of  which  had  already  been  printed  in  England, 
were  translated  into  French,  at  Paris,  where  they  are,  at  this  day, 
in  high  repute. 

Governor  Hutchinson,  of  Massachusetts,  and  others  friendly  to 
Parliament,  wrote  some  lengthy  letters  to  one  of  its  members,  of 


JOS  BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN. 

the  most  vindictive  nature  toward  the  colonists,  filled  with  false 
hoods,  alleging  that  all  colonial  discontents  were  engendered  by 
corrupt  leaders, — that  the  people  were  not  averse  to  the  schemes 
of  Parliament,  etc.  These  papers,  by  what  means  is  unknown, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  FRANKLIN.  He,  at  the  risk  of  incurring  the 
enmity  of  the  ministry,  transmitted  them  to  Pennsylvania,  for  the 
inspection  of  discreet  patriots,  with  the  injunction  that  they  were 
not  to  be  published  or  copied.  From  these  documents  being  on 
public  matters,  and  directed  to  a  member  of  Parliament,  though 
actuated,  in  their  testimony,  by  motives  of  pure  patriotism,  he 
expected  Parliamentary  abuse. 

They  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Assembly,  that,  with  closed 
doors,  deliberated  upon  their  character.     Their  contents  became 
known  to  the  colonists,  and  finally  reached  England.     Great  ex 
citement  followed.     Whately,  the  member  of  Parliament  to  whom 
they  were  originally  addressed,  on  his  death  gave  his  papers  to 
his  son,  who  was  severely  denounced  for  suffering  them  to  be  sent 
over.     A  Mr.  Temple  had  been  allowed  to  inspect  his  father's 
papers,  by  Whately,  who  suspected  his  having  purloined  the  docu 
ments  in  question.     A  duel  ensued  between  the  parties,  in  which 
young  Whately  was  wounded.     As  to  who  should  have  been  so 
disloyal  as  to  transmit  the  papers,  now  became  a  question  of  in 
citing  inquiry.     Here  FRANKLIN,  regardless  of  the  avalanche  of 
bitter  invective  which  he  knew  would  pour  against  him,  issued  a 
publication  in  which  he  assumed  the  entire  responsibility  of  their 
transmission.     The   ministry  was  startled.     FRANKLIN  was  de 
nounced  as  an  "incendiary,"  and  kept  aloof  from  them.     What 
cared  he  for  ministerial  favor,  when,  as  he  expresses  it,  he  "found 
men  bartering  away  the  liberties  of  their  native  country  for  posts, 
and  negotiating  for  salaries  and  pensions  extorted  from  the  people  ??1 
Whately  instituted  suit  against  him  for  such  clandestine  use  of  his 
fathers  papers,  which  was  soon  after  suspended.     At  length  the 
petition  from  the  Assembly  was  granted  a  hearing,  if  a  perfect 
farce  of  a  trial  can  be  so  called.     After  the  arguments  of  its  advo 
cates,  and  long  and  abusive  speeches  from  the  opponents,  against 
the  colonies,  in  which  FRANKLIN  came  in  for  the  principal  share, 
it  was  unceremoniously  dismissed.     The  final  result,  of  having 
sent  over  the  letters,  was  a  formal  notice  to  FRANKLIN  that  he  was 
no  longer  at  the  head  of  the  American  Post-office;  which  he  was 
fully  prepared  to  receive. 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  109 

Upon  this  he  thought  of  returning  home,  and  doubtless  would, 
had  he  not  been  advised  of  the  assemblage  of  the  First  Continental 
Congress  of  America,  which  induced  him  to  remain,  until  he 
learned  the  result  of  its  deliberations.  That  body  drafted  a  peti 
tion  to  the  king,  praying  a  redress  of  grievances,  which  was  sent 
to  FRANKLIN  for  presentation.  This  petition  was  given  to  the 
king,  who  laid  it  before  Parliament,  where  FRANKLIN  was  not 
permitted  to  appear  in  its  behalf.  It  was  dismissed  from  that 
body  by  a  large  majority.  He  now  became  convinced  that,  if 
this  state  of  things  continued,  war  between  the  two  countries 
would  be  inevitable,  and  sought,  in  conjunction  with  the  vener 
able  Chatham,  means  of  a  reconciliation.  After  conferring  with 
Chatham,  and  others  of  eminence  favorable  to  the  American 
cause,  he  drew  up  articles  of  pacification,  which,  had  the  ministry 
not  been  wholly  disinclined  to  peace,  were  not  in  the  least  objec 
tionable.  These  embraced  a  repeal  of  the  revenue  acts;  provided 
remuneration  for  the  tea  destroyed  at  Boston ;  asserted  colonial 
right  to  regulate  its  internal  trade ;  that  Parliament  should  exert 
no  control  over  her  Assemblies  ;  and  that,  in  public  emergencies, 
the  colonies  should  bear  a  proportionable  part  of  the  expenses,  etc. 
Lord  Chatham  went  into  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  20th  January, 
whither  FRANKLIN  was  invited  to  meet  him.  On  the  assemblage 
of  the  House,  Chatham  arose  and  moved  the  withdrawal  of  the 
British  forces  from  Boston,  which  was  lost  by  a  heavy  majority. 
He  now  told  his  intention  of  presenting  terms  of  general  accom 
modation.  After  the  loss  of  his  motion,  Lord  Chatham  and 
FRANKLIN  conferred  together  several  days,  drafting  such  a  plan, 
which  was  finally  completed,  but  differing  so  essentially  from 
FRANKLIN'S  former  articles,  that,  if  received  by  the  ministry,  he 
felt  it  would  not  be  acceptable  to  the  colonies.  It  was  submitted 
to  Parliament  on  the  1st  of  February,  and,  despite  the  wise  pre 
dictions  of  Chatham,  in  the  event  of  its  non-acceptance,  it  was  re 
jected  by  a  large  vote.  The  remarks  of  the  Lords,  favorable  to 
the  ministerial  views,  were  as  vindictive  and  vehement,  as  the 
others  were  logical  and  patriotic.  One  of  the  Lords  was  disposed 
to  question  Chatham's  being  the  author  of  the  plan,  and,  turning 
to  FRANKLIN,  said,  uhe  fancied  he  had  in  his  eye  the  person  who 
drew  it  up,  one  of  the  bitterest  and  most  mischievous  enemies 
England  ever  had."  At  this,  the  eye  of  Chatham  kindled ;  he 
arose,  avowed  its  authorship,  and  replied  to  the  charge  against 


BENJAMIN    FKANKLIN. 

FRANKLIN,  by  saying,  with  emphasis  and  pride,  "  he  was  a  gen 
tleman  whom  Europe  held  in  high  estimation  for  his  knowledge 
and  wisdom,  and  ranked  with  her  Boyles  and  Newtons ;  who  was 
an  honor  not  to  the  English  nation  only,  but  to  human  nature."* 
Other  efforts  were  made  without  avail.  Every  means  had  been 
resorted  to,  to  induce  FKANKLIN  to  yield  some  essential  points,  but 
he  refused.  Negotiations  were  finally  broken  off,  and  FKANKLIN, 
after  an  absence  of  ten  years,  on  the  21st  of  March,  1T75,  sailed 
for  Philadelphia,  where  he  arrived  the  ensuing  May.  His  wife, 
whom  he  so  ardently  loved,  and  with  whom  he  lived  happily 
for  forty  years,  had  died  of  a  sudden  illness  during  his  absence. 

On  his  arrival,  and  about  the  time  the  first  blow  was  struck 
in  the  cause  .of  the  Revolution,  at  Concord,  FKANKLIN  was  se 
lected  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress.  It  convened  amid 
a  whirl  of  public  excitement.  Active  measures  of  defense  were 
advocated  by  some, — overtures  to  the  Crown,  by  others.  The 
latter  was  adopted,  though  defensive  steps  were  also  taken.  An 
other  draft  was  prepared  by  a  committee,  of  which  FKANKLIN  was 
a  member,  to  be  presented  to  the  king.  With  this  draft  Dicker- 
son,  a  zealous  advocate  of  the  petition,  was  highly  pleased,  and 
exclaimed,  "  Mr.  President,  there  is  but  one  word  in  the  draft 
which  I  disapprove  of,  and  that  word  is  Congress  ;"  whereupon, 
Mr.  Harrison,  of  Virginia,  an  equally  strong  opponent  of  the 
measure,  arose  and  said,  "  Mr.  President,  there  is  but  one  word 
in  the  draft  which  I  approve,  and  that  word  is  Congress"  FRANK 
LIN  was  appointed  chairman  of  the  Safety  Committee,  to  provide 
for  the  defense  of  the  country.  To  these  duties  he  devoted  him 
self  with  vigor,  and  prepared  a  plan  of  general  Confederation, 
that  was  ultimately  of  much  service  to  Congress,  in  its  formation. 

He  was  also  placed  at  the  head  of  the  American  Post-office, 
which  had  come  under  the  regulation  of  Congress,  and  made  a 
member  of  their  Secret  Committee,  for  the  procuring  of  arms  for 
the  Continental  army.  Each  of  these  duties  met  a  faithful  dis 
charge,  and  FRANKLIN  became,  in  the  Cabinet,  a  firm  champion 
of  liberty.  He  attended  as  one  of  the  committee  that  waited  upon 
Washington  at  Cambridge,  and  devised  a  plan  of  operations  mutu 
ally  agreeable.  The  attachment  between  these  co-patriots,  in 
different  spheres,  was  warm  and  lasting.  While  on  this  duty,  he 

*  Sparks'  Life  of  Franklin,  p.  388. 


BENJAMIN    FKANKLIN. 

was  selected  to  represent  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  nor  flinched 
from  duties  thus  placed  upon  him. 

After  the  fall  of  Montgomery,  with  Charles  Carroll,  and  Samuel 
Chase,  he  was  deputed  to  Canada,  for  the  purpose  of  attending  to 
the  wants  of  the  army,  and  conciliating  the  inhabitants.  This 
mission,  as  might  have  been  foreseen,  was  fraught  with  no  im 
portant  results.  On  his  return,  the  great  measure  of  Indepen 
dence  was  the  exciting  topic  of  the  day,  as,  indeed,  it  had  been 
for  some  time.  FKANKLIN  was  for  it,  and  for  it  then.  It  was 
proposed  in  Congress,  and  Jeiferson,  FKANKLIN,  Adams,  Living 
ston  and  Sherman  were  appointed  to  prepare  a  Declaration,  which 
was  done  by  Jefferson,  and  adopted.  During  the  discussion  of 
his  draft,  .Jefferson  tells  the  following,  of  FKANKLIN.  While  he 
was  vexed  by  alterations  and  changes  suggested  in  the  document 
by  various  members,  FRANKLIN  noticed  his  restlessness,  and  ad 
dressed  him  thus  :  "  I  have  made  it  a  rule,  whenever  in  my  power, 
to  avoid  becoming  the  draftsman  of  papers  to  be  reviewed  by  a 
public  body.  I  took  my  lesson  from  an  incident  I  will  relate  to 
you.  When  I  was  a  journeyman  printer,  one  of  my  companions, 
an  apprenticed  hatter,  having  served  out  his  time,  was  about  to 
open  shop  for  himself.  His  first  concern  was  to  have  a  handsome 
sign-board,  with  a  proper  inscription.  He  composed  it  in  these 
words  :  "  John-Thompson,  hatter,  makes  and  sells  hats  for  ready 
money,"  with  a  figure  of  a  hat  subjoined.  But  he  thought  he 
would  submit  it  to  his  friends  for  their  amendments.  The  first  he 
showed  it  to,  thought  the  word  hatter,  tautologous,  because  fol 
lowed  by  the  words,  makes  hats,  which  showed  he  was  a  hatter. 
It  was  struck  out.  The  next  observed,  that  the  word  makes  might 
as  well  be  omitted,  because  his  customers  would  not  care  who 
made  the  hats ;  if  good,  and  to  their  mind,  they  would  buy,  by 
whomsoever  made.  A  third  said,  he  thought  the  words,  for  ready 
money,  were  useless,  as  it  was  not  the  custom  of  the  place  to  sell 
on  a  credit ;  every  one  who  purchased  expected  to  pay.  They 
were  parted  with  ;  and  the  inscription  now  stood  :  "  John  Thomp 
son  sells  hats."  "Sells  hats!"  says  his  next  friend;  "why, 
nobody  will  expect  you  to  give  them  away.  What,  then,  is 
the  use  of  that  word  ?"  It  was  stricken  out,  and  hats  followed, 
the  rather,  as  there  was  one  painted  on  the  board.  So  his  inscrip 
tion  was  reduced,  ultimately,  to  "John  Thompson,"  with  the 
figure  of  a  hat  subjoined.  Through  the  deliberations  incident  to 


BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN. 

this  great  measure,  FRANKLIN  was  one  of  the  most  active,  service 
able  members.  Just  before  the  Declaration  was  signed,  John 
Hancock,  whose  signature  stands  first,  exclaimed  with  earnest 
ness,  " Gentlemen,  we  must  be  unanimous;  there  must  be  no 
pulling  different  ways ;  we  must  all  hang  together."  "Yes;  we 
must  all  hang  together,  or,  most  assuredly,  we  shall  all  hang  sep 
arately,"  exclaimed  FRANKLIN,  laconically.  There  were  rewards 
upon  the  heads  of  Hancock  and  others  at  the  time.  These  good- 
humored,  common-sense  witticisms,  were  not  uncommon  with 
him. 

Not  long  after,  when  he  was  president  of  the  convention  to  form 
a  Constitution,  when  advocating  but  one  Assembly,  instead  of  an 
Upper  and  Lower  House,  he  carried  his  measure  by  comparing 
"  a  legislature  with  two  branches,  to  a  loaded  wagon  with  a  team 
at  each  end  pulling  in  opposite  directions."  He  also  likened  it 
to  the  snake  in  the  fable,  that  had  two  heads ;  it  started  to  the 
brook  to  drink,  but,  coming  to  a  twig  in  a  hedge  on  the  way,  one 
head  wanted  to  go  on  the  right  side,  the  other  on  the  left ;  so, 
following  each  its  peculiar  mood,  it  bent  around  the  twig,  one 
head  on  each  side,  where  neither  would  yield,  but  continued  to 
pull  against  each  other  until  it  died  of  thirst.  FRANKLIN  was  soon 
after  appointed  minister  to  France,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating 
a  treaty  of  alliance;  whither  he  sailed  the  26th  of  October,  1776. 
Before  his  departure,  like  Morris,  he  lent  Congress  money  to  the 
amount  of  four  thousand  pounds. 

He  reached  Paris  the  21st  day  of  December,  entirely  unexpected 
by  the  people,  who  had  not  been  apprised  of  the  embassy.  FRANK 
LIN  was  then  a  venerable  man, — a  true  type  of  departed  sages, — 
adorned  with  the  light  of  modern  refinement.  In  his  intercourse 
with  the  great,  who  thronged  to  his  presence,  he  practiced  no  formal 
ity  to  that  polite  court;  yet  all  were  charmed  by  his  kind  simplicity, 
awed  by  his  virtues,  and  did  homage  to  his  wisdom.  Of  America, 
her  prospect,  condition  and  defeats,  he  spoke  with  deep  concern, 
and  created  a  lively  interest  in  her  behalf.  His  influence  and 
character  were  powerful,  in  any  cause,  and  did  much  for  the 
American  in  France.  Large  sums  of  money,  supplies,  arms, 
etc.,  were  obtained,  through  his  agency,  for  their  use,  upon  terms 
most  favorable  to  the  United  States.  This  timely  aid  was  of  the 
greatest  moment  to  the  army.  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  who 
became  fired  with  zeal  for  America,  and  fitted  out  a  ship  at  his 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

own  expense,  for  his  voyage  to  this  country,  was  warmly  recom 
mended  by  FRANKLIN  to  Congress. 

During  the  year  1776,  though  he  was  admitted  to  audience, 
and  terms  of  a  treaty  were  talked  of  in  the  French  Cabinet, 
the  hopeless  aspect  of  affairs,  in  America,  operated  unfavorably 
to  its  formation.  The  next  year,  however,  after  the  surrender  of 
Burgoyne  with  a  large  portion  of  the  British  army  at  Saratoga,  he 
easily  succeeded  in  effecting  "  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce," 
upon  the  basis  of  his  congressional  instructions,  in  which,  the 
independence  of  America  was  recognized  by  the  court  of  Ver 
sailles.  Soon  after,  a  treaty  of  alliance,  also,  was  constructed 
between  the  two  powers,  amounting  virtually  to  one,  offensive  and 
defensive  in  its  nature,  making  the  war  of  independence  a  cause 
common  to  both  parties.  These  treaties  were  signed  at  Paris, 
February  6th,  1778,  and  on  the  20th  of  March  following,  FRANK 
LIN  and  his  colleagues  were  admitted  to  the  court  of  Versailles, 
in  due  form,  as  embassadors  of  independent  America, — the  first 
event  of  the  sort  in  her  diplomatic  history.  FKANKLIN,  with  all  his 
kindness,  knew  little  of,  and  cared  little  for,  court  etiquette,  though 
he  was  careful  to  give  no  offense.  Count  du  Nord,  of  the  imperial 
family  of  Russia,  arrived  in  Paris,  and,  in  sending  his  cards  to  the 
notables,  one  was  accidentally  left  at  the  house  of  FRANKLIN,  who 
applied  to  an  old  embassador  to  know  what  he  must  do.  The  old 
minister  thinking,  as  he  did,  the  card  had  been  left  purposely, 
told  him  he  must  drive  to  the  prince's  door,  and  leave  his  name 
with  the  porter.  This  was  done,  and  in  the  porter's  book  was 
placed  the  name  of  "  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,"  who,  though  ignorant 
of  the  fact,  was  soliciting  a  visit  from  the  prince.  FRANKLIN 
returned  home,  where  he  was  soon  followed  by  a  mutual  friend, 
who  told  him  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  prince,  though  he 
esteemed  him  very  highly,  to  pay  him  a  visit,  as  his  country  had 
not  recognized  the  independence  of  America,  whence  he  was 
minister.  FRANKLIN,  after  explaining  his  attitude,  told  the  friend 
he  "thought  the  remedy  was  easy,  he  had  only  to  erase  his  name 
out  of  his  book  of  visits  received,  and  he  would  burn  their  card." 

The  treaty  just  effected,  resulted  in  a  declaration  of  war 
between  England  and  France,  and  immediate  preparations  for 
hostilities.  While  these  were  making,  secret  propositions  were 
advanced  to  FRANKLIN,  by  ministerial  emissaries,  for  peace 
between  England  and  America.  It  is  needless  to  say,  they 


BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN. 

amounted  to  nothing.  Notwithstanding  FRANKLIN'S  uniformly 
correct  course,  he  had  enemies, — enemies  will  spring  from  envy, 
as  weeds  from  a  hot-led.  Unknown  to  the  virtuous  heart, 
it  lurks  in  the  bosom  of  the  base,  who  delight  in  the  destruction 
of  characters  they  can  not  imitate.  Among  these  enemies,  the 
bitterest  was  Arthur  Lee,  one  of  his  colleagues  to  Paris.  This 
hatred  originated  in  nothing  more  than  the  great  weight  attached 
to  FRANKLIN'S  name  at  the  court  of  Versailles,  and  the  compara 
tive  insignificance  attached  to  his  own.  Through  FRANKLIN,  the 
treaties  were  effected,  no  importance  being  given  to  Lee's  opinions, 
which  indeed,  were  not  sought  for  by  the  former.  Lee  immedi 
ately  sent  letters,  reflecting  upon  FRANKLIN,  to  America.  lie  also 
found  accomplices,  famous  among  whom  was  Ralph  Izard,  to 
assist  in  promulgating  his  misrepresentations.  True  to  a  great 
mind,  FRANKLIN  cared  nothing  for  them,  and  paid  no  attention  to 
their  machinations  ;  fully  satisfied  of  the  omnipotence  of  truth  and 
virtue,  he  placed  his  character  on  their  summits,  and  knew  the 
vulture  beak  of  falsehood  and  vice  could  never  reach  so  high. 

FRANKLIN,  in  the  meantime,  had  been  appointed  sole  minister 
to  France,  and  his  associates,  Messrs.  Adams  and  Lee,  withdrawn 
from  the  embassy.  While  at  Paris,  he  received  the  visits  of  the 
most  eminent  men  of  that  country.  Among  these  were  Buifon, 
D'Alernbert,  Condorcet,  Voltaire,  and  others  of  distinction.  The 
circle  of  Philosophers  thronging  together,  seemed  for  a  time,  a 
reassemblage  of  the  "sage  seven"  of  olden  time. 

As  a  result  of  his  negotiations,  a  French  land  army  under 
Eochambeau,  and  a  navy  under  Count  de  Estaing,  were  sent  to  the 
United  States.  FRANKLIN  was  a  peacemaker  in  principle,  and  in 
war  disapproved  of  all  dishonorable  measures  among  nations, 
as  much  as  he  did  among  private  men,  in  their  dealings  one  with 
another.  Privateering  he  regarded  as  a  species  of  national  rob 
bery,  and  condemned  in  the  strongest  terms.  A  system  of 
neutrality,  in  the  promotion  of  which  he  was  instrumental,  was 
adopted  by  all  the  powers  not  parties  to  the  contest.  His  maxim 
was,  "  there  never  was  a  good  war  or  a  bad  peace" 

His  enemies  reiterating  their  false  charges  against  him,  endeav 
ored,  as  they  had  before,  to  effect  his  recall  from  France.  But, 
of  his  valued  services,  Congress  saw  too  much  practical  attes 
tation,  to  think  of  such  a  thing,  especially,  as  distinguished 
members  of  the  French  Cabinet  wrote  them  that  he  "was  patri- 


BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN.  115 

otice,  wise,  and  discreet,"  and  that  "his  recall  would  be  very 
embarrassing,  in  the  present  state  of  things."  The  truth  is,  FRANK 
LIN,  they  knew,  had  more  influence  at  court  than  any  man  they 
could  select.  True,  he  became  a  little  obnoxious  to  the  English 
Parliament,. but  it  was  owing  entirely  to  his  unbending  opposition 
to  their  measures  regarding  America. 

He  was  now  getting  advanced  in  years,  and  from  the  compli 
cated  duties  of  his  official  station,  needed  repose,  and  indicated  his 
wish  to  return  from  it  to  the  quietude  of  his  home,  having  been 
the  public  servant  half  a  century.  Emissaries  of  Parliament 
were  constant,  though  somewhat  insidious  in  their  efforts  to  effect, 
through  FRANKLIN,  a  disagreement  between  France  and  America, 
insisting  upon  the  little  dependence  to  be  placed  on  the  former, — 
the  small  service  she  would  be,  etc.  In  the  medium  selected  for 
this  purpose,  they  were  wide  of  the  mark,  and  circumstances  then 
existent  between  England  and  France,  were  such  as  could  give 
no  indications  of  bad  faith,  on  the  part  of  the  latter,  toward  us. 

Events,  in  1782,  had  taken  place,  which  promised  not  only 
repose  to  FKANKLIN,  but  to  America.  Cornwallis  had  surrendered, 
and  Parliament,  brought  at  length  to  their  senses,  were  getting 
their  fill  of  colonial  taxation,  and  thought  strongly  of  peace. 
Ministers  were  sent  from  England  to  confer  with  FKANKLIN  upon 
the  subject  of  negotiations.  FRANKLIN  had  grown  old  in  service, 
and  so  like  a  father  was  he  regarded  by  Americans,  that  he  was 
looked  upon  as  a  proper  person  to  adjust  a  matter  of  such  impor 
tance.  He  drew  up  the  essential  articles  of  the  treaty,  upon  the 
basis  of  American  independence,  and  devoted  himself  to  its  effec 
tual  consummation,  with  all  the  energy  of  more  youthful  years. 
After  various  suggestions,  and  many  preliminaries,  the  treaty 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain' was  concluded,  and 
signed  at  Paris.  The  treaty  having  been  signed,  and  his  desire 
to  return  home  repeated,  Congress,  compliant  with  his  request, 
recalled  him. 

The  same  regrets  that  followed  his  leave  from  England,  in  for 
mer  days,  now  prevailed  in  France,  where  he  inspired  the  same 
veneration  and  attachment.  Being  unable,  from  bodily  dis 
tresses,  to  ride  in  a  carriage,  he  was  borne  from  the  scene  of  his 
labors  to  Havre  de  Grace,  in  the  queen's  litter,  followed  by  the 
esteem  of  thousands.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  Southampton, 
where  he  made  a  brief  sojourn.  On  the  27th  of  July,  he  bid 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

a  last  adieu  to  Europe,  where  he  had  passed  over  twenty  years  of 
his  life.  After  an  absence  of  eight  years,  he  reached  Philadelphia 
on  the  14th  of  September.  He  was  now  at  home.  Congratu 
latory  letters  welcomed  him  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  Wash 
ington  wrote  him  with  great  cordiality.  He  also  received  a  public 
welcome  from  the  Assembly.  Soon  after  his  return,  he  was 
chosen  president  of  Pennsylvania  by  the  Assembly,  "  with  but 
one  dissenting  voi?e  out  of  seventy-seven."  For  two  successive 
terms,  he  was  unanimously  selected  to  the  same  office,  though  in 
his  eighty-second  year ;  he  was  selected  as  State  delegate  to  the 
convention  that  formed  the  Constitution.  In  that  body,  amid  a 
convention  of  pure  patriots,  there  was  much  difference  of  opinion, 
and  some  confusion.  FKANKLIN  arose  one  morning,  after  some 
excitement,  and  moved  that  "their  daily  deliberations  should 
begin  with  prayer,"  for,  said  he,  "the  longer  I  live,  the  more 
convincing  proof  I  see  of  this  truth,  that  GOD  governs  in  the 
affairs  of  men. 

FRANKLIN  has  been  called  an  infidel :  as  the  above  would  seem 
a  refutation  of  the  charge,  we  also  insert  the  subjoined,  lest  we 
are  accused  of  partiality.  A  few  weeks  before  his  death,  the 
president  of  Yale  College,  talked  with  him  upon  religious  subjects. 
During  the  conversation,  FKANKLIN  remarked  to  him,  "  I  believe 
in  one  God,  the  creator  of  the  universe ;  that  he  governs  it  by  his 
providence ;  that  he  ought  to  be  worshiped ;  that  the  most 
acceptable  service  we  can  render  him  is  by  doing  good  to  his  other 
children.  I  believe  the  soul  of  man  is  immortal,  and  will  be 
treated  with  justice  in  another  life,  respecting  its  conduct  in  this." 

After  saying,  he  regarded  these  as  "  the  fundamental  points  of 
all  sound  religion,"  he  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  Saviour,  thus : 
u  As  to  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  I  think  his  system  of  morals  and  his 
religion,  as  he  left  them  to  us,  the  best  the  world  ever  saw,  or  is 
like  to  see;  but,  I  apprehend,  it  has  received  various  corrupting 
changes,  and  I  have  some  doubts  as  to  his  divinity ;  though  it  is 
a  question  I  do  not  dogmatize  upon,  having  never  studied  it." 
Of  his  religious  faith,  we  shall  enter  upon  no  defense, — no  word 
of  eulogy, — his  acts  tell  their  author. 

In  the  fall  of  1789,  his  disease,  which  was  stone  in  the  bladder, 
began  to  increase,  and  in  April  following,  to  assume  an  alarming 
aspect.  He  continued  to  sink,  suffering  extreme  torture,  until  the 
middle  of  the  month.  Just  before  he  died,  he  requested  his  bed 


BENJAMIN     FRANKLIN.  H7 

to  be  made,  that  he  might  "  die  in  a  decent  manner."  His  daugh 
ter  remarked,  she  hoped  he  would  live  many  years.  "  /  hope 
not"  was  his  answer.  He  was  requested  to  turn  over,  that  he 
might  breathe  easy.  "  A.  dying  man  can  do  nothing  easy"  was 
the  reply. 

These  were  the  last  words  of  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN.  At  eleven 
o'clock,  on  the  17th  of  April,  in  the  eighty-fifth  year  of  his  age, 
he  departed  this  life.  He  retained  his  mental  faculties  up  to  the 
moment  of  death,  and  only  twenty-four  hours  before,  is  said  to 
have  written  an  able  document.  On  the  21st,  the  city  officials, 
the  Assembly,  students,  and  college  faculty,  accompanied  by  an 
immense  concourse  of  persons,  repaired  to  the  cemetery,  to  perform 
the  last  sad  rite  of  burial.  He  was  buried  beside  his  wife,  in 
Christ  Church  cemetery; — in  a  Pennsylvania  grave  he  minglea 
with  dust, — thunders  peal  his  requiem. 


THOMAS  JEFFEKSON. 


IF  the  political  history  of  our  country  is  peculiarly  interesting, 
the  actions  and  motives  of  those  immediately  connected  there 
with,  are  equally  so.  Some  of  our  early  statesmen,  who  assisted 
in  laying  the  basis  of  our  national  government,  continued  to 
direct  its  workings,  and  with  its  development,  lived  and  acted 
its  history.  They  infused  into  our  republican  system  the  vigor 
of  their  purely  democratic  principles,  and  left  upon  it  their  in 
fluential  reflex,  that  brightens  with  its  expansion,  and  will  through 
coming  time. 

Among  those  whose  wisdom  gave  shape  to  our  young  insti 
tutions,  and  have  continued  to  exert  perceptive,  if  not  controlling 
influence,  upon  their  destinies,  we  may  well  class  THOMAS  JEFFER 
SON.  His  place  of  nativity  was  that  nursery  of  great  men,  Virginia. 
He  was  born  in  Albemarle  County,  on  the  2d  day  of  April,  1743. 
Peter  Jefferson  was  his  father ;  Jane  Randolph,  the  maiden  name 
of  his  mother.  On  the  father's  side,  he  was  of  Welsh  descent ;  the 
Randolphs  were  old  Virginia  stock,  of  Scotch  derivation.  JEF 
FERSON  had  an  erudite  mind,  which  was  cultivated  by  all  the 
advantages  of  a  classical  education,  and  a  love  of  science.  He 
was  put  to  a  primary  school  at  the  age  of  five,  when  his  educa 
tion  commenced.  At  about  ten,  he  began  the  study  of  the  classics  ; 
at  seventeen,  well  prepared  by  previous  discipline,  he  entered  the 
college  of  William  and  Mary,  of  whose  advantages  he  availed 
himself  with  great  credit.  His  favorite  pastime  was  hunting  deer 
and  turkeys  in  the  woods  and  mountains  of  Albemarle.  He  was 
very  studious,  both  before  and  after  he  entered  college.  When 
a  young  man,  he  had  an  expression  of  serious  gravity  upon  his 

(  118  ) 


THOMAS  JEFFEKSON. 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

countenance.  While  a  student  at  college,  he  is  described  as 
being  tall  and  very  lean.  He  had  red  hair,  a  thin  visage,  face 
freckled,  with  high  cheek  bones  and  sharp  features.  For  his 
college  recreation,  he  loved  feats  of  horsemanship,  and  to  play  the 
fiddle.  He  conversed  fluently,  and,  notwithstanding  his  unpre 
possessing  appearance,  had  a  pleasing  expression  of  countenance, 
a  rather  graceful  carriage,  very  kind,  winning  manners,  and 
was  quite  a  favorite  with  the  ladies,  which,  from  his  personal 
homeliness,  was  an  excellent  commentary  upon  his  mental  qualities; 
for,  as  some  pass  well  through  society  with  the  advantages  of  a 
fine  form  and  no  mental  attainment,  others  pass  better  with  those 
of  a  cultivated  mind,  that  will  elicit  respect,  be  it  clothed  in 
whatsoever  garb. 

Like  most  young  men,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  JEFFERSON  fell 
in  love  with  a  Williamsburgh  beauty,  while  at  college,  but  which 
resulted  in  no  more  than  a  few  "woeful  ballads  to  his  lady's 
eyebrow."  He  was  not  married  until  nearly  thirty.  Among 
those  with  whom  he  was  thrown  into  frequent  contact  in  his  youth, 
were  Mr.  Page,  Dr.  Small,  and  Governor  Fauquier,  the  latter  of 
whom  exerted  no  small  influence  upon  JEFFERSON,  whose  faultless 
manners  especially,  were,  to  a  great  extent,  the  result  of  his  daily 
association  with  that  accomplished  gentleman;  but  whether  his  in 
fluence  stopped  in  the  formation  of  fine  manners,  is  questionable. 
Fauquier  was,  in  morals,  a  disciple  of  Bolingbroke,  and  that  the 
well-known  notions  of  JEFFERSON,  upon  the  subject  of  religion 
and  morals,  that  were  fostered  by  his  naturally  bold,  meditative 
mind,  had  inception  from  this  intercourse,  is  quite  probable. 

After  the  conclusion  of  his  collegiate  course,  he  studied  law 
under  Chancellor  Wythe,  with  great  care,  and  commenced  the 
practice  in  his  twenty-fifth  year.  While  a  student  with  the  chan 
cellor,  the  colonial  revenue  excitement  prevailed  at  Williamsburgh. 
He  listened  with  delight  to  the  fervor  of  provincial  oratory, 
upon  the  floor  of  the  Assembly.  Patrick  Henry  made  such  an 
impression  upon  his  mind,  that,  after  a  period  of  fifty  years,  he 
was  heard  to  say,  he  had  "  never  heard  such  eloquence." 

In  1766,  he  visited  Philadelphia,  and  took  a  trip  through  Mary 
land,  but  soon  returned  and  devoted  himself  to  his  profession. 
As  a  lawyer,  JEFFERSON  was  not  eloquent,  or  in  any  sense  a  speak 
ing  man ;  but  by  industrious  application,  and  a  meditative,  dis 
criminating  mind,  he  was  successful,  and  was  regarded  as  an 


120  THOMAS    JEFFER8DN. 

excellent  judge  of  law;  he  would  doubtless  have  reached  distinction 
in  its  practice,  had  not  other  duties  called  him  to  politics, — a 
sphere  for  which  he  was  precisely  adapted  by  nature  and  education. 
His  first  entrance  into  public  life  was  in  1769,  when  he  was  elected 
to  the  House  of  Burgesses  from  Albemarle  County.  This  was 
the  Assembly  that  was  dissolved  by  the  governor  for  their 
resolves  against  the  measures  of  the  British  Parliament. 

Of  the  delegates  who  immediately  convened  and  signed  the 
non-importation  agreements,  adopted  by  the  people,  and  which 
Washington  was  prevented  from  presenting  to  the  Assembly  by 
its  dissolution,  were  George  Washington,  THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 
and  Patrick  Henry.  He  was  re-elected  to  the  next  Assembly, 
as  indeed  were  almost  all  the  members  who  favored  the  agree 
ments.  Nothing  special  characterized  the  membership  of  JEF 
FERSON,  however,  during  its  deliberations.  His  mother's  house 
was  destroyed  by  fire,  and  he  lost  his  library  in  the  confla 
gration  ;  which  he  deeply  regretted.  He  had  commenced  im 
provement  upon  Mount  Monticello,  close  by,  to  which  he  re 
moved  soon  after,  and  where  he  remained  a  resident  during  life. 

In  his  30th  year,  JEFFERSON  was  married.  His  wife  was  Mrs. 
Martha  Skelton,  a  young  widow  of  beauty  and  considerable  pro 
perty.  He  continued  with  the  patriots  of  the  day,  in  his  resist 
ance  to  English  taxation ;  a  bold  step  in  which  he  had  taken  by 
signing  the  agreements.  It  was  JEFFERSON,  "  and  other  young 
members  "  of  the  Assembly,  who,  disliking  the  slow  proceedings 
of  the  elder  ones,  met  in  council,  after  the  news  of  the  Boston 
Port  Bill,  and  recommended  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  at 
Williamsburgh,  the  observance  of  which,  he  says,  "  was  like  an 
electric  shock  "  upon  the  people.  We  next  see  him  in  the  General 
Convention,  as  a  Virginia  delegate.  Before  that  body  he  pre 
pared  a  document  setting  forth  the  manner  in  which  the  colonies 
were  treated  by  Great  Britain,  in  a  manner  that  evinced  clearly 
his  bold  political  sagacity.  One  after  another  he  enumerated  the 
acts,  and  commented  upon  their  tyranny,  whose  enforcement  upon 
America  was  insisted  by  Parliament,  calling  the  whole,  a  "  syste 
matic  plan  for  reducing  the  colonies  to  slavery."  To  show  with 
what  manly  independence  this  young  Virginian  could  talk  to  a 
powerful  monarch,  we  insert  the  closing  appeal  of  this  paper  to 
the  British  king: 

"  Open  your  breast,  sir,  to  liberal  and  expanded  thoughts ;  let 


THOMAS    JEFFEKSON. 

not  the  name  of  George  the  Third  be  a  blot  on  the  page  of  history. 
You  are  surrounded  by  counselors ;  but  remember,  they  are 
parties.  Let  no  acts  be  passed  by  any  one  legislature,  which 
may  infringe  on  the  rights  and  liberties  of  another." 

"  This  is  the  important  post  in  which  fortune  has  placed  you, 
holding  the  balance  of  a  great,  if  a  well  poised  empire.  It  is 
neither  our  wish,  nor  our  interest,  to  separate.  We  are  willing, 
on  our  part,  to  sacrifice  every  thing  which  reason  can  ask,  to  the 
restoration  of  that  tranquillity  which  we  all  wish.  On  their  part, 
let  them  name  the  terms ;  but  let  them  be  just, — accept  of  every 
commercial  preference,  it  is  in  our  power  to  give,  for  such 
things  as  we  can  raise  for  their  use,  or  they  make  for  ours.  But, 
let  them  not  think  to  exclude  us  from  going  to  other  markets  to 
dispose  of  those  commodities  which  they  can  not  use,  nor,  to 
supply  those  wants  which  they  can  not  supply.  Still  less  let  it 
be  proposed,  that  our  people,  within  our  own  territories,  shall  be 
taxed  or  regulated  by  any  power  on  earth  but  our  own.  The 
God  who  gave  us  life,  gave  us  liberty  at  the  same  time ;  the  hand 
of  force  may  destroy,  out  can  not  disjoin  them" 

This  document,  though  regarded  too  strong  for  adoption  by  the 
Assembly,  was  printed,  and  republished  in  England ;  where,  it 
was  roughly  handled,  and  passed  six  editions.  JEFFERSON,  as 
remuneration  for  his  appeal,  it  is  said,  procured  a  place  on  the 
list  of  proscribed  Americans,  with  John  Hancock  and  others.  He 
also  met  with  the  convention  as  delegate  at  Richmond .  Here  he 
was  selected  to  reply  to  Lord  North's  Conciliatory  Bills,  which 
were  presented  to  the  colonies,  more  with  a  view  of  casting  upon 
them  the  odium  of  the  war,  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  than 
to  the  establishment  of  peaceful  relations. 

On  the  12th  of  June,  his  reply  was  read  before  the  Assembly ; 
after  being  modified  in  some  of  its  strong  terms,  it  was  adopted. 
This  reply  was  ably  drawn,  and  rejected  "North's  Olive  Branch" 
as  Parliament  termed  it,  asserting  as  reasons,  exclusive  support 
of  civil  government ;  a  discretionary  colonial  right  of  appropria 
tion  regulated  only  by  themselves;  overt  acts  of  hostility 
accompanying  the  enactment  of  odious  Parliamentary  measures, 
for  which  no  redress  was  provided,  and  the  complication  of  the 
colonies  in  their  aggregate  capacity,  in  the  transaction ;  conclud 
ing  with  a  positive  rejection  of  all  such  overtures,  it  says : 

"We   commit   our    injuiries   to   the   even-handed   justice  of 


122  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

that  Being,  who  doeth  no  wrong,  earnestly  beseeching  him  to 
illuminate  the  councils,  and  prosper  the  endeavors  of  those  to 
whom  America  hath  confided  for  hope ;  that  through  their  wise 
direction,  we  may  again  see  re-united,  the  blessings  of  liberty  and 
prosperity,  and  the  most  paramount  harmony  with  Great  Britain." 

Among  the  members  of  the  First  Continental  Congress,  with  his 
tall  commanding  form,  restless,  perceptive  eye,  and  grave  face, 
marked  with  the  lines  of  thought,  genius  and  talent,  sat  THOMAS 
JEFFERSON.  He  had  gone  there  a  delegate  from  Virginia,  deeply 
impressed  with  the  importance  of  his  mission.  Thither,  his  repu 
tation  as  a  man  of  letters  had  preceded  him,  and  it  is  not  strange- 
that  he  was  chosen  the  draftsman  of  its  important  measures. 

His  first  duty  of  this  nature,  was  to  draw  a  Declaration  of 
Causes  that  produced  the  necessity  of  a  resort  to  arms.  This  was 
written  in  the  clear,  forcible  style  of  its  author ;  it  was  modified, 
however,  by  the  delegates,  more  through  partiality  for  Mr.  Dick 
inson,  who  "  was  not  for  extremes,"  than  from  any  convictions  of 
propriety.  In  this  document  he  says :  "  We  are  reduced  to  the 
alternative  of  choosing  an  unconditional  submission  to  the  tyranny 
of  irritable  ministers,  or  resistance  by  force.  The  latter  is  our 
choice."  Again,  in  justification  of  the  colonies,  he  says  :  "  Our 
cause  is  just ;  our  union  is  perfect ;  our  internal  resources  are 
great,  and,  if  necessary,  foreign  assistance  is  undoubtedly  attain 
able." 

And  again:  "We  fight  not  for  glory  or  conquest;  we  exhibit 
to  mankind  the  remarkable  spectacle,  of  a  people  attacked  by 
unprovoked  enemies,  without  any  imputation,  or  even  suspicion 
of  offense.  They  boast  their  privileges  and  civilization,  yet  offer 
no  milder  conditions  than  slavery  or  death." 

The  colonies  then  "thought  not  of  independence."  Their  aim 
was  to  curb  the  branches  of  Parliamentary  power,  that,  like  the 
meshes  of  a  web,  seemed  spreading  until  every  right  would  be 
entangled  in  its  fibres.  The  boldness  and  tone  of  JEFFERSON 
were  considerably  on  the  order  of  the  full  independence  he  was 
destined  soon  to  draft.  The  only  difficulty  in  his  writings,  for 
public  bodies,  was,  they  were  in  advance  of  the  times, — he  had 
ripened  before  the  people.  He  exemplified  independence,  before 
he  drew  the  Declaration, — others  were  cautious, — feared  the  result 
when  done.  He  wrote  to  John  Kandolph  that,  "  rather  than  sub 
mit  to  the  rights  of  legislating  for  us  assumed  by  the  British  Par- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  123 

liament,  I  would  lend  my  hand  to  sink  the  whole  island  in  the 
ocean."  His  feelings  are  further  shown,  in  the  same  letter,  to  be 
ahead  of  the  people  generally.  He  says,  after  speaking  of  union 
with  England,  on  proper  terms,  as  being  desirable:  ubut,  by  the 
God  that  made  me,  I  will  cease  to  exist,  before  I  yield  to  a  con 
nection  on  such  terms  as  proposed  by  the  British  Parliament." 
Again  he  says :  "  we  want  neither  inducement  nor  power  to 
declare  a  separation.  It  is  will  alone  which  is  wanting ;  and 
that  is  growing  apace,  under  the  fostering  hand  of  the  British 
king." 

Owing,  doubtless,  to  his  influence  and  earnestness  in  diffusing 
such  sentiments,  the  Virginia  Assembly,  though  not  having  the 
same  provocation  to  such  a  step  as  the  New  England  States,  was 
the  pioneer  in  recommending  independence.  That  step,  in  Con 
gress,  on  its  next  assemblage,  became  the  leading  feature.  On 
Friday,  the  17th  of  June,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  under  instructions 
from  the  Assembly,  arose  on  the  floor  of  that  body,  and  moved 
that  the  "United  Colonies  ought  to  be  free  and  independent." 
Many  thought  the  measure  premature,  though  the  talent  and 
power  of  Congress  were  favorable  to  its  adoption.  From  JEFFER 
SON'S  sentiments,  as  expressed  in  his  letters  before  mentioned,  it 
is  needless  to  say,  he  was  with  the  Declaration.  On  Saturday 
and  Monday  following,  it  was  debated  in  Congress  with  fervid 
eloquence.  Like  a  king  in  the  realm  of  mind,  sat  JEFFERSON, 
during  this  debate,  conscious  of  his  powers  in  their  sphere,  but 
made  few  remarks,  knowing  that  its  eloquent  champions  entered 
the  investigation  with  armor  on. 

A  few  days  after,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  a 
Declaration  ;  JEFFERSON  was  selected  to  draft'  the  document.  The 
propriety  of  the  measure  had  been  discussed  by  others, — to  him 
fell  the  task  of  so  preparing  it,  that  it  would  be  suitable  in  all  its 
provisions.  In  a  few  days  it  was  drawn,  and  submitted  to  Frank 
lin  and  Adams,  who  suggested  but  two  or  three  immaterial  verbal 
alterations.  Thus  an  honor  to  Language,  that  first  message  of 
Freedom,  will  pass  through  future  ages,  an  immortal  type  of  its 
author,  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

On  the  first  of  July  it  was  discussed  in  Congress  and  adopted 
by  nine  States,  Pennsylvania  and  South  Carolina  voting  against 
it.  The  vote  of  Delaware  was  a  tie,  and  the  New  York  delega 
tion  did  not  vote  at  all,  being  instructed  by  their  constituency  to 


124  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

promote  reconciliation.  The  next  day  a  new  member  from  Dela 
ware  arrived,  and,  on  reconsideration,  voted  for  the  Declaration ; 
which  placed  that  State  in  the  affirmative.  Other  delegates  from 
Pennsylvania  reached  Congress  the  same  day,  and  the  vote  of  that 
State  was  reversed.  South  Carolina  also,  "for  the  sake  of  una 
nimity,"  voted  with  the  others ;  making  twelve,  of  the  thirteen 
States,  for  independence.  The  New  York  members,  also,  who 
desired  not  to  vote  at  first  through  respect  for  their  constituents, 
and  not  opposition  to  the  measure,  finally  gave  assent,  and  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  was  unanimous.  It  was  signed  July 
4th,  1776, — a  day  which,  true  to  the  prediction  of  Adams,  "is 
celebrated  with  bonfires  and  illuminations  "  by  American  freemen, 
who  recognize  it  as  "a  glorious  day." 

Though  the  original  document,  in  its  rough  draft,  was  signed 
on  the  day  above  named,  it  was  not  engrossed  and  re-signed  by 
the  members,  until  the  2d  of  August,  and  many  of  them,  even 
after  that,  appended  their  signatures,  who  were  absent  at  the  time 
of  its  adoption. 

JEFFERSON  now  ranked  justly,  with  America's  most  eminent 
men  ;  a  position  he  ever  maintained.  His  next  duty  was  the  pre 
paration  of  a  Constitution  for  Virginia ;  in  which,  however,  he 
was  anticipated  by  George  Mason.  His  able  draft,  except  its 
preambulary  portion,  was  not  adopted.  He  was  re-elected  to  the 
next  Congress,  but  resigned  in  September.  He  was  also,  in  con 
junction  with  Dr.  Franklin,  appointed  minister  to  France,  which, 
owing  to  domestic  affairs,  he  was  obliged  to  decline.  He  again 
took  his  seat  in  the  Assembly,  to  which  he  was  elected  by  his 
county,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  object  of  State  reform.  In 
mind, — mental  power, — JEFFERSON  was  a  tyrant  and  an  aristocrat, 
and  exercised  his  talent  with  the  will  of  a  despot ;  but,  in  feeling 
and  motive,  the  ends  he  desired  to  accomplish  through  its  agency, 
he  was  liberal,  democratic,  and  always  on  the  side  of  the  people, 
against  monopolies.  Aristocracies  of  mind,  virtue,  and  honest 
hearts,  he  favored ;  but  those  of  property,  he  spurned  with  true 
republican  simplicity. 

As  a  pass  at  a  wealthy  monopoly,  one  of  his  first  measures  in 
the  Assembly,  was  the  repeal  of  an  old  act  of  entail,  by  which  a 
certain  class  of  residents  held  large  landed  estates,  under  restric 
tions  not  to  dispose  of  them  only  to  those  of  the  family  enjoining 
the  same  upon  them.  In  this  way  a  vast  amount  of  Virginia 


THOMAS     JEFFERSON.  125 

lands  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  same  persons, — each  proprie 
tor  having  only  a  life-interest  in  them, — for  years.  JEFFERSON 
brought  in  a  bill,  and  effected  its  passage,  repealing  the  old  act, 
and  giving  to  the  proprietors  the  right  of  absolute  transfer.  His 
object  in  this,  he  says,  "  was  to  annul  aristocratic  privileges." 
The  same  spirit  is  shown  in  an  act,  he  soon  after  introduced,  to 
destroy  the  old  English  doctrine  of  primogeniture,  and  to  place 
the  sexes  on  terms  of  equality,  in  regard  to  hereditaments.  These, 
and  other  measures  of  his,  finally  uprooted  the  last  fibres  of  aris 
tocratic  privilege  that  had  branched  from  the  parent  tree  into 
Virginia  soil. 

The  laws  of  Virginia,  through  changes,  mutations,  and  repeated 
enactments,  had  become  so  complex,  difficult,  and  scattered  here 
and  there  upon  the  pages  of  so  many  voluminous  folios,  that  JEF 
FERSON  proposed  their  general  revision  and  simplification,  so  as 
U  bring  their  acquaintance  within  the  limits  of  less  than  half  a 
lifetime. 

The  proposition  was  thought  a  good  one :  the  Assembly  entered 
upon  it,  and  assigned  to  him  the  most  difficult  part  of  the  labor ; 
which  was  performed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  receive  the  praise 
of  the  most  learned  commentators.  "Accuracy,  brevity  and  sina 
plicity,"  was  his  aim  in  the  work.  Under  the  provision  of  his 
labor,  criminal  law  was  regulated,  citizenship  was  defined,  and 
its  rights  protected,  and  education  fostered.  The  subject  of  slavery 
also  came  in  for  regulation  ;  this,  JEFFERSON  always  regarded  with 
deep  concern.  Provision  was  agreed  to  for  the  freedom  of  all 
children  born  of  slave  parents,  and  their  removal  from  the  State, 
after  a  certain  period.  But  of  this  JEFFERSON  says :  "  It  was, 
however  found,  that  the  public  mind  would  not  bear  this  propo 
sition,  nor  will  it  bear  it  even  at  this  day.  Yet  the  day  is  not 
distant  when  it  must  bear,  and  adopt  it,  or  worse  will  follow. 
Nothing  is  more  certainly  written  in  the  book  of  fate,  than  that 
these  people  are  to  be  free ;  nor  is  it  less  certain  that  the  two  races, 
equally  free,  cannot  live  in  the  same  government.  Nature,  habit, 
opinion,  have  drawn  indelible  lines  between  them.  It  is  still  in 
our  power  to  direct  the  process  of  emancipation  and  deportation 
peaceably,  and  in  such  slow  degree,  as  that  the  evil  will  wear  off 
insensibly,  and  their  place  be,  paripassu,  filled  up  with  free  white 
laborers.  If,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  left  to  force  itself  on,  human 
nature  must  shudder  at  the  prospect  held  up.  '  We  should  in  vain 
9 


THOMAS     JEFFERSON. 

look  for  an  example  in  the  Spanish  deportation,  or  depletion'  of 
the  Moors.     This  precedent  would  fall  far  short  of  ours." 

So  much  for  his  views  upon  slavery, — reader,  make  your  own 
comments. 

In  1779,  JEFFERSON  was  chosen  governor  of  the  State  of  Vir 
ginia.  This  was  soon  after  the  treaty  with  France,  and  a  period 
of  much  trouble  for  that  State,  in  consequence  of  the  difficulty 
attending  the  enlistment  of  her  portion  of  troops  for  the  war. 
From  his  energy,  ability,  and  experience,  no  man  in  the  com 
monwealth  was  better  fitted  for  the  station  than  he. 

During  the  first  year  of  his  term,  however,  he  exercised  his 
power  in  regard  to  a  transaction  that  reflected  no  credit  upon  his 
name,  and  which  Washington  would  have  spurned,  and  did  re 
monstrate  with  him  upon  the  subject.  This  was  the  power  of 
retaliation, — a  species  of  vengeful  redress,  that  should  never  be 
harbored  by  a  great  and  enlarged  mind. 

Colonel  Hamilton,  the  British  governor  of  Detroit,  had  been 
surprised  and  taken  prisoner  by  the  daring  Clark,  who  sent  him 
to  Williamsburgh,  upon  an  unfounded  allegation  of  his  atrocities 
toward  Americans.  Governor  JEFFERSON  had  him  cruelly  thrown 
into  prison,  confined  in  a  dungeon,  and  deprived  of  the  use  of 
pen  and  paper,  and  would  not  allow  him  to  talk  to  any  one  but 
the  jailer.  He  was  kept  thus  in  irons,  for  a  long  time,  because 
he  rejected  parol,  upon  the  conditions  that  he  was  "to  do,  nor 
say"  any  thing  against  America.  His  freedom  of  speech  Hamil 
ton  was  unwilling  to  sacrifice ;  and  it  was  a  condition  JEFFERSON 
had  no  right  to  impose.  Hamilton  was  a  gentlemanly  officer,  of 
polished  mind  and  refined  feelings,  and  the  only  apology  for  this 
proceeding,  is  to  be  found  in  the  general  cruelties  of  the  times, 
and  the  deadened  state  of  generous  feelings  incident  to  war. 

JEFFERSON,  able  as  he  was  as  a  statesman,  and  unsurpassed  as 
he  may  have  been  in  his  sphere  of  devising,  was  not  equal  to 
many,  in  prompt  and  efficient  action  for  emergencies  ;  he  was,  in 
one  sense,  a  timid  man.  During  his  term  of  office,  though 
warned  of  the  danger  by  "Washington,  the  notorious  Arnold  and 
Phillips  were  suffered  to  penetrate  into  Virginia  with  a  handful 
of  fifteen  hundred  British  troops,  without  any  preparation  to  meet 
them,  until  they  were  seen  in  James  river  with  their  vessels. 
JEFFERSON  then  called  out  the  militia, — but  it  was  too  late. 

Arnold  landed  his  troops,  who  laid  the  whole  country  in  waste, 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON  127 

burned  Richmond,  committed  depredations  at  Williamsburgh.  and 
took  many  thousand  slaves  from  the  plantations.  A  party  also 
made  a  descent  upon  Monticello, — of  which  JEFFERSON  got  infor 
mation  just  in  time  to  save  himself  and  family  by  flight ;  the 
members  of  the  Legislature,  too,  came  near  being  captured  during 
the  incursion.  His  being  so  slow  to  call  out  the  militia,  when 
apprised  of  the  movement,  is  apologized  for  by  his  friends  and 
himself,  upon  the  ground,  that  information  was  so  frequently  com 
municated  of  such  movements,  that  he  did  not  know  what  cre 
dence  to  attach  to  it.  During  these  operations,  Governor  JEFFER 
SON  received  a  letter  from  General  Phillips,  directed,  "  Thomas 
Jefferson,  Esq."  to  which  he  characteristically  replied,  "William 
Phillips,  Esq. 

Clamors  were  raised  against  JEFFERSON  on  all  sides,  after  these 
predatory  incursions  of  the  British,  for  not  putting  the  country  in 
a  state  of  defense,  on  the  reception  of  Washington's  message,  and 
for  thinking  so  much  more  of  personal  safety  than  the  public  good, 
in  his  flight  from  Richmond  and  Monticello. 

Without  considering,  as  palliative  of  these  magnified  offenses, 
the  diffusive  resources  of  the  country,  and  the  futility  of  his  re 
maining  in  Richmond  while  the  town  was  destroyed,  without  any 
means  of  protecting  it,  his  impeachment  was  proposed  in  the 
Assembly,  and  a  day  specified  for  his  trial.  To  this  step  no  oppo 
sition  was  offered  by  his  best  friends,  who  thought  his  conduct 
would  stand  the  test  of  legal  investigation.  The  only  tribunal, 
however,  before  which  he  was  brought,  wras  that  of  public  opinion, 
which,  for  some  time,  affixed  considerable  odium  to  his  name  in 
consequence  of  the  causes  above  enumerated. 

These  failings,  if  such  they  were,  being  eventually  eclipsed  by 
the  light  of  his  superior  statesmanship,  were  soon  forgotten,  and 
the  people  assigned  him  the  position  among  her  greatest  sons,  to 
which  his  merit  entitled  him.  No  great  while  after  these  events, 
he  wrote  his  work  called  "Notes  on  Virginia,"  which,  like  all  of 
his  writings,  glow  with  the  genius  of  the  author.  That  work  was 
commenced  as  replies  to  interrogatories,  propounded  to  him  by 
the  French  Secretary  of  Legation,  in  regard  to  the  resources,  etc., 
of  Virginia,  which  he  afterward  collated  into  a  handsome  volume 
for  publication. 

As  from  Congress  he  returned  to  the  Legislature,  so  from  the 
Executive  chair.  He  took  his  seat  in  1781,  and  boldly  arose,  saying, 


128  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

he  was  ready  to  meet  any  charges  preferred  against  him.  None 
were  made,  and  the  Legislature  gave  him,  which  was  no  uncom 
mon  way  of  rewarding  public  servants  in  those  severe  times,  a 
vote  of  thanks  for  his  services.  So  it  wrould  seem,  they  were  wil 
ling  to  atone  for  the  motion  of  impeachment  of  the  prior  session ; 
which  was  certainly  uncalled  for.  He  was  again  appointed  min 
ister  to  France,  but  was  obliged  to  decline.  About  this  time  he 
lost  his  wife,  with  whom  he  had  enjoyed  uninterrupted  domestic 
happiness  during  ten  years.  He  soon  after  accepted  the  mission 
to  France,  but  did  not  go  on  account  of  peace  being  made ,  infor 
mation  of  which  he  received  in  Philadelphia,  where  he  was  pre 
paring  to  take  his  departure.  In  1783,  he  was  re-elected  to  Con 
gress.  His  first  act,  in  this  Congress,  was  to  regulate  the  currency. 
The  value  attached  to  the  pound  sterling  varied  in  the  several 
States,  and  made  it  necessary  for  a  coin  that  would  be  of  equal 
value  everywhere.  JEFFERSON  proposed,  as  a  remedy,  the  dollar, 
and  its  equivalent  relative  coins,  which  was  adopted. 

When  Washington  went  to  Annapolis  to  resign  his  commission, 
JEFFEKSON  was  of  the  committee  appointed  to  receive  the  resigna 
tion  ;  and  is  said  to  have  penned  the  reply  of  the  President  to 
him  on  that  occasion.  He  was  also  chairman  of  the  committee 
to  which  the  treaty  of  Paris  was  referred,  prior  to  its  ratification. 
When  that  treaty  came  before  Congress,  only  seven  States  were 
represented  by  delegates,  then  at  their  post,  when  the  Constitution 
required  the  assent  of  nine,  as  essential  to  its  ratification.  Word 
was  sent  to  the  executives  of  the  other  States,  to  send  their  repre 
sentatives  to  Annapolis.  In  the  meantime,  some  member  pro 
posed  its  being  done  by  the  seven  States  then  present,  which  was 
lost,  upon  constitutional  grounds. 

JEFFERSON  then  suggested  its  ratification  by  the  seven  present 
noting  the  fact,  and  that  it  be  sent  to  the  ministers  at  Paris,  with 
an  explanation,  and  ask  farther  time,  until  the  nine  States  could 
convene  and  agree  to  its  ratification.  This  course  was  decided 
upon,  but  was  prevented  from  execution  by  the  timely  arrival  of 
a  sufficient  number  of  delegates  to  ratify  it  constitutionally  ,  which 
was  done  with  unanimity  on  the  14th  of  January,  1784. 

JEFFERSON,  through  that  session  of  Congress,  was  a  valuable 
member,  as  tested  by  the  fact  that  he  was  made  chairman  of  its 
most  important  committees,  and  drafted  all  its  important  papers. 
Peace  having  been  made,  the  American  Congress  felt  the  impor- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  129 

tance  of  making  treaties  with  the  different  nations ;  a  feeling 
which  was  encouraged  by  JEFFERSON.  As  instructions  to  our 
ministers  at  foreign  courts,  JEFFERSON  prepared  the  following,  as 
the  basis  on  which  all  such  treaties  should  be  negotiated : 

"1.  Free  admission  of  the  ships  and  merchandise  of  one  party 
into  the  ports  of  the  other,  on  paying  duties,  as  the  most  favored 
nation. 

"2.  A  more  qualified  reciprocity,  as  to  the  nations  which  hold 
territorial  possessions  in  America. 

"3.  That  in  all  such  treaties,  and  in  every  case  arising  under 
them,  the  United  States  be  considered  as  one  nation,  upon  the 
principles  of  the  federal  Constitution. 

"  4.  That  private  property  and  industry  be  protected,  and  pri 
vateering  abolished. 

"5.  Contraband  articles  no  longer  to  be  liable  to  confiscation  ; 
but  liable  to  be  detained  on  paying  their  value.  As  to  all  other 
articles,  that  free  ships  should  make  free  goods.  Blockades  to  be 
defended,  and  the  rights  of  neutrals  protected. 

"6.  Aliens  to  be  allowed  to  dispose  of  lands  to  which  they  may 
be  heirs. 

"7.  That  such  treaties  be  limited  to  ten,  or  at  most,  to  fifteen 
years." 

The  officers  of  the  Revolution,  before  they  separated,  organized 
within  themselves  a  society,  which  they  called  the  Cincinnati,  and 
made  its  membership  hereditary,  by  being  transferred  to  the  son, 
on  the  death  of  the  father.  Their  object  was  to  preserve  a  bond 
of  union.  State,  personal,  and  local  jealousies  were  soon  excited 
against  it.  Washington,  who  was  a  member,  wrote  to  JEFFERSON 
on  the  subject.  He  replied,  with  candor,  that  he  thought  such 
orders  were  inimical  to  the  republican  principles  of  the  confede 
racy, — tended  to  foster  aristocracies,  and  were  essentially  objec 
tionable,  as  going  to  create  invidious  distinctions  by  conferring 
honors  where  they  might  not  be  deserved,  that  could  not  be  pro 
cured  for  the  highest  merit.  The  hereditary  feature  was  dropped, 
and  finally  the  whole  society  became  extinct ;  its  funds  merged 
into  those  of  benevolent  institutions. 

In  1784,  JEFFERSON  was  appointed  to  supersede  Franklin  as 
minister  to  France.  He  reached  Paris  the  6th  of  August,  and 
was,  by  his  distinguished  predecessor,  introduced  to  court  and  its 
polite  society.  Though,  to  have  filled  the  place  of  Franklin,  was, 


130  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

at  that  time,  impossible ;  JEFFEKSON  was  more  suited  for  the  place 
than  aiiy  other  man  in  the  United  States,  and  being  introduced 
through  so  popular  a  medium,  he  occupied  a  position,  from  the 
first,  calculated  to  procure  the  respect  of  the  French  nation. 

In  conjunction  with  Mr.  Adams,  he  devoted  himself  to  the 
negotiation  of  treaties  with  the  European  powers,  in  which,  how 
ever,  owing  to  the  instability  attached  to  the  American  govern 
ment,  by  most  of  the  nations,  he  was  only  in  part  successful.  It 
was,  while  in  Paris,  his  Notes  on  Virginia  were  first  published. 
They  were  first  brought  out  in  a  wretched  French  translation,  and 
were  afterward  issued  in  London,  in  a  revised  form.  Franklin 
having  sailed  for  America,  and  Adams  departed  for  London, 
Jefferson  was  sole  minister  to  the  court  of  Versailles.  One  of 
his  first  efforts  was  directed  against  the  tobacco  monopoly,  by 
endeavoring  to  establish  with  France,  such  regulations  as  would 
induce  its  export  thither,  with  a  view  to  its  exchange  with  her 
for  those  commodities  forming  a  part  of  his  country's  commerce. 
He  also  asserted  the  doctrine  of  free-trade,  and  labored  in  his 
diplomatic  capacity  to  promote  its  interests.  He  wrote  to  Mr. 
Adams,  saying:  "I  think  all  the  world  would  gain  by  setting 
commerce  at  perfect  liberty." 

Scanning  with  his  eagle  eye,  from  his  seat  of  diplomacy  the 
tide  of  nations,  he  became  impressed  with  the  importance  of  an 
American  navy,  and  recommended  it  to  his  countrymen  at  home. 
In  this,  too,  he  was  ahead  of  his  age.  Many  years  intervened 
before  America  became  sufficiently  convinced  of  its  utility,  to  turn 
attention  to  naval  armaments.  Amid  ministerial  duties  he 
also  procured  the  model  for  the  new  State-house,  then  building  at 
Richmond,  and  sent  it  to  Virginia;  it  was  after  the  style  of  Grecian 
architecture. 

By  his  continued  efforts  our  foreign  relations  were  protected 
with  care ;  a  very  advantageous  system  of  commercial  inter 
change  with  France  was  secured,  in  which  he  was  much  assisted 
by  Lafayette.  During  his  embassy,  the  republican  simplicity  of 
JEFFERSON  was  equally  conspicuous  with  his  brilliant  talents.  To 
a  friend  he  writes,  expressing  his  preference  for  the  free  air  of 
old  Albemarle,  and  the  endearments  of  Monticello,  to  the  frivol 
ous  gayeties  of  Parisian  life. 

In  1786,  he  left  Paris,  and  proceeded  to  London  for  the  purpose 
of  conferring  with  Mr.  Adams,  who  had  preceded  him  to  that 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

metropolis.  Their  reception  was  far  from  cordial,  by  England, 
of  which  he  asserts,  in  a  letter  to  America,  "  in  spite  of  treaties, 
England  is  still  our  enemy.  Her  hatred  is  deep-rooted,  and 
cordial,  and  nothing  is  wanting  with  her  but  the  power  to  wipe 
us  and  the  land  we  live  in,  out  of  existence."  Treaties  with 
Tripoli  and  Portugal,  a  consummation  of  which,  they  had  flattered 
themselves,  were  not  for  the  present  effected.  In  regard  to  the 
Tripolines  and  the  Barbary  powers,  there  was  a  difference  of 
opinion  between  JEFFERSON  and  Adams,  as  to  the  policy  to  be 
pursued  by  the  United  States.  JEFFERSON -was  in  favor  of  forcing 
a  peace  by  a  resort  to  arms,  which  he  urged  with  cogent  reasons; 
but  being  again  in  advance  of  his  day,  the  opinion  of  Adams  was 
acted  upon,  and  a  peace  purchased  until  1815,  when  the  former 
course  was  adopted  with  success.  JEFFERSON'S  pen,  amid  these 
duties,  was  not  idle,  but  continued  to  emit  the  intellectual  flashes 
of  its  author,  and  shed  his  light  over  the  earth.  He  wrote  inter 
esting  articles  on  England,  and  prepared  pieces  for  the  Encyclo 
paedias  that  were  full  of  wisdom.  He  also  computed  the  increase 
of  American  population,  by  taking  the  few  past  years  for  a 
precedental  basis,  that  developed  astounding  results. 

About  this  time,  he  became  entangled  in  controversy  with 
Buffon,  who  asserted  the  degeneracy  of  American  animals,  which 
JEFFERSON  denied,  and  in  support  of  his  position,  sent  for  some 
stuffed  deer  and  elk  with  their  antlers  on,  before  which  practical 
argument,  the  French  philosopher  was  compelled  to  yield.  From 
his  position  in  Europe,  he  was  well  prepared  to  see  what  was  lack 
ing  in  his  own  country,  and  wrote  Mr.  Madison  upon  the  impor 
tance  of  the  power  to  regulate  commerce  being  vested  in  Congress, 
as  vitally  essential  to  its  protection.  He  also  wrote  to  Congress, 
recommending  a  suitable  donation  to  Lafayette,  upon  the  pre 
sumption  of  merit,  and  that  our  national  character  would  be  pro 
moted  abroad.  Deploring  the  causes  of  the  American  debt,  he 
writes  to  another  friend  :  "  Every  thing  I  hear  from  my  country 
fills  me  with  despair,  as  to  their  recovery  from  their  vassalage  to 
Great  Britain.  Fashion  and  folly  are  plunging  them  deeper  and 
deeper  into  distress ;  and  the  legislators  becoming  debtors  also, 
there  seems  no  hope  of  applying  the  only  possible  remedy,  that 
of  an  immediate  judgment  and  execution.  We  should  try 
whether  the  prodigal  might  not  be  restrained  from  taking  on 


132  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

credit,  the  gewgaw  held  out  to  him  in  one  hand,  ~by  seeing  tne 
keys  of  a  prison  in  the  other." 

To  Mr.  Monroe,  he  wrote  in  regard  to  the  proposed  plan  of 
separating  the  vast  region  of  country  between  the  Atlantic  States 
and  the  Mississippi,  into  States  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand 
square  miles  each,  in  terms  of  strong  denunciation.  "You 
would,"  he  says,  "  reverse  the  nature  of  things,  in  making  small 
States  on  the  ocean,  and  large  ones  beyond  the  mountains."  In 
another  letter  to  the  same  gentleman,  shortly  afterward,  speaking 
of  the  importance  of.  a  navy,  as  demonstrated,  especially  by  the 
course  of  the  Tripolines,  he  says:  "It  is  urged,  there  is  no 
money  in  our  treasury.  There  never  will  be  money  in  the 
treasury,  till  the  confederacy  shows  its  teeth.  The  States  must  see 
the  rod, — -perhaps  it  must  he  felt  ly  some  of  them"  * 

"  A  naval  force  can  never  endanger  our  liberties  or  occasion 
bloodshed ;  a  land  force  would  do  both."  He  also  wrote  to 
"Wythe,  entering  elaborately  upon  the  blessings  of  unshackled 
religious  freedom, — the  necessity  of  a  general  system  of  instruc 
tion,  and  the  duties  incumbent  on  every  American,  as  a  citizen, 
to  promote  universal  happiness.  Such  was  the  nature  of  his 
correspondence  home,  while  discharging  his  duties  abroad. 

JEFFERSON  was  liberal  in  his  views,  and  had  unlimited  confi 
dence  in  the  capacity  of  the  people.  From  Paris,  when  the  revo 
lution  of  1787  was  agitating  the  French  nation  from  one  end  to 
the  other,  he  wrote  to  a  friend  in  America :  "I  am  persuaded 
myself,  that  the  good  sense  of  the  people  will  always  be  the  best 
army.  They  may  be  led  astray  for  a  moment,  but  will  soon  cor 
rect  themselves.;  The  people  are  the  only  censors  of  their  gov 
ernors  '9  .and  even  their  errors  will  tend  to  keep  them  to  the  true 
principles  of  their  institutions.  To  punish  those  errors  too  severely, 
would  be  to  suppress  the  only  safeguard  of  the  public  liberty."  He 
continues,  by  urging  a  general  diffusion  of  knowledge  among  the 
people,  as  one  of  the  most  essential  requisites  to  good  govern 
ment.  Shortly  after,  writing  to  his  friend,  Mr.  Madison, 
of  the  different  sorts  of  government,  he  says:  "I  am  convinced 
that  those  societies  (as  the  Indians),  which  live  without  govern 
ment,  enjoy  in  their  general  views,  an  infinitely  greater  degree  of 
happiness,  than  those  who  live  under  the  European  governments." 
"Societies,"  he  continues,  "exist  under  forms  sufficiently  distin 
guishable.  1st.  Without  government  at  all,  as  many  of  our  Indians. 


THOMAS    JEF*<CKSON.  133 

2d.  Under  governments,  wherein  the  will  of  every  one  has  a 
just  influence,  as  is  the  case  in  England,  in  a  slight  degree,  and  in 
America,  in  a  great  degree.  3d.  Under  governments  of  force ;  as 
is  the  case  in  all  other  monarchies,  and  most  of  the  other  repub 
lics."  After  giving  these  definitions,  he  says,  "to  have  an  idea 
of  the  curse  of  existence  under  these  last,  they  must  be  seen.  It 
is  a  government  of  wolves  over  sheep."  Speaking,  shortly  after, 
upon  the  subject  of  our  southern  possessions,  he  says  of  the 
United  States,  "  they  are  able,  already,  to  rescue  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  out  of  the  hands  of  Spain,  and  to  add  New 
Orleans  to  their  own  territory.  They  must,  and  will  be  joined 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Louisiana." 

JEFFERSON  was  fond  of  obtaining  practical  information ;  with 
this  view,  principally,  he  traveled  through  the  southern  part  of 
France.  In-  his  travels,  he  acquainted  himself  with  every  thing 
worthy  of  note  in  all  the  cities  and  towns  through  which  he  passed, 
but  took  more  care  in  inspecting  the  fields,  and  examining  into 
the  products  of  the  country,  and  the  methods  of  raising  them.  He 
also  studied,  with  care,  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  people. 
This  journey  proved  a  delightful  one,  and  he  recommended  the 
same  to  his  friend  Lafayette. 

Upon  his  return  to  Paris,  he  wrote  Madison  his  views  of  the 
new  Constitution,  then  being  formed  in  the  States,  reiterating  his 
confidence  in  the  people's  capacity  for  self  government,  and 
advocating  a  separation  of  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial 
powers.  A  check  of  the  federal,  upon  the  State  governments,  in 
the  shape  of  a  negative  was  proposed,  and  contended  for  by  some 
able  men.  This,  JEFFERSON  opposed.  "It  fails,"  says  he,  "in 
an  essential  character;  the  hole  and  the  patch  should  be  com 
mensurate  ;  but  this  proposes  to  mend  a  small  hole,  by  covering 
the  whole  garment."  He  was  in  favor  of  an  appeal  from  the 
State,  to  the  federal  constitution,  for  the  adjudication  of  such 
measures,  as  the  negative  was  provided  for.  In  regard  to  the 
right  of  Congress  to  exercise  coercive  power  upon  the  States,  he 
thus  wrote  a  friend  in  Virginia.  "  It  has  been  so  often  said  as  to 
be  generally  believed,  that  Congress  has  no  power  by  the  confed 
eration,  to  enforce  any  thing ;  for  example,  contributions  of  money. 
It  was  not  necessary  to  give  them  that  power  expressly.  They 
have  it  by  the  law  of  nature.  When  two  parties  make  a  com 
pact,  there  results  to  each,  a  power  of  compelling  the  other  to 


134  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

execute  it"  JEFFERSON'S  religious  opinions,  at  this  time,  are  indi 
cated  by  his  instructions  to  a  nephew  he  had  at  college  in  Virginia. 
"  The  writings  of  Sterne,"  he  told  him,  "formed  the  best  course  of 
morality  that  ever  was  written,"  and  with  the  greatest  indifference 
toward  the  accepted  religion  of  his  country,  enjoined  u  free 
inquiry"  upon  the  subject.  Writing  again,  to  his  old  friend 
Wythe,  of  the  federal  constitution,  he  says,  "my  own  general  idea 
was,  that  the  States  should  generally  preserve  their  sovereignty 
in  whatever  concerns  themselves  alone ;  and  that  whatever  may 
concern  another  State,  or  any  foreign  nation,  should  be  made  a 
part  of  the  federal  sovereignty.  That  the  exercise  of  the  federal 
sovereignty  should  be  divided  among  the  three  several  bodies, — 
executive,  legislative,  and  judiciary,  as  the  State  sovereignties 
are ;  and,  that  some  peaceable  means  should  be  contrived  for  the 
federal  head  to  force  compliance  on  the  part  of  the  States." 

His  skeleton  of  a  moose  or  elk,  at  length  arrived,  which  cost 
him  over  one  hundred  dollars,  and  was  conveyed  as  a  triumphant 
argument  to  Buffon.  Of  all  men,  JEFFERSON  was  assuredly, 
among  the  most  independent,  whether  on  subjects  of  government, 
religion,  or  private  matters.  This  spirit  is  clearly  shown  on  the 
adoption  of  the  federal  Constitution.  He  was  not  in  favor  of  it, 
nor  was  he  opposed  to  it.  He  thus  interrogates  Mr.  Adams : 
"  How  do  you  like  our  new  Constitution  ?  I  confess,  there  are 
things  in  it  which  stagger  all  my  disposition  to  subscribe 
to  what  such  an  Assembly  has  proposed.  The  house  of  federal 
representatives  will  not  be  adequate  to  the  management  of  affairs, 
either  foreign  or  federal.  Their  president  seems  -a  bad  edition  of 
a  Polish  king.  He  may  be  elected  from  four  years,  to  four  years, 
for  life."  This  re-eligibility  of  the  president,  for  more  than  two 
terms  of  four  years  each,  was  one  of  his  main  objections  to  the 
Constitution.  He  further  writes  of  the  instrument  to  a  friend, — 
"  there  are  many  good  articles  in  it,  and  very  bad, — I  do  not 
know  which  preponderate."  Before  it  went  into  operation,  from 
the  position  he  occupied  in  regard  to  it,  he  was  denominated  an 
antifederalist;  that  is,  one  of  the  party  who  opposed  the  Consti 
tution;  those  who  were  in  favor  of  it  being,  called  federalists.  In 
reply  to  this,  he  writes  Judge  Hopkinson :Vl  am  not  a  federalist^ 
because  I  never  submitted  the  whole  system  of  my  opinions  to 
the  creed  of  any  party  of  men  whatever,  in  religion,  in  philosophy, 
in  politics,  or  in  any  thing  else,  where  I  was  capable  of  thinking 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  135 

for  myself.  Such  an  addiction  is  the  last  degradation  of  a  free 
and  moral  agent.  If  I  could  not  go  to  Heaven  without  a  party,  I 
would  not  go  there  at  all ;  therefore,  I  protest  to  you,  I  am  not 
of  the  party  of  federalists"  This  savors  of  an  exclusiveness, 
amounting  almost  to  bigotry,  and  we  must  confess,  we  see  nothing 
in  the  expression,  that  would  commend  itself  to  a  great  and 
enlarged  mind.  But,  he  continues,  by  adding :  "But,  I  am  much 
farther  from  that  of  an  antifederalist  /  I  approved,  from  the  first 
moment,  of  the  great  mass  of  what  is  the  new  Constitution ;  the 
consolidation  of  the  government ;  the  organization  into  executive, 
legislative,  and  judiciary ;  the  subdivison  of  the  legislature ;  the 
happy  compromise  of  interests  between  the  great  and  little  States ; 
the  qualified  negation  on  laws  given  to  the  executive;  which 
however,  I  should  have  liked  better,  if  associated  with  the 
judiciary  also,  as  in  New  York ;  and  the  power  of  taxation." 

Such  were  the  portions  of  which  he  approved ;  and  thus  far  he 
was  a  federalist ;  but  he  further  adds,  in  going  on  to  say  what  he 
disliked:  "What  I  disapproved  from  the  first  moment,  was  the 
want  of  a  Bill  of  Rights,  to  guard  liberty  against  the  legislative, 
as  well  as  the  executive,  branches  of  the  government ;  that  is  to 
say,  to  secure  freedom  in  religion  ;  freedom  of  the  press ;  freedom 
from  monopolies  ;  freedom  from  unlawful  imprisonment ;  freedom 
from  a  permanent  military ;  and  a  trial  by  jury,  in  all  cases  deter- 
minable  by  the  laws  of  the  land.  I  disapproved,  also,  the  per 
petual  re-eligibility  of  the  President.  To  these  points  of  disappro 
bation  I  still  adhere."  Thus  far  he  was  an  antifederalist.  So 
much  for  the  grounds  he  occupied  in  regard  to  the  Constitution. 
The  fearful  results  he  anticipated  from  executive  re-election,  never 
occurred ;  and,  indeed,  the  stress  he  lays  upon  this  feature  of  the 
Constitution,  does  not  seem  so  very  consistent  with  his  oft- affirmed 
confidence  in  the  capacity  of  the  people  for  self-government. 

As  objections  against  a  Bill  of  Eights,  which  he  so  strongly 
favored,  it  was  urged,  that  such  "  rights  were  reserved  by  the 
manner  in  which  the  federal  powers  were  granted."  This  he 
answered  by  affirming,  that  though  "a  constitution  maybe  so 
framed,  as  to  require  no  declaration  of  rights,  that  where  some 
important  objects  are  unnoticed,  such  a  declaration  becomes  then 
necessary." 

It  was  secondly  argued,  that  "  a  positive  declaration  of  some 
essential  rights,  could  not  be  obtained  in  the  requisite  latitude;" 


136  THOMAS     JEFFEKSON. 

which  he  answered  by  asserting,  "  that  our  inability  to  secure  all, 
furnishes  no  good  argument  against  securing  all  we  can"  It  was 
also  asserted  that,  "  experience  proved  the  inefficiency  of  a  Bill 
of  Rights."  To  this  he  replied:  "There  is  a  remarkable  differ 
ence  between  the  Inconveniences  attending  a  declaration  of  rights, 
and  those  attending  the  want  of  them.  Though  not  always  effica 
cious,  under  all  circumstances,  it  is  always  potent,  and  rarely 
inefficacious.  A  brace  the  more,  will  often  keep  up  the  building, 
which  would  hare  fallen  with  that  brace  the  less." 

Amid  the  discordant  elements  of  revolutionary  factions  pervad 
ing  the  French  people,  he  watched  with  penetrative  sagacity  the 
tide  of  events,  which,  to  him,  afforded  a  national  pantomime, 
interesting  and  instructive.  Yet  he  was  not  unmindful  of  the 
welfare  of  his  own  country.  Here  is  a  matter,  which,  though  pos 
sessing  no  intrinsic  interest,  illustrates  so  forcibly  the  pure  repub 
licanism  of  JEFFERSON,  is  worthy  of  notice.  Washington  being 
elected  President,  a  dispute  arose  as  to  the  titular  distinction, 
whereby  he  should  be  designated  "from  the  common  herd."  The 
Senate  wished  to  call  him,  "His  Highness,  George  Washington," 
etc.,  while  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  wanted  it,  simply, 
"George  Washington,  President  of  the  United  States." 

JEFFERSON  expressed  himself  with  the  House,  and,  on  the  adop 
tion  of  their  preference,  says :  "  I  hope  the  terms,  Excellency, 
Honorable,  Worshipful,  Esquire,  etc.,  may  forever  disappear 
from  among  us.  I  wish  that  Mr.  would  follow  them."  Though 
this  seems  a  little  inconsistent  with  his  retaliation  upon  General 
Phillips,  who  addressed  him  a  letter  directed  "Thomas  Jefferson, 
Esq.,"  while  he  was  governor  of  Virginia,  he  adhered  to  it  the 
balance  of  his  life.  When  he  was  President,  he  discarded  all 
titular  distinctions,  and  insisted  upon  being  addressed,  simply, 
"Thomas  Jefferson."  His  long  residence  in  France  tended  to 
increase  his  disgust  for  titles  and  nobility,  and  strengthen  his 
republican  principles.  Those  titles,  too,  being  lopped  off  by 
recent  events,  hightened  his  repugnance  to  their  adoption  in  his 
own  country. 

His  meditative  mind,  always  theorizing  upon  some  deep  sub 
ject,  sometimes  led  him  into  extremes,  that,  upon  slight  reflection, 
would  seem  foolish.  Among  the  opinions  he  fell  into,  about  this 
time,  was  one  to  the  effect  "that  the  earth  belongs  to  the  living 
generation,  and  that  the  dead  have  no  more  right,  than  they  have 


THOMAS     JEFFERSON.  137 

power  over  it."  Continuing  his  investigations  of  the  subject 
upon  this  basis,  he  affirms  "  that  laws  and  constitutions  naturally 
expired  with  the  generation  for  which  they  legislated  ;"  i.  <?.,  that 
dead  men  had  no  right  to  legislate  for  living  ones.  These  were 
more  speculative  ideas,  however,  than  firmly  adopted  belief;  con 
cerning  them  he  thus  writes  Madison:  "Turn  this  subject  in 
your  mind,  my  dear  sir,  and  particularly  as  to  the  power  of  con 
tracting  debts,  and  develop  it  with  that  cogent  logic  which  is  so 
peculiarly  yours.  At  first  blush  it  may  be  laughed  at,  as  the 
dream  of  a  theorist,  but  examination  will  prove  it  to  be  solid  and 
salutary."  The  establishment  of  such  a  wild  theory  as  that  would 
be  a  virtual  abolition  of  all  government,  law,  and  everything  else; 
for  during  the  short-lived  period  of  one  generation,  a  system  of 
government  would  not  more  than  be  tested,  and  the  succeeding 
generation  would  be  ushered  in  without  law  or  order.  Widely 
different  this  from  Lycurgus,  who,  to  make  his  laws  perpetual,  pro 
cured  the  passage  of  an  act  that  made  void  their  alteration  until 
his  return,  then  went  on  a  foreign  voyage,  where  he  purposely 
remained  during  life,  and  ordered  his  ashes  sprinkled  on  the  sea, 
lest  the  return  of  his  remains  should  be  construed  into  a  fulfillment 
of  the  act  by  the  Lacedemonians,  and  furnish  a  pretext  for  the 
change  of  his  system.  This  speculative  opinion  was  simply  ridi 
culous  and  absurd. 

On  the  28th  of  September,  1789,  JEFFEKSON  left  Paris  for  the 
United  States.  His  mission  had  been  agreeable,  useful,  and 
instructive.  The  national  dignity  had  been  promoted  by  his  su 
perior  qualities  of  statesmanship,  and  our  diplomatic  relations 
elevated.  He  reached  Norfolk,  Virginia,  on  the  24th  of  October, 
after  an  absence  from  home  of  five  years.  Here  he  received  the 
notice  of  his  being  selected  Secretary  of  State,  in  Washington's 
Cabinet,  of  which,  though  it  caused  him  real  pain  to  withdraw 
from  his  expected  retiracy,  he  signified  his  acceptance. 

He  immediately  proceeded  to  Monticello,  prior  to  his  entrance 
upon  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties.  On  his  arriving  in 
sight,  his  vehicle  was  surrounded  by  his  negroes,  who  raised 
shouts  of  joy.  They  followed  it  to  the  door  of  his  house,  where 
he  was  pulled  from  his  seat,  hugged,  kissed,  caressed  and  greeted 
with  every  manifestation  of  respect.  He  was  a  kind  master,  warm 
in  his  attachments,  and  devoted  in  his  domestic  ties.  Few  have 
ever  been  more  so.  His  slaves,  on  this  occasion,  were  permitted 


138  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

all  sorts  of  liberties,  and  indeed,  he  himself  was  far  from  being 
destitute  of  reciprocal  feelings. 

JEFFERSON,  when  he  took  his  position  of  Secretary  of  State  in 
the  administration,  took  an  active  part  in  the  exciting  measures 
of  the  subsequent  twenty  years,  that  inseparably  identifies  him 
with  the  political  history  of  his  country,  which  he  acted  to  a  greater 
extent,  perhaps,  than  any  living  man.  Parties  are  incident  to  all 
governments,  especially  republican.  Their  origin  and  respective 
consolidation, — tne  exact  shades  of  difference,  and  the  causes 
whereby  they  were  strengthened  in  the  United  States,  form  essen 
tially  the  complex  fractions  of  our  political  arithmetic.  In  a  clear 
and  plain  elucidation  of  this  subject,  the  author  is  aware  that  many 
nice  difficulties  are  to  be  encountered,  which  he  cannot  hope  fully 
to  overcome. 

In  the  colonies,  at  the  time  the  Stamp  Act  was  passed,  there 
were  two  parties, — one  for  resistance  by  force,  the  other  for  milder 
measures. 

In  the  Eevolution  there  were  two  parties,  one  in  favor  of 
America  and  her  independence,  called  Whig ;  the  other,  in  favor 
of  allegiance  to  England,  called  Tory. 

At  the  close  of  the  war,  there  were  two  parties ;  one  for  neu 
trality,  the  other  for  assisting  France.  These,  however,  were 
never  efficiently  organized  parties.  On  the  adoption  of  the  Con 
stitution,  partyism  became  excitingly  manifest.  One  party  was 
in  favor  of  the  Constitution  ;  this,  with  Washington,  Adams,  and 
Hamilton  at  the  head,  was  the  Federal  party:  the  other  was 
opposed  to  the  Constitution :  this,  with  Madison,  Boudinot,  and 
^  others  at  the  head,  was  the  Anti-Federal  party. 

Where  shall  we  class  JEFFERSON  ?  JEFFERSON,  as  we  have  seen, 
favored  the  mass  of  what  composed  the  federal  Constitution,  but 
was  opposed  to  many  of  its  features.  Dreading  the  consequences 
of  independent  sovereignties,  the  federal  party  insisted  upon  a 
close  union  of  the  States,  with  the  power  of  controlling  them,  firmly 
vested  ;  this  subjected  them  to  the  charge,  from  the  antifederalists, 
of  trying  to  pave  the  way  to 'monarchy.  JEFFERSON  believed  this 
charge,  and  looked  upon  Hamilton  as  being  the  exponent  of 
monarchical  views.  And,  indeed,  the  author  of  the  "Life  of 
Governeur  Morris,"  asserts  that  he  was.  The  confidential  friend  of 
Washington,  a  monarchist!— never.  Party  lines  being  thus  drawn, 
excitements  were  engendered  and  increased  by  various  causes. 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  • 

The  ratification  of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  concluded  by  Jay, 
was  opposed  by  many,  especially  JEFFERSON.  Hamilton,  during 
the  session  of  the  first  Congress,  proposed  the  policy  of  the  ad 
ministration,  in  a  report  of  marked  ability.  This  embraced  a 
provision  for  paying  the  interest  of  the  national  debt ;  the  taking 
upon  itself,  by  the  Government,  of  the  several  State  debts  ;  a  duty 
on  imports,  and  an  inland  excise.  Some  of  these  JEFFERSON 
opposed,  and  the  breach  between  him  and  Hamilton  continuing 
to  widen,  drew  still  closer  the  lines  of  party.  Afterward,  a  system 
of  apportionment  was  adopted,  which  JEFFERSON  advised  "Wash 
ington  to  repeal ;  which  was  done. 

Party  strife  continued  to  increase  through  both  administrations 
of  Washington,  and  at  their  close,  two  parties  were  firmly  estab 
lished.  The  unanimous  election  of  Washington  was  a  precedent 
never  again  to  be  witnessed.  At  the  time  for  another  president 
to  be  elected,  these  parties  began  to  rally  around  their  respective 
champions.  The  Cabinet  of  Washington  afforded  some  of  each. 
Hamilton  and  Knox  being  Federalists,  JEFFERSON  and  Eandolph 
usually  advising  the  contrary.  JEFFERSON  denominated  his  party 
Republicans.  In  presenting  candidates,  party  considerations 
were  the  main  actuation.  Adams  was  selected  by  the  Federal, 
and  JEFFERSON,  by  the  Republican,  or  Democratic  party.  Adams 
was  elected  by  a  small  majority.  Thus,  the  Antifederal,  Republi 
can  or  Democratic  party,  had  its  origin  in  hostility  to  some 
features  of  the  Constitution, — gained  strength  during  the  French 
revolution^  consolidated,  in  opposition  to  some  of  the  measures 
of  Hamilton,  and  continued  to  exert  a  great  influence  upon  the 
destinies  of  the  country. 

With  this  brief  notice  of  party  origin,  we  will  return  to  the 
personal  acts  and  characteristics  of  JEFFERSON.  His  hatred  to 
England  was  deep  and  bitter ;  and  no  doubt,  the  smallest  sem 
blance  in  any  form  of  government  the  United  States  might  adopt, 
to  that  of  Great  Britain,  would  produce  animosity  on  his  part 
toward  it.  In  the  continuous  re-eligibility  of  the  President  to 
office,  and  the  want  of  a  Bill  of  Rights,  to  protect  freedom  in  its 
broadest  sense,  he  thought  this  semblance  existed.  The  proceed 
ings  of  the  First  Congress  prefigured  the  local  difficulties,  and 
sectional  strifes,  that  have  since  created  such  wide-spread  agitation. 
On  the  subject  of  duties,  the  agricultural  interests  of  the  south, 
and  the  manufacturing  interests  of  the  north,  came  early  in 


140  THOMAS    JEFFERSON, 

conflict.  Hamilton's  report  was  taken  up  in  Congress,  and  its 
features  discussed.  The  proposed  discrimination  between  credit 
ors  and  purchasers,  in  the  adjustment  of  the  national  debt,  and 
the  manner  of  assuming  the  State  debts,  were  objected  to  by 
many.  Of  these  Madison  was  the  champion,  and  proposed  an 
amendment,  which  was  not  agreed  to.  The  assumption  of  the  State 
debts  was  a  measure  that  elicited  warm  dispute.  Among  the  dis 
putants  figured  Ames,  Boudinot,  Madison,  and  others, — the  latter 
taking  negative  grounds.  The  measure  was  eventually  sustained, 
and  disputes  silenced  by  the  introduction  of  a  compromise,  in 
which  JEFFERSON  had  considerable  agency.  Speaking  of  this, 
JEFFERSON  says : 

"  This  game  was  over,  and  another  was  on  the  carpet  at  the 
time  of  my  arrival,  and  to  this,  I  was  most  innocently,  and 
ignorantly,  made  to  hold  the  candle.  This  fiscal  maneuver  is 
well  known  by  the  name  of  the  Assumption.  Independently  of 
the  debts  of  Congress,  the  States  had,  during  the  war,  contracted 
separate  and  heavy  debts  ;  and  Massachusetts  particularly,  in  an 
absurd  attempt  upon  the  British  post  at  Penobscot :  and  the  more 
debt  Hamilton  could  rake  up,  the  more  plunder  for  his  merce 
naries.  This  money,  whether  wisely  or  foolishly  spent,  was  pre 
tended  to  have  been  spent  for  general  purposes,  and  ought,  there 
fore,  to  be  paid  from  the  general  purse.  But  it  was  objected,  that 
nobody  knew  what  these  debts  were, — what  their  amounts, — what 
their  proofs.  No  matter, — we  will  guess  them  to  be  twenty 
millions.  But  of  these  twenty  millions,  we  do  not  know  how 
much  should  be  reimbursed  to  one  State,  or  how  much  to  another. 
No  matter, — we  will  guess.  And  so  another  scramble  was  set  on 
foot  among  the  several  States,  and  some  got  much,  some  little, 
some  nothing.  But  the  main  object  was  obtained  ;  the  phalanx 
of  the  treasury  was  reinforced  by  additional  recruits. 

"  This  measure  produced  the  most  bitter  and  angry  contests  ever 
known  in  Congress,  before,  or  since  the  union  of  the  States.  I 
arrived  in  the  midst  of  it.  But,  a  stranger  to  the  ground, — a 
stranger  to  the  actors  on  it ;  so  long  absent,  as  to  have  lost  all 
familiarity  with  the  subject,  and,  as  yet,  unaware  of  its  object,  I 
took  no  concern  in  it.  The  great  and  trying  question,  however, 
was  lost  in  the  House  of  Kepresentatives.  So  high  were  the 
feuds  excited  by  this  subject  that,  on  its  rejection,  business  was 
suspended.  Congress  met  and  adjourned,  from  day  to  day,  with- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

out  doing  any  thing ;  the  parties  being  too  much  out  of  temper  to 
do  business  together.  The  eastern  members  particularly,  who, 
with  Smith  from  South  Carolina,  were  the  principal  gamblers  in 
these  scenes,  threatened  a  secession  and  dissolution.  Hamilton 
was  in  despair.  As  I  was  going  to  the  President's  house,  one 
day,  I  met  him  in  the  street ;  he  walked  me  backward,  and 
forward,  before  the  President's  door,  for  half  an  hour.  He 
painted  pathetically  the  temper  into  which  the  legislature  had 
been  wrought ;  the  disgust  of  those  who  were  called  the  creditor 
States ;  the  danger  of  the  secession  of  their  members,  and  the 
separation  of  the  States.  He  observed,  that  the  members  of  the 
administration  ought  to  act  in  concert ;  that,  though  this  question 
was  not  of  my  department,  yet  a  common  duty  should  make  it  a 
common  concern ;  that  the  President  was  the  center  on  which  all 
administrative  questions  ultimately  rested,  and  that  all  of  us 
should  rally  around  him  and  support,  with  joint  efforts,  measures 
approved  by  him ;  and  that  the  question  having  been  lost  by  a 
small  majority  only,  it  was  probable  that  an  appeal  from  me,  to 
the  judgment  and  discretion  of  some  of  my  friends,  might  effect 
a  change  in  the  vote,  and  the  machinery  of  government,  now  sus 
pended,  might  be  again  set  in  motion. 

"I  told  him  I  was  really  a  stranger  to  the  whole  subject ;  that 
not  having  yet  informed  myself  of  the  system  of  finance  adopted, 
I  knew  not  how  far  this  was  a  necessary  sequence ;  that  undoubt 
edly,  if  its  rejection  endangered  a  dissolution  of  our  Union,  at  this 
incipient  stage,  I  should  deem  that  the  most  unfortunate  of  all 
consequences,  to  avert  which,  all  partial  and  temporary  evils 
should  be  yielded. 

"  I  proposed  to  him,  however,  to  dine  with  me  the  next  day,  and 
I  would  invite  another  friend  or  two,  bring  them  into  conference 
together,  and  I  thought  it  impossible  that  reasonable  men  consulting 
together  coolly,  could  fail,  by  some  mutual  sacrifice  of  opinion,  to 
form  a  compromise,  which  was  to  save  the  Union.  The  discussion 
took  place.  I  could  take  no  part  in  it  but  an  exhortatory  one, 
because  I  was  a  stranger  to  the  circumstances  which  should  govern 
it.  But  it  was  finally  agreed,  that  whatever  importance  had  been 
attached  to  the  rejection  of  this  proposition,  the  preservation  of 
the  Union  and  of  concord  among  the  States  was  more  important, 
and  that,  therefore,  it  would  be  better  that  the  vote  of  rejection 
should  be  rescinded,  to  effect  which,  some  members  should  change 
10 


142  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

their  votes.  But  it  was  observed,  that  this  pill  would  be  particu 
larly  bitter  to  the  southern  States,  and  that  some  concomitant 
measure  should  be  adopted  to  sweeten  it  a  little  to  them. 
There  had  before,  been  propositions  to  fix  the  seat  of  government 
either  at  Philadelphia,  or  Georgetown,  on  the  Potomac;  and,  it 
was  thought  that  giving  it  to  Philadelphia  for  ten  years,  and  to 
Georgetown  permanently  afterward,  this  might,  as  an  anodyne, 
aim  in  some  degree  the  ferment  which  might  be  excited  by  the 
ther  measures  alone.  So  two  of  the  Potomac  members,  White 
and  Lee,  but  White  with  a  revulsion  of  stomach  almost  con 
vulsive,  agreed  to  change  their  votes,  and  Hamilton  undertook 
to  carry  the  other  point.  In  doing  this,  the  influence  he  had 
established  over  the  eastern  members,  with  the  agency  of  Eobert 
Morris,  with  those  of  the  middle  States,  effected  his  side  of  the 
engagement ;  and  so  the  "  assumption  "  was  passed,  and  twenty 
millions  of  stock  divided  among  favored  States,  and  thrown  in  as 
a  pabulum  to  the  stock -jobbing  herd.  This  added  to  the  number 
of  votaries  to  the  treasury,  and  made  its  chief  the  master  of  every 
vote  in  the  legislature,  which  might  give  to  the  government  the 
direction  suited  to  its  peculiar  views." 

In  these  extracts  are  shown  the  mental  tyranny  and  conscious 
ness  of  extraordinary  powers  characteristic  of  JEFFERSON.  There  is 
an  acrimonious  bitterness  pervading  it,  that  indicates  an  envy 
of  Hamilton,  his  great  political  rival,  and  a  disposition  to  impugn 
the  motives  of  others,  no  less  pure  than  himself.  Speaking  of 
Hamilton's  measures  in  the  aggregate,  he  says :  "When  I  reached 
New  York,  I  found  a  state  of  things,  which  of  all  I  ever  contem 
plated,  I  least  expected.  Politics  were  the  chief  topic,  and  a 
preference  of  kingly,  over  republican  government,  was  evidently 
the  favorite  sentiment.  An  apostate,  I  could  not  be,  nor  yet  a 
hypocrite  ;  and  I  found  myself  for  the  most  part,  the  only  advocate 
on  the  republican  side  of  the  question,  unless  among  the  guests 
there  chanced  to  be  some  member  of  that  party  from  the  legis 
lative  houses.  Hamilton's  financial  system  had  then  passed.  It 
had  two  objects ;  first,  as  a  puzzle  to  exclude  popular  understand 
ing  and  inquiry ;  second,  as  a  machine  for  the  corruption  of  the 
legislature ;  for  he  avowed  the  opinion,  that  man  could  be  gov 
erned  by  one  of  two  motives  only,  force  or  interest ;  force,  he 
observed,  in  this  country,  was  out  of  question,  and  the  interests, 
therefore,  of  the  members  must  be  laid  hold  of,  to  keep  the  legis- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

lature  in  unison  with  the  executive;  and,  with  grief  and  shame, 
it  must  be  acknowledged,  that  his  machine  was  not  without 
effect ;  that  even  in  this,  the  birth  of  our  government,  some  mem 
bers  were  found  sordid  enough  to  bend  their  duty  to  their  interests, 
and  to  look  after  personal,  rather  than  public  good." 

"We  have  been  thus  careful,  in  the  insertion  of  these  extracts,  to 
give  JEFFERSON'S  peculiar  views  upon  the  great  questions  of  that 
time,  and  to  show  his  relation  with  his  rival,  Hamilton,  preferring 
that  he  should  speak  for  himself,  especially,  as  he  defines  with 
such  explicitness  his  position.     The  early  influence  of  these  tw« 
statesmen   upon    our  country,   would   be  difficult  to   over-esti 
mate.     The  keen,  penetrative  sagacity  of  Hamilton,  has   been 
seldom,  if  ever  excelled,  or  even  equaled.     In  many  other  respects. 
JEFFERSON  was  evidently  his  superior. .   What  tended  farther  to 
tighten  party  lines  thus  drawn,  was  a  disposition  of  the  federal 
party  to  place  a  liberal  construction  upon  the  Constitution,  and 
insist  upon  an  enforcement  of  all  its  granted  powers,  whether 
implied  or  expressed.     The  other  party,  JEFFEKSON   among  the 
number,  insisted  upon  a  strict  adherence  to  all  its  provisions,  as 
essential  to  check  the  monarchical  tendencies,  which  they  thought 
were   manifest,  and  indicated  in  embryo,  by  the  desire  of  the 
Senate   to   confer  titular  distinction  upon   the  President.     The 
powers  given  the  chief  executive,  conjoined  as  they  were,  with 
unlimited  eligibility  to  office,  were  watched  with  the  greatest 
jealousy  by  the  antifederal  or  republican  party.     To  the  measures 
of  Hamilton,  after  having  given  his  views,  he  gave  a  reluctant 
assent,  but  subsequent   events  placed   him  in  opposition.     The 
French  Revolution,  by  the  federalists,  was  looked  upon  with  horror; 
with  the  sympathies  of  JEFFERSON  warmly  enlisted  in  behalf  of 
republican   principles    everywhere, — it  was   entirely   congenial. 
The    disposition   of   Hamilton,   as    avowed,   to   incorporate   so 
many  features  of  the  laws  of  England,  against  which  JEFFERSON'S 
antipathy  was  deep-rooted  and  lasting,  tended  to  increase  his 
hostility  to  many  measures  of  the  administration.     JEFFERSON'S 
ideas  evidently  were  to  simplify  the  government  as  much  as  pos 
sible,  so  as  to  promote  the  most  enlarged  freedom,  and  guard 
effectually  against  all  approximation  to  monarchy,  and  create  as 
little  dissatisfaction  among  the  masses  as  possible,  by  avoiding 
onerous  taxes ;  a  subject  upon  which  any  people  are  peculiarly 
tender.     His  objects  were  good.     In  regard  to  their  accomplish 


144  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

inent,  many  no  less  pure  or  patriotic,  differed  with  him  very 
widely.  Any  measure,  in  the  adoption  of  which,  he  thought  the 
country  would  be  benefited,  JEFFERSON  was  disposed  to  view  as 
practicable ;  and  such  as  did  not  accord  with  his  sentiments  of 
utility,  he  at  once  regarded  as  essentially  dangerous.  Theoretical, 
meditative,  and  well  versed  in  political  economy,  his  imperious 
mind  was  ready  to  assert  a  supremacy  over  those  who  entertained 
different  opinions,  and  not  wholly  averse  to  calling  their  motives 
in  question.  To  him  it  seemed  strange,  and  often  absurd,  that 
others  could  not  see  things  as  he  did;  and  hence  his  mental  des 
potism,  impervious  alike  to  flattery,  and  the  exercise  of  power. 
Unbending  in  his  lofty  soul,  while  he  asserted  and  maintained  his 
independence  of  all  parties,  he  formed  the  nucleus,  where  centered 
the  elements  of  one  of  the  most  potent  and  influential. 

On  the  assemblage  of  the  third  session  of  the  First  Congress, 
JEFFERSON  presented  that  body,  accurately  prepared  tabular 
views  of  the  commercial  interests  of  the  United  States,  as  com 
pared  with  France  and  England.  This  was  the  result  of  patient 
investigation,  and  a  comprehensive  mind,  accompanied  with  his 
characteristic  desire  to  serve  his  country.  JEFFERSON,  during  his 
ministerial  duties  in  France,  was  anxious  to  give  commercial 
preference  to  that  country,  over  England  ;  this  anxiety  was  doubt 
less  the  dictate  of  partiality,  as  well  as  policy.  This  tabular  view, 
however,  showed  the  fact,  since  well  established,  that  England 
was  the  more  profitable  as  an  emporium  for  American  products, 
but  he  still  insisted  upon  the  superior  national  merits  of  France. 
It  was  during  this  session  that  the  Apportionment  Bill,  fixing 
the  number  of  representatives,  passed.  This  bill  assumed  thirty 
thousand  as  the  population  of  each  State.  But,  instead  of  giving 
Xew  York  thirty  thousand,  Virginia  thirty  thousand,  and  so  on,  it 
took  the  whole  population  for  a  dividend,  which  was  divided  by 
the  number,  thirty  thousand.  This  furnished  a  quotient  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty;  which  was  applied  to  the  several  States 
according  to  their  population.  This  gave  some  States  a  greater, 
others  a  less,  representation  than  they  were  entitled  to.  After 
passing  both  houses,  it  was  submitted  to  the  President.  He 
advised  with  his  Cabinet.  It,  as  usual,  was  divided.  Hamilton 
insisted  upon  its  approval;  JEFFERSON  urged  its  veto.  Washington, 
after  mature  reflection,  thought  with  the  latter,  and  it  was  vetoed. 
This  was  the  first  exercise  of  the  veto  power  by  an  American 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 


145 


executive.  From  this  time  the  breach  between  the  two  secretaries 
continued  to  widen.  JEFFERSON,  soon  after  this,  had  a  long  con 
ference  with  Washington,  in  which  the  latter  expressed  unlimited 
confidence  in  his  capacity  and  patriotism,  and  a  hope  that  he  would 
not  retire  from  the  public  concerns,  as  was  soon  his  own  intention. 

V  The  party  feelings  of  Hamilton  and  JEFFERSON  were  at  length 
indicated  by  a  collision.  It  originated  in  a  commercial  treaty 

"'with  Ternant,  the  French  minister,  who,  JEFFERSON  affirms,  was 
induced  to  commence  it  at  the  instigation  of  Hamilton,  for  the 
purpose  of  producing  difficulties.  JEFFERSON,  however,  drew  up 
the  plan  of  a  treaty  according  to  his  own  views.  Hamilton 
objected  to  the  rates  of  duty  as  not  being  high  enough,  and 
amended  it  by  an  increase.  JEFFERSON  thought  this  was  done 
toward  Ternant  for  the  purpose  of  affording  the  British  minister 
an  argument  of  the  same  sort.  Upon  this  supposition  he  opposed 
the  whole  thing,  and  went  contrary  to  both  Washington,  and 
Hamilton.  Speaking  of  this,  JEFFERSON  says:  "His  scheme 
evidently  was  to  get  us  engaged,  first  with  Ternant,  merely  that 
he  might  engage  us  on  the  same  ground  with  Hammond,"  (the 
British  minister),  "taking  care,  at  the  same  time,  by  an  extrava 
gant  tariff,  to  render  it  impossible  we  should  come  to  any  con 
clusion  with  Teruant ;  probably  meaning,  at  the  same  time,  to 
propose  terms  so  favorable  to  Great  Britain,  as  would  attach  us 
to  that  country  by-  treaty."  He  farther  implicated  Hamilton  in 
a  confidential  understanding  with  the  British  minister,  to  keep  him 
fully  advised  upon  all  the  measures  of  Congress  and  the  Cabinet, 
in  lieu  of  similar  information  in  regard  to  Parliament  and  the 
Crown.  This  state  of  things,  of  course,  precluded  personal  good 
will  and  intimacy. 

Much  as  we  might  think  of  deploring  a  collision  of  two  such 
men  as  JEFFERSON  and  Hamilton,  such  differences  are  not  always 
destitute  of  good  results,  especially  when  both  the  parties  are 
purely  patriotic.     The  charge  of  concert  with  the  British  minister,   L 
was  evidently  unjustifiable,  by  any  facts  in  the  case. 

In  the  meantime,  various  causes  conspired  to  make  the  official 
duties  of  JEFFERSON,  as  Secretary  of  State,  numerous  and  compli 
cated.  No  party  feelings  or  recrimination  could  prevent  his  faith 
ful  discharge  of  these.  England  had  been  slow  to  conform  to 
many  of  the  articles  in  the  treaty,  to  which  she  had  pledged  com 
pliance  ;  while  the  conduct  of  the  French  minister,  Genet,  in  the 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

United  States,  greatly  magnified,  and  increased  the  difficulties  of 
his  foreign  correspondence,  which  he  kept  up,  during  the  remain 
der  of  his  official  term,  with  dignity  and  ability,  unsurpassed  on 
the  American  archives,  copious  as  they  are  with  the  talent  of 
sagacious  statesmanship. 

Bitter  as  were  party  feelings  at  that  time,  the  bold,  intrepid 
manner,  in  which  JEFFERSON  maintained  the  national  dignity,  and 
repelled  the  encroachments  of  foreign  power,  won  the  esteem  of 
all  men,  independent  of  party  ties.  It  was  a  fact,  Washington 
well  knew,  that  the  United  States  had  but  one  JEFFERSON,  and 
that  he  was  needed  at  that  delicate  period  for  Secretary  of  State. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  8th  of  May,  1792.  JEFFERSON 
immediately  wrote  Washington  a  lengthy  letter,  giving  his  views 
of  some  of  the  principal  features  of  party  politics,  and  urging  him 
with  warmth  and  earnestness,  to  consent  to  a  re-election  to  the 
presidency.  He  speaks  of  the  sectional  feelings  of  the  country 
being  excited;  party  hostilities  engendered;  contemplates  with 
dread  the  failure  of  the  government  to  consolidate  the  Union, 
and  insisted  that  to  avert  most  dreadful  consequences,  it  was  his 
duty  to  fill  the  place  again.  "  Your  being  at  the  helm,"  says  he, 
u  will  be  more  than  an  answer  to  every  argument  which  can  be 
used  to  alarm  and  lead  the  people,  in  any  quarter,  into  violence 
or  secession.  North  and  south  will  hang  together,  if  they  have 
you  to  hang  on ;  and  if  the  first  corrective  of  numerous  represen 
tation  should  fail  in  its  effect,  your  presence  will  give  time  for 
trying  others  not  inconsistent  with  the  union  and  peace  of  the 
States."  JEFFERSON  was  earnest  in  this  appeal,  and  considered 
the  condition  of  his  country,  and  her  interests  alone.  Notwith 
standing  his  party  attachments,  patriotism  never  found  a  warmer, 
or  more  congenial  breast  than  JEFFERSON'S.  Washington  received 
this  letter  in  Philadelphia,  and  proposed  a  conference  with  him 
upon  the  subject  of  its  contents ;  this  was  agreed  to,  and,  soon 
after  the  parties  met,  almost  as  brothers  meet,  to  talk  over  the 
affairs  of  the  country,  each  having  unlimited  confidence  in  the  other. 
Washington  reaffirmed  his  wish  to  retire  to  private  life,  while  JEF 
FERSON  repeated,  and  enforced  the  reasons  assigned  in  his  letter, 
why  he  should  continue  at  the  head  of  the  national  government. 

Soon  after  this  conversation,  he  wrote  Washington  a  second 
letter,  defending  himself  from  anonymous  abuse,  which,  he  sup 
posed,  originated  from  Hamilton.  He  says :  "  I  am  charged  ; 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 


147 


first,  with  having  written  letters  from  Europe  to  my  friends,  to 
oppose  the  present  Constitution,  while  pending ;  second,  with  a 
desire  of  not  paying  the  public  debt;  third,  with  setting  up  a 
paper  to  decoy  and  slander  the  government.  The  first  charge  is 
most  false.  I  approved  of  as  much  of  the  Constitution  as  most 
persons,  and  more  of  it  was  disapproved  of  by  my  accuser  than 
by  me,  and  of  its  parts,  most  vitally  republican.  My  objection  to 
the  Constitution,  was  the  want  of  a  Bill  of  Eights, — Colonel 
Hamilton's,  that  it  wanted  a  king  and  House  of  Lords.  The  sense 
of  America  has  approved  my  objection,  and  added  the  Bill  of 
Eights,  and  not  the  king  and  House  of  Lords.  I  wanted  the 
presidential  term  longer,  and  not  renewable ;  my  country  thought 
otherwise,  and  I  have  acquiesced."  Of  the  national  debt,  he  says : 
"I  wanted  the  debt  paid  off  to-morrow, — Colonel  Hamilton — 
never ;  but  always  to  remain  in  existence,  for  him  to  manage  and 
corrupt  the  legislature."  The  charge  of  his  establishing  a  paper, 
etc.,  grew  out  of  his  appointment  of  Frenau  to  an  office  in  the 
State  department.  He  was  editor  of  a  paper,  that  was  no  way 
popular  with  the  administration,  but  gave  it  frequent  thrusts,  and 
especially  Hamilton,  whom  he  designated  as  an  administrative 
leader.  The  elevation  of  this  gentleman  to  office,  by  JEFFERSON, 
notwithstanding  his  effort  to  explain  it  away,  was  doubtless  the 
result  of  existent  rivalry  between  him  and  Hamilton. 

The  adjustment  of  affairs  with  Spain,  soon  afforded  ground  of 
fresh  cabinet  disputes.  The  measures  proposed  by  JEFFERSON, 
were  resisted  by  Hamilton,  as  not  being  sufficiently  conciliatory, 
and  too  likely  to  involve  us  in  war,  for  which  we  were  wholly 
unprepared.  JEFFERSON  began  now  to  think  of  retiring  to  Monti- 
cello.  In  addition  to  the  dictates  of  personal  preference,  he  felt 
that,  in  the  frequent  collisions  with  his  rival,  there  was  a  ceaseless 
cause  of  irritation ;  and  he  also  thought  that  Washington  was 
becoming  more  partial  to  the  views  of  Hamilton,  and  looked  with 
less  favor  upon  his. 

Satisfied  of  his  endeavors  to  perform  his  duty,  in  every  capacity, 
without  reference  to  popularity,  powers,  or  opinions  of  others,  he 
wished  to  retire  to  the  shades  of  Monticello,  and  devote  himself 
to  private  affairs.  But  in  his  course,  he  had  drawn  a  large 
portion  of  the  people  around  him,  who,  regarding  him  as  their 
leader,  would  not  permit  him  to  quit  the  service.  Compliant  to 
their  wishes,  and  contrary  to  his  own,  he  consented  to  a  sacrifice 


148  THOMAS     JEFFERSON. 

of  personal  preference,  for  what  was  conceived  public  duty,  and 
public  good. 

On  the  commencement  of  hostilities  between  England  and 
France,  at  the  beginning  of  Washington's  second  presidential 
term,  different  opinions  were  entertained,  as  to  the  proper  course 
to  be  pursued  by  the  United  States.  It  must  be  remembered,  that 
between  France  and  England,  a  treaty  of  alliance  had  been  con 
cluded,  prior  to  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy,  and  the  establish 
ment  of  the  directory.  Since  that  treaty,  France  had  been  revo 
lutionized,  and  a  new  form  of  government  instituted.  Under  this 
form,  her  minister  was  about  presenting  his  credentials  to  the 
American  government,  which  had  also  been  remodeled.  Should 
he  be  received,  was  the  change  of  government  an  abrogation  of 
the  treaty?  Should  a  course  of  strict  neutrality  be  adopted? 
These  became  questions  of  great  •moment.  JEFFERSON  thought 
the  national  relationship  was  unchanged,  and  affirmed  that  the 
treaty  was  equally  binding,  as  before  the  Revolution.  This,  in  a 
very  masterly  style,  he  defended  elaborately,  and  entered  fully 
upon  the  merits  of  the  question.  The  argument,  or  opinion,  was 
based:  1st.  Upon  "the  moral  law  of  our  nature."  2d.  "The 
usage  of  nations."  3d.  "Their  special  conventions."  With 
these  principles  as  a  basis,  he  proceeds  through  the  whole  com 
plexity  of  the  case,  and  cites  various  authors  in  support  of  his 
positions.  The  opinion  is  one  of  marked  ability,  evincing  great 
reasoning  powers,  and  vast  research. 

To  this  construction,  Hamilton  dissented,  as  also  did  Knox. 
Washington,  unswayed  by  any  personal  preference,  or  party  preju 
dice,  reposing  full  confidence  in  the  motives  of  both  his  secretaries, 
agreed  with  JEFFERSON  that  the  treaty  was  still  binding,  and 
decided  upon  an  unqualified  reception  of  the  French  minister. 
JEFFERSON,  notwithstanding  his  liberal  sympathies  for  the  French, 
was  far  from  opposing  neutrality  relationships  to  any  degree  of 
overt  hostilities  in  their  behalf.  Speaking  of  this  in  a  friendly 
letter,  about  tHe  time  great  excitement  prevailed  favorable  to  the 
French,  he  says:  " The  war  between  France  and  England  seems 
to  be  producing  an  effect  not  contemplated.  All  the  old  spirit  of 
1776,  is  rekindling.  The  newspapers  from  Boston  to  Charleston 
prove  this,  and  even  the  monocrat  papers  are  obliged  to  publish 
the  most  furious  philippics  against  England.  *  *  * 

I  wish  we  may  be  able  to  repress  the  spirit  of  the  people  within 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  149 

the  limits  of  a  fair  neutrality"  He  goes  on  to  say  farther:  "if 
we  preserve  a  sneaking  neutrality,  we  shall  be  indebted  for  it  to 
the  President,  and  not  his  counselors ;" — still  showing  an  unwil 
lingness  to  accord  any  controlling  influence  to  Hamilton,  whom  he 
includes  among  "his  counselors." 

It  is  here  necessary  to  state,  that  in  the  terms  "monocrat," 
"federalist,"  etc.,  so  acrimoniously  applied  by  JEFFERSON  to  par 
tisans,  he  never  intended  to  embrace  Washington.  Him  he 
regarded,  as  everybody  else  did,  a  pure  patriot, — a  sightless  dis 
tance  above  party,  and  party  faction.  The  full  force  of  the  treaty 
being  established  by  presidential  decision,  Genet,  the  French  min 
ister,  was  received  accordingly.  By  his  undue  efforts  to  excite 
sympathy  for  his  country,  he  degraded  himself  and  his  commis 
sion,  and  was  finally  subjected  to  a  recall.  He  soon  became  in 
volved  in  an  epistolary  controversy  with  JEFFEKSON,  upon  national 
subjects.  JEFFERSON  demolished  his  arguments,  if  such  they  could 
be  called,  and  used  him  up  effectually.  At  length,  finding  he 
got  the  worst  of  it  in  argumentation,  he  availed  himself  of  that 
ready  resort  of  little  minds,  and  changed  his  logic  to  insolence. 
Here  JEFFERSON,  feeling  it  was  getting  too  low,  ceased  to  reply. 
The  patience  of  the  government  being  at  length  exhausted,  com 
plaint  was  made  through  our  minister,  Governeur  Morris,  to  the 
court  of  France,  accompanied  with  a  request  for  his  recall.  This 
drew  due  consideration,  and  resulted  in  the  appointment  of  com 
missioners  to  the  United  States,  delegated  with  pacific  powers  and 
instructions  to  convey  Genet  home  a  prisoner.  All  difficulties 
were  amicably  adjusted,  but  the  chief  originator  of  them  remained 
in  the  United  States. 

On  the  issue  of  the  neutrality  proclamation,  the  French  revo 
lution,  arid  her  war  with  England,  began  to  exert  an  influence 
upon  the  parties  of  the  country  hitherto  not  seen.  Many  persons 
in  the  United  States,  whose  sympathies  were  with  France,  insisted 
that,  even  under  the  existent  treaty,  we  were  bound  to  co-operate 
with  her  in  the  struggle.  In  fact,  after  the  Revolution,  it  took 
very  little  to  create  a  war-stir  in  the  United  States,  especially 
when  it  was  excited  by  appeals  against  England.  In  regard  to 
neutrality,  Hamilton  and  Madison  differed, — the  former  insisting 
upon  both  the  constitutionality  and  propriety  of  the  measure, — 
the  latter  admitting  its  present  prudence,  for  the  purpose  of  abiding 
Congressional  action,  but  denying  the  right  of  the  President  to 


150  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

proclaim  the  United  States  in  a  state  of  neutrality,  without  such 
action.  While  these  gentlemen  were  advocating  their  respective 
views  with  accustomed  ability,  JEFFERSON  wrote  to  Madison  and 
Monroe,  extracts  from  which  letters  giye  his  sentiments  in  regard 
to  our  relationship  with  France.  To  Madison  he  says  :  "Never, 
in  my  opinion,  was  so  calamitous  an  appointment  made,  as  that 
of  the  present  minister  of  France  here.  Hot-headed,  all  imagina 
tion,  passionate,  disrespectful  and  even  indecent  toward  the  Presi 
dent,  in  his  written,  as  well  as  his  verbal  communications,  before 
Congress  or  the  public  he  will  excite  indignation."  * 

To  Monroe  he  thus  wrote  :  "  The  proclamation  of  neutrality  was 
opposed ;  1st.  Because  the  executive  has  no  power  to  declare  neu 
trality  :  2d.  As  such  a  declaration  would  be  premature,  and  would 
lose  us  the  benefits  for  which  it  might  be  bestowed.  It  was  urged, 
that  there  was  a  strong  impression  on  the  minds  of  many,  that 
they  were  free  to  join  in  the  hostilities  on  the  side  of  France ; 
others  were  unapprised  of  the  dangers  they  would  be  exposed  to, 
in  carrying  contraband  goods ;  and  it  was  therefore  agreed  that  a 
proclamation  should  issue,  declaring  that  we  were  in  a  state  of 
peace  with  all  parties  ;  advising  the  people  to  do  nothing  contra 
vening  it,  and  putting  them  on  their  guard  as  to  contraband.  On 
this  ground  it  was  accepted  or  acquiesced  in  by  all.  The  public, 
however,  soon  took  it  up  as  a  declaration  of  neutrality,  and  it 
came  to  be  considered,  at  length,  as  such."  *  *  *  * 

Again  he  says  to  Madison  :  "  I  believe  it  will  be  true  wisdom, 
in  the  Republican  party,  to  approve,  unequivocally,  of  a  state  of 
neutrality;  to  avoid  little  cavils  about  who  should  declare  it;  to 
abandon  Genet  entirely,  with  expressions  of  strong  friendship 
and  adherence  to  his  nation,  and  confidence  that  he  has  acted 
against  their  sense.  In  this  way  we  shall  keep  the  people  on  our 
side,  ly  keeping  ourselves  in  the  right" 

The  complicated  state  of  affairs  between  France  and  England, 
gave  rise  to  new  difficulties  between  us  and  the  latter  power.  The 
United  States  had  assumed  a  position  of  neutrality,  contrary  to 
the  provisions  of  which,  Great  Britain  alleged  that  France  was 
permitted  some  liberties  injurious  to  her  interests;  the  United 
States  affirmed  that,  by  a  decree  of  the  British  government,  their 
rights  as  neutrals  were  infringed  upon.  This  referred  to  a  decree, 
passed  by  England,  authorizing  the  seizure  of  American  vessels 
laden  with  provisions  bound  for  any  of  the  French  ports,  and 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

requiring  their  conveyance  to  the  most  convenient  port.  The 
impressment  of  American  seamen  by  England,  also  afforded  ad 
ditional  grounds  of  complaint. 

Pinckney  was  then  our  minister  to  the  British  court ;  he  was 
instructed  to  apply  to  that  government  for  an  explanation  con 
cerning  the  decree,  and  other  offenses.  This  drew  a  reply  from 
Hammond  to  JEFFERSON,  maintaining  the  national  legality  of  the 
decree.  A  pretty  lengthy  correspondence  ensued,  in  which  JEF 
FERSON  vindicated  the  rights  of  his  country  with  characteristic 
firmness  and  ability.  A  similar  decree  of  the  French,  was  not 
only  an  infringement  equally  gross  upon  the  rights  of  a  neutral 
power,  but  was  a  palpable  violation  of  treaty  stipulations  between 
that  country  and  the  United  States.  This  decree  authorized  the 
seizure  of  "all  neutral  vessels  laden  with  provisions  bound  to  the 
enemy's  port,"  and,  of  course,  embraced  the  shipping  of  this  coun 
try  to  great  Britain.  Governeur  Morris  was  then  our  minister  to 
France,  and  was  instructed  to  pursue  a  course,  toward  that  govern 
ment,  similar  to  that  pursued  by  Pinckney  toward  Great  Britain. 
France  preventing  our  shipments  to  England,  and  she,  as  a  counter- 
decree,  prohibiting  them  to  France,  most  certainly  created  no  little 
derangement  of  our  commercial  interests.  Between  JEFFERSON 
and  Morris,  this  was  the  result  of  a  correspondence  in  which 
right  and  national  dignity  are  maintained  with  a  manly  power, 
equal  to  that  displayed  in  the  former  controversy,  of  the  same 
nature,  with  England.  On  the  2d  of  December,  compliant  with 
its  resolutions,  JEFFERSON  laid  before  Congress  a  report  upon  the 
commercial  interests  of  the  United  States.  This  was  drawn  with 
marked  ability,  and  pointed  out  the  channels  most  suited  for  a 
profitable  direction  of  our  commerce,  and  suggested  means  for  its 
protection  and  respect.  This,  and  another  commercial  report  soon 
after,  were  his  last  acts  as  Secretary  of  State. 

On  the  31st  of  July,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  President,  in  which, 
after  assuring  him  that  he  would  "carry  into  his  retirement  a 
lively  sense  of  his  goodness,"  and  that  he  would  ever  have  his 
"serious  prayers  for  his  life,  health,  and  tranquillity,"  he  an 
nounced  his  fixed  intention  of  retiring  to  private  life.  True  to  his 
purpose,  he  was  soon  after  serenely  reposing  amid  the  beauties  of 
his  beloved  Monticello,  enjoying  domestic  quiet  among  his  children 
and  grandchildren. 

JEFFERSON'S  motives,  in  withdrawing  from  the  public  arena, 


152  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

have  been,  and  not  wholly  without  plausibility,  called  in  question. 
Some  said,  it  was  the  result  of  chagrin  at  not  being  able  to 
overcome  Hamilton,  and  quash  his  favorite  measures,  and  a  desire, 
to  be  relieved  from  annoying  manifestations  incident  to  a  rivalry 
with  that  gentleman.  Others,  with  a  greater  degree  of  probability, 
affirmed  that  it  was  the  result  of  personal  preference ;  though 
men's  motives  are  hidden  things,  and  frequently  entirely  con 
cealed, — the  general  tenor  of  one's  life  is  the  surest  method  of 
understanding  them.  There  is  no  doubt  that  JEFFERSON  earn 
estly  desired  retirement ;  he  was  a  literary  man,  a  rnan  of  science, 
fond  of  books,  especially  on  natural  history ;  he  possessed  the 
warmest  family  attachments  at  Monticello,  a  most  beautiful  spot 
by  nature,  and  tastefully  improved  by  art,  with  every  essential  to 
peace  and  comfort ;  every  thing,  indeed,  conspired  to  strengthen 
his  natural  desire  to  enter  upon  the  enjoyment  of  private  repose. 
But  he  had  taken  too  deep  a  hold  upon  the  men  of  his  party,  to 
remain  a  quiet  observer  of  events  from  his  Monticello  eyre.  At 
the  close  of  "Washington's  administration,  he  was  the  unanimous 
choice  of  his  party  to  succeed  him  to  the  presidency.  But,  before 
entering  upon  this  contest  we  ought,  perhaps,  to  advert  to  a  small 
matter,  out  of  which,  like  a  great  many  very  small  affairs,  great 
ones  have  been  manufactured  by  designing  men. 

During  Washington's  last  official  term,  JEFFERSON  wrote  a  letter 
to  Mazzei,  an  old  Italian  friend,  in  which,  it  is  true,  he  used  some 
imprudent  expressions,  but  never  with  the  design  attributed  to 
him.  Mazzei  had  the  letter  published,  in  the  Italian  language,  at 
Florence ;  it  found  its  way  to  Paris,  was  translated  into  the 
French,  and  eventually  reaching  the  United  States,  it  was  re 
translated.  Thick  and  heavy  was  its  author  abused.  He  was 
accused  of  slandering  Washington,  and  disloyalty  to  his  country/ 
The  subjoined  is  the  part  of  the  letter  which  kindled  the  ire  of  the 
federal  party :  "  The  aspect  of  our  politics  has  wonderfully  changed, 
since  you  left  us,  April  24,  1796.  In  place  of  that  noble  love  of 
liberty  and  republican  government  which  carried  us  triumphantly 
through  the  war,  an  Anglican  monarchical  and  aristocratical  party 
has  sprung  up,  whose  avowed  object  is  to  draw  over  us  the  sub 
stance,  as  they  have  already  done  the  forms,  of  the  British  gov 
ernment. 

:;  The  main  body  of  our  citizens,  however,  remain  true  to  the 
republican  principles ;  the  whole  land- interest  is  republican,  and 


THOMAS     JEFFERSON. 

so  is  a  great  mass  of  talent.  Against  us  are  the  executive  and 
the  judiciary, — two  out  of  three  branches  of  the  Legislature. — all 
the  officers  of  the  government, — all  who  want  to  be  officers, — all 
timid  men,  who  prefer  the  calm  of  despotism  to  the  boisterous  sea 
of  liberty, — British  merchants  and  Americans  trading  on  British 
capital, — speculators  and  holders  in  the  banks  and  public  funds, — 
a  contrivance  invented  for  the  purposes  of  corruption,  and  for 
assimilating  us  in  all  things  to  the  rotten,  as  well  as  the  sound 
parts  of  the  British  model.  It  would  give  you  a  fever,  were  I 
to  name  to  you  the  apostates  who  have  gone  over  to  these  here 
sies, — men  who  were  Samsons  in  the  field,  and  Solomons  in  the 
council,  but  wrho  have  had  their  heads  shorn  by  the  harlot,  Eng 
land.  In  short,  we  are  likely  to  preserve  the  liberty  we  have 
obtained,  only  by  unremitted  labors  and  perils.  But  we  shall 
preserve  it,  and  our  mass  of  weight  and  wealth  on  the  good  side, 
is  so  great,  as  to  leave  no  danger  that  force  will  ever  be  attempted 
against  us ;  we  have  only  to  wake  and  snap  the  Lilliputian  cords 
with  which  they  have  been  entangling  us  during  the  first  sleep 
which  succeeded  our  labors." 

This  is  a  rather  bitter  epistle.  Knowing  that  Washington,  in 
all  hearts,  reigned  an  idol,  those  unfriendly  to  JEFFERSON  tried  to 
make  it  appear  that  he  was  the  "  Samson  in  the  field,"  etc.,  alluded 
to.  The  sentiments  of  the  letter  reflect  no  credit  upon  the  author, 
and  show  an  imprudent  denunciation  of  the  measures  of  the  ad 
ministration,  and  a  deep  hostility  to  the  course  of  Hamilton,  whom 
he  called  "Camillus."  But  the  allusions  were  not  to  the  Presi 
dent,  though  JEFFERSON  thought  he  often  leaned  to  the  measures 
of  the  federalists.  Mazzei  was  an  old  neighbor  to  him,  and  they 
frequently  had  confidential  interviews.  After  his  departure,  they 
were  continued  by  writing.  This  letter  was  not  designed  for 
publication,  but  simply  as  correspondence  to  a  friend.  This  is 
some  apology  for  its  severity.  Anonymous  communications,  also 
reflecting  upon  the  administration,  were  ascribed  to  JEFFERSON, 
who,  being  the  leader  of  the  Eepublican  party,  was  made  a  kind 
of  packhorse,  on  which  to  saddle  all  the  sins  of  the  times.  This 
he  disavowed,  and,  we  think,  truly.  He  made  it  a  point  not  to 
write  for  the  press,  anonymously  or  otherwise. 

His  opposers  had  said  much  to  show  that  hostile  feelings  were 
engendered  between  him  and  Washington ;  and  some  have  averred 
that  Washington  "called  him  to  account"  for  his  Mazzie  letter; 


154  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

others,  that  ne  wrote  an  "angry  letter,"  etc.  These  are,  in  the 
main,  groundless.  "Washington  was  not  the  man  to  write  angry 
letters ;  and  though  he  was  often  wounded  at  the  differences  be 
tween  his  secretaries,  his  confidence  in  JEFFERSON'S  patriotism 
was  never  impaired. 

But  to  return.  Washington's  term  having  expired,  in  the  selec 
tion  of  one  to  fill  his  place,  the  two  parties  rallied  to  their  cham 
pions.  John  Adams  was  the  Federal  candidate,  while  JEFFERSON, 
as  before  stated,  was  the  Kepublican  or  Democratic.  Party  lines 
were  closely  drawn.  Adams  received  seventy-one,  and  JEFFER 
SON  sixty-eight  votes  ;  Adams  was  elected  President  and  JEFFER 
SON  Vice-president.  Four  years  before,  the  President  was  unan 
imously  elected, — now  by  a  bare  majority.  JEFFERSON  entered 
upon  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  vice-president,  with  many 
manifestations  of  regard  and  friendship  toward  Adams.  He 
reached  Philadelphia  on  the  2d  of  March,  to  be  ready  for  the 
inauguration.  On  his  arrival,  friendly  visits  were  exchanged 
between  him  and  President  Adams,  in  which  free  conversation 
was  indulged  upon  national  affairs,  especially  our  relations  with 
France,  and  a  good  understanding  between  the  two  was  arrived  at. 

After  the  inauguration,  JEFFERSON  retired  to  Monticello,  where 
he  remained  until  April.  In  a  letter  to  a  gentleman  of  Massa 
chusetts  he  says,  of  the  two  officers:  "The  second  office  of  this 
government  is  honorable  and  easy ;  the  first  is  but  a  splendid 
misery."  Singular,  that  the  "misery"  is  so  contagious,  and  so 
many  think  themselves  just  suited  to  an  attack !  He  also  expresses 
a  dread  lest  "  the  Hamiltonians  "  should  try  to  interrupt  the  good 
feelings,  which  he  desired  should  prevail  between  him  and  the 
President,  and  further  expresses  a  wish  that  the  United  States 
could  maintain  a  position  of  independent  neutrality  toward  other 
powers,  "especially  England  and  France."  The  bitterness  of 
party  faction,  after  the  retirement  of  Washington,  increased  with 
considerable  rapidity,  and  developed  itself  in  mutual  crimina 
tions  and  recriminations.  Among  the  charges  preferred  by  each, 
was  pandering  to  the  caprice  of  its  favorite  foreign  power, — the 
federalists  to  England, — the  other  to  France.  To  Aaron  Burr,  a 
man  of  some  conspicuity  as  a  Republican  leader,  but  otherwise 
sadly  renowned,  JEFFERSON  wrote  a  letter  expressing  his  regrets 
at  the  increase  of  party  spirit,  and  disappointment  that  such  was 
the  case,  and  closes  with  "apprehensions  that  fraud  would  at 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

length  effect  what  force  could  not,"  and  that  uwith  currents  and 
counter-currents  we  should,  in  the  end,  be  driven  back  to  the  land 
from  which  we  launched  twenty  years  ago."  He  soon  after  wrote 
to  Rutledge,  in  regard  to  our  foreign  relations,  as  follows:  "  We 
had,  in  1793,  the  most  respectable  character  in  the  universe.  What 
the  neutral  nations  think  of  us  now,  I  know  not ;  but  we  are  low 
indeed  with  the  belligerents ;  their  kicks  and  cuffs  prove  their 
contempt.  If  we  weather  the  present  storm,  I  hope  we  shall  avail 
ourselves  of  the  calm  of  peace,  to  place  our  foreign  connections 
under  a  new,  and  different  arrangement.  *  *  As  to 

every  thing  except  commerce,  we  ought  to  divorce  ourselves  from, 
them  all"  On  the  party  strife  of  the  times,  he  thus  writes  to  the 
same  man :  "  You  and  I  have  seen,  have  formerly  seen,  warm 
debates  and  high  political  passions ;  but  gentlemen,  of  different 
politics,  would  then  speak  to  each  other,  and  separate  the  business 
of  the  Senate  from  that  of  society.  It  is  not  so  now.  Men  who 
have  been  intimate  all  their  lives,  cross  the  street  to  avoid  meet 
ing,  and  turn  their  heads  another  way,  lest  they  should  be  obliged 
to  touch  their  hats." 

JEFFERSON,  soon  after,  returned  to  Monticello  for  the  enjoy 
ment  of  a  brief  respite  from  official  duty,  where  he  learned  his 
appointment  to  the  presidency  of  the  American  Philosophical 
Society,  of  which  he  signified  his  acceptance. 

In  March,  1798,  the  President  sent  a  message  to  Congress, 
urging  that  the  country  be  put  in  a  state  of  defense,  in  the  event  of 
war  with  France,  and  withdrew  the  prior  instructions  of  the  custom 
officers,  not  to  allow  armed  vessels  to  leave  American  ports. 
JEFFERSON  called  it  an  "  insane  message,"  and  opposed  all  steps 
of  premature  hostility.  As  a  negotiatory  basis,  the  United  States 
were  required  to  pay  a  large  sum  of  money,  of  which  JEFFERSON 
speaks,  as  being  "unworthy  a  great  nation,  and  calculated  to 
excite  disgust  and  indignation  generally,  and  alienation  in  the 
republicans  particularly,  whom  they  so  far  mistook,  as  to  presume 
an  attachment  to  France,  and  hatred  to  the  federal  party,  and  not 
the  love  of  country  to  be  their  first  passion."  The  two  parties 
being  charged,  not  without  justness,  of  partiality  to  the  foreign 
powers,  and  France  being  the  one  favored  by  the  republican,  the 
course  of  that  country  tended  to  dampen  the  attachment  of  many, 
and  to  make  accessions  to  the  opposite  party.  Party  spirit 
became  warmer  than  ever ;  JEFFERSON,  in  the  midst  of  it,  thus 


156  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

wrote:  "  All  the  firmness  of  the  human  mind,  is  now  in  a  state 
of  requisition.  The  spirit  kindled  up  in  the  towns  is  wonderful. 
These,  and  New  Jersey,  are  pouring  in  addresses,  offering  life  and 
fortune,"  and  adds,  that  the  replies  of  the  President  were  "  more 
thrasonic  than  the  addresses."* 

Partaking  of  the  excitement  of  the  times,  Colonel  Taylor,  a 
warm  republican,  of  South  Carolina,  suggested  to  a  friend  in 
Congress,  the  necessity  of  southern  separation  from  the  Union. 
To  this  JEFFEKSON  replied  at  length,  and  used  the  following 
patriotic  language :  "  But  who  can  say  what  would  be  the  evils  of 
secession,  and  when,  and  where  they  would  end?  Better  keep 
together  as  we  are,  haul  off  from  Europe  as  soon  as  we  can,  and 
from  all  attachment  to  any  portion  of  it ;  and  if  they  show  their 
power,  just  sufficiently  to  hoop  us  together,  it  will  be  the  happiest 
situation  in  which  we  can  exist."  JEFFERSON,  from  the  position 
he  occupied  in  the  Republican  party,  was  often  warmly  assailed 
by  his  enemies.  On  one  occasion  he  was  accused  of  being 

^"closeted"  with  political  friends, — on  another,  with  being  a  half 
peacemaker,  favoring  France,  but  despising  England.  These, 
and  similar  charges,  he  denied  in  private  letters.  JEFFEKSON  was 
on  terms  of  intimacy  with  Kosciusko,  Volney,  and  Rowan,  offer 
ing  them  the  hospitalities  of  Monticello,  and  maintaining  friendly 
correspondence. 

\/  Speaking  of  the  famous  "  Alien  and  Sedition  laws,"  as  being 
an  exhibition  of  tyranny,  to  see  how  much  disregard  for  the  Con 
stitution  the  people  would  stand,  he  says:  "if  this  goes  down, 
we  shall  immediately  see  attempted,  another  act  of  Congress, 
declaring  that  the  President  shall  continue  in  office  during  life, 
reserving  for  another  occasion,  the  transfer  of  the  succession  to  his 
heirs,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Senate  for  life.  At  least, 
this  may  be  the  aim  of  the  Oliverians,  while  Monk  and  the 
Cavaliers,  who  are  perhaps  the  strongest,  may  be  playing  their 
game  for  the  restoration  of  his  most  gracious  majesty,  George  the 
Third.  That  these  things  are  in  contemplation,  I  have  no  doubt ; 
nor  can  I  be  confident  of  their  failure,  after  the  dupery  of  which, 
our  countrymen  have  shown  themselves  susceptible." 

Deep,  and  lasting,  and  justifiable,  as  may  have  been  his  hatred  to 
those  measures,  the  foregoing  convey  imputations  as  grossly  falsp., 

*  Tucker. 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

as  they  are  unworthy  the  greatness  of  JEFFERSON  for  their  author. 
His  sanguine  temperament,  recklessness  of  mode  of  expression, 
strong  political  biases,  and  the  extreme  partisan  feelings  of  the 
times,  afford  the  only,  and  we  must  confess,  but  a  poor  apology  for 
their  utterance.  Soon  after,  in  conference  with  Madison,  Monroe, 
and  other  friends,  upon  the  subject  of  constitutional  violation  by 
Congress,  in  various  ways  as  they  conceived,  especially  the  Alien 
and  Sedition  laws,  he  uttered  an  emphatic  protest  against  its  pro 
ceedings.  He  thus  continued  with  the  Republican  party,  faith 
fully  discharging  his  duties  as  vice-president,  until  the  ensuing 
presidential  election,  when  he  was  again  brought  forward  as  a  can 
didate.  This  election  was  strictly  a  test  of  party  strength.  JEFFER 
SON  and  Burr  were  the  Republican  candidates,  and  received  each 
seventy-three  votes.  Adams  and  Finckney  were  the  Federal 
candidates ;  the  former  received  sixty-five,  the  other  sixty-four 
votes,  and  Jay  one.  This  threw  the  election  into  the  House,  and 
created,  as  all  elections  by  the  House  have,  intense  excitement. 
JEFFERSON'S  enemies  labored  for  the  election  of  Burr ;  indeed, 
some  of  the  more  violent,  suggested  the  prevention  of  election  at 
all.  Congress  continued  for  days,  to  ballot  between  JEFFERSON 
and  Burr,  with  no  variation  in  the  result.  At  length,  on  the 
thirty-sixth  ballot,  JEFFERSON  received  ten  votes,  which  secured 
his  election.  Aaron  Burr  was  vice-president. 

The  administration  of  JEFFERSON,  is  a  fruitful  source  of  com 
ment  for  the  author,  and  inquiry  for  the  student.  Our  limits  pre 
clude,  of  course,  a  minute  record  of  all  the  events  crowding 
within  the  period  of  his  official  terms,  but  we  hope  to  advert  to 
their  leading  features,  in  a  manner  that  will  not  be  wholly  unin 


teresting. 


JEFFERSON  was  inaugurated  President,  March  4th,  1801.  His 
inaugural  was  mild,  and  conciliatory,  tending  to  relieve,  to  some 
extent,  the  fears  of  the  opposite  party,  in  regard  to  the  partiality 
of  his  administration.  He  selected  for  his  cabinet, 

JAMES  MADISON,  Secretary  of  State  ; 

HENRY  DEARBORN,  Secretary  of  War ; 

LEVI  LINCOLN,  Attorney-General ; 

SAMUEL  DEXTER,  Secretary  of  Treasury ; 

and   of  the   navy,   BENJAMIN  STODDARD  :    the  two   latter  were 
appointed  by  Adams,  and  continued  in  office  only  for  a  short 
period,   being    superseded    by   Gallatin    of   Pennsylvania,   and 
11 


158  THOMAS    JEFFEKSON. 

Granger  of  Connecticut.  Not  long  after  his  inauguration,  he 
removed  the  collector  of  the  port  at 'New  Haven,  who  was  a 
warm  federalist,  and  appointed  a  gentleman  in  his  place  from 
the  opposite  party,  whose  qualifications  were  inferior  to  the 
former  incumbent.  This  resulted  in  remonstrance,  and  con 
demnation  from  the  citizens  of  that  locality,  and  may  be  regarded 
as  the  overt  beginning  of  that  ruthless  executive  proscrip 
tion,  since  practiced  to  such  a  shameful  extent.  An  extract 
from  his  response,  to  one  of  these  remonstrances,  indicates,  to  a 
certain  extent,  this  proscriptive  policy.  He  says:  "I  lament 
sincerely  that  unessential  differences  of  opinion  should  ever  have 
been  deemed  sufficient  to  interdict  half  the  society  from  the  rights 
and  the  blessings  of  self-government;  to  proscribe  them  as  un 
worthy  of  every  trust.  It  would  have  been  to  me  a  circumstance 
of  great  relief,  had  I  found  a  moderate  participation  of  office  in 
the  hands  of  the  majority,  I  would  gladly  have  left  to  time,  and 
accident,  to  raise  them  to  their  just  share.  But  their  total 
exclusion  calls  for  prompter  corrections.  I  shall  correct  the  pro 
cedure  ;  but,  that  done,  return  with  joy  to  that  state  of  things, 
when  the  only  question  concerning  a  candidate  shall  be, — Is  he 
honest?  Is  he  capable?  Is  he  faithful  to  the  Constitution?" 
Here,  by  saying  with  joy  he  "  will  return  "  to  the  state  of  things, 
when  honesty,  capacity,  etc.,  shall  be  the  only  questions  to  be  con 
sidered,  he  admits,  that  there  is  another  question  to  ask,  plainly, 
the  one,  unfortunately,  too  often  asked  by  our  presidents,  viz :  To 
what  party  does  he  belong?  Those  he  elevated  to  office,  were 
usually  from  the  ranks  of  his  own  party,  though  the  indiscriminate 
removals  from  office,  upon  purely  party  considerations,  was  not 
practiced  by  him  to  the  extent  that  has  marked  the  course  of  some 
of  our  subsequent  executives. 

He  wrote  to  Nathaniel  Macon,  on  the  4th  of  May,  giving  him 
an  idea  of  his  administration,  in  the  following  language : 

"  Levees  are  done  away  with. 

"The  first  communication  to  the  next  Congress,  will  be  like  all 
subsequent  ones,  by  message,  to  which  no  answer  will  be  expected. 

"  The  diplomatic  establishment  in  Europe  will  be  reduced  to 
three  ministers. 

"  The  army  is  undergoing  a  chaste  reformation. 

"  The  navy  will  be  reduced  to  the  legal  establishment,  by  the 
last  of  this  month. 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  159 

"  Agencies  in  every  department  will  be  revised. 

"  We  shall  push  you  to  the  uttermost  in  economizing. 

"A  very  early  recommendation  has  been  given  to  the  Post 
master-General,  to  employ  no  printer,  foreigner,  or  revolutionary 
tory,  in  any  of  his  offices." 

To  Levi  Lincoln  he  also  wrote : 

u  I  had  foreseen,  years  ago,  that  the  first  Republican  President, 
who  should  come  into  office,  after  all  the  places  in  the  government 
had  been  exclusively  occupied  by  Federalists,  would  have  a 
dreadful  operation  to  perform.  That  the  Republicans  would  con 
sent  to  a  continuation  of  every  thing  in  federal  hands,  was  not  to 
be  expected,  because,  neither  just  nor  politic.  On  him,  then, 
was  to  devolve  the  office  of  an  executioner, — that  of  lopping  off." 

Congress  convened  at  the  city  of  Washington,  December  7th, 
1801.  Over  the  Senate  presided  Aaron  Burr.  Congress  organized 
by  the  election  of  Nathaniel  Macon  to  the  speakership.  He  was, 
both  personally  and  politically,  a  warm  friend  to  JEFFERSON. 
Democratic  majorities  prevailed  in  both  Houses,  and  JEFFERSON 
entered  upon  his  administration  under  auspices  favorable  to  the 
establishment  of  his  favorite  measures. 

At  an  early  day  he  sent  his  message  to  Congress.  This  was 
deemed  more  suitable  than  the  delivery  of  addresses,  which  was 
the  practice  of  Washington  and  Adams.  He  insisted  upon  a 
revision  of  some  of  the  acts  of  the  precedent  administrations, 
especially  the  internal  excise ;  the  reduction  of  foreign  ministry ; 
the  regulation  of  the  navy,  and  the  judiciary.  One  of  the  first 
acts  of  his  administration,  was  the  abolition  by  Congress,  of  the 
new  courts,  which,  by  depriving  quite  a  number  of  circuit  judges 
of  pretty  good  offices,  created  considerable  temporary  dissatis 
faction.  The  principal  acts  of  this  Congress,  were  the  apportion 
ment  of  representatives  by  the  census  of  1800;  the  abrogation  of 
the  internal  excise;  the  establishment  of  a  uniform  system  of 
naturalization, — reducing  the  residence  of  foreigners  to  five,  in 
stead  of  fourteen  years ;  the  annual  direction  of  seven  millions 
of  dollars  to  the  sinking  fund,  for  the  payment  of  the  old  national 
debt,  and  the  admission  of  Ohio,  as  a  State,  into  the  Union. 
The  course  of  the  President,  toward  the  preceding  administrations, 
was  a  negative,  rather  than  a  positive  hostility ;  more  of  their  acts 
were  repealed,  than  measures  established  contrary  to  their  views. 
The  most  important  measures  of  the  Second  session  of  Congress, 


160  THOMAS     JEFFERSON. 

was  the  enactment  of  a  law  preventing  the  importation  of  Negroes 
into  the  United  States,  under  severe  penalties.  One  of  the  most 
serious  causes  of  national  agitation,  at  this  time,  was  the  situa 
tion  of  our  affairs  with  Spain.  One  of  the  articles  of  prior  negoti 
ation  with  that  country,  qualifying  the  right  of  making  deposits 
at  New  Orleans,  was  guaranteed  to  the  United  States. 

By  secret  treaty  in  1802,  Louisiana  went  into  the  possession  of 
France,  and  destroyed  this  right  of  deposit,  as  well  as  the  advan 
tages  of  the  Mississippi.  To  our  western  people  these  were 
advantages  of  much  value,  and  they  would  not  give  them  up 
without  some  hesitancy  and  disquiet.  In  1802,  JEFFEKSON  gave 
Congress  formal  notification  of  the  disposition  of  Louisiana. 
Livingston  was  then  our  minister  to  France,  to  whom  was  joined 
James  Monroe.  Monroe  sailed  for  Paris,  with  instructions  to 
negotiate  for  the  Floridas  and  New  Orleans.  Bonaparte  was 
first  consul.  To  Marbois,  with  his  usual  laconic,  decisive  lan 
guage,  he  said:  "I  renounce  Louisiana.  It  is  not  only  New 
Orleans  that  I  will  cede;  it  is  the  whole  country,  without 
reservation.  *  *  *  I  renounce  it  with  the  greatest 
regret.  To  attempt  to  retain  it  would  be  folly.  Negotiate  this 
affair  with  the  envoys  of  the  United  States.  Don't  wait  the 
arrival  of  Mr.  Monroe ;  have  an  interview  with  Mr.  Livingston 
this  very  day.  But,  I  require  a  great  deal  of  money  for  this  war 
[with  England,]  and  I  would  not  like  to  commence  with  new 
contributions.  I  will  be  moderate,  in  consideration  of  the  neces 
sity  in  which  I  am  of  making  a  sale.  But  keep  this  to  yourself. 
I  want  fifty  million  francs,  and,  for  less  than  that  sum,  will  not 
treat.  To-morrow  you  shall  have  full  powers.  Mr.  Monroe  is 
on  the  point  of  arriving." 

Monroe  reached  Paris  April  the  12th,  1803.  On  the  13th, 
Livingston,  Monroe,  and  Marbois,  began  their  conference.  Mar 
bois'  proposition  was  to  cede  all  Louisiana.  The  American 
ministers  were  astounded.  Their  instructions  were  confined  to 
New  Orleans,  the  Floridas,  and  indemnity  for  losses  sustained  by 
the  French  upon  our  commerce.  Marbois  asked,  instead  of  fifty, 
eighty  million  francs.  After  their  astonishment  subsided,  the 
American  ministers  assumed  the  responsibility  of  considering  the 
vast  transaction.  After  consenting  that  twenty  millions  should 
be  deducted,  from  the  eighty,  as  remuneration  for  losses,  our 
envoys  agreed  upon  the  payment  of  the  remaining  sixty  millions. 


THOMAS    JEFFEKSON. 

After  a  close  deliberation  of  some  weeks,  the  transaction  was 
accomplished.  The  papers  being  signed,  the  three  ministers 
"  arose  and  shook  hands,"  during  which  Livingston  said :  "  We 
have  lived  long,  but  this  is  the  noblest  work  of  our  whole  lives. 
*  *  From  this  day,  the  United  States  take  their 

place  among  the  powers  of  the  first  rank ;  the  English  lose  all 
exclusive  influence  in  the  affairs  of  America."  To  Marbois, 
Bonaparte  exclaimed :  "  Sixty  millions,  for  an  occupation  that  will 
not,  perhaps,  last  for  a  day !  This  accession  of  territory  strength 
ens  forever,  the  power  of  the  United  States ;  and,  I  have  just 
given  to  England  a  maritime  rival,  that  will  sooner  or  later 
humble  her  pride."  This  negotiation  was  ratified  by  the  United 
States  Senate,  July  20th,  1803.  Thus,  in  brief  time,  the  United 
States  had  extended  jurisdiction  over  an  area  of  a  million  of 
square  miles. 

JEFFERSON  was  violently  assailed  by  many  of  the  opposite  party, 
for  permitting  the  purchase  of  so  much  "swamp,"  at  the  "enor 
mous  cost"  of  fifteen  million  dollars.  It  was  alleged,  by  some, 
that  we  already  had  too  much  territory,  and  others,  that  it  was 
unconstitutional,  while  many  supposed  the  purchase  of  ISTova 
Scotia,  or  Mexico,  would  be  equally  prudent.  It  finally,  however, 
became  attended  with  so  many  manifest  advantages,  that  the  croak- 
ings  against  "  JEFFERSON'S  swamp  "  were  silenced.  ^ 

Hitherto,  in  the  presidential  elections,  according  to  constitu 
tional  provision,  two  men  were  voted  for,  and  the  one  who  re 
ceived  next  to  the  highest  number  of  votes  cast,  was  vice-president. 
It  was  this  arrangement  that  produced  a  contest  between  JEFFER 
SON  and  Burr,  and  threw  the  election  into  the  House.  The  same 
Congress  that  ratified  the  purchase  above  named,  so  amended  the 
Constitution,  as  to  specify  which  was  voted  for  the  office  of  Presi 
dent  and  Yice-president,  each  a  candidate  for  one  or  the  other  of 
those  offices.  The  Federalists  did  not  like  the  change  very  much, 
but  the  Republicans,  rendered  more  active  by  developments  of  the 
last  contest,  and  having  majorities  in  the  national  legislature, 
carried  it  through.  Before  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  JEFFER 
SON  was  very  desirous  of  acquainting  the  country  and  himself, 
with  the  extent,  attributes,  and  resources  of  the  country  to  the 
Pacific  ocean  ;  since  that  event,  the  interest  of  the  country  being 
brought  into  more  immediate  connection  with  the  subject,  this 
desire  had  increased.  At  his  instance,  in  1803,  an  exploring 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

expedition  was  set  on  foot  with  this  view.  Congress  voted  an 
appropriation  to  defray  the  expenses.  At  the  head  of  this  adven 
turous  party  of  explorers,  he  placed  Merriweather  Lewis,  a  man 
every  way  suited  for  the  enterprise.  JEFFERSON,  himself,  penned 
the  instructions  to  that  officer,  which  embraced  every  thing  neces 
sary.  Of  Lewis,  JEFFERSON  says :  "  He  is  of  courage  undaunted  ; 
possesses  a  firmness  and  perseverance  of  purpose,  which  nothing 
but  impossibilities  could  divert  from  its  direction ;  careful  as  a 
father  of  those  committed  to  his  charge,  yet  steady  in  the  main 
tenance  of  order  and  discipline ;  and  is  intimate  with  the  Indian 
character;  *  *  *  honest,  disinterested,  liberal,  of 
sound  understanding,  and  a  fidelity  to  truth  so  scrupulous,  that 
whatever  he  would  report  would  be  as  certain  as  if  seen  by  our 
selves."  This  enterprise  was  attended  with  good  results.  Lewis 
was  just  the  man  for  the  business. 

JEFFERSON'S  first  official  term  closed  on  the  3d  of  March,  1805. 
The  public  debt  had  been  increased,  but  our  territorial  possessions 
had  been  extended,  commerce  encouraged,  the  Tripoline  war 
brought  to  a  close,  and  the  national  dignity  elevated. 

About  this  time,  giving  his  views  of  the  United  States  bank 
measure,  he  says :  "  This  institution  is  one  of  the  most  deadly 
hostility  existing  against  the  principles  of  the  Constitution." 
Some  similarity  between  him  and  Jackson.  During  his  first 
term,  he  lost  his  youngest  daughter,  the  beautiful  and  accomplished 
Mrs.  Eppes.  Than  JEFFERSON'S,  no  parent's  affections  were 
warmer.  Speaking  of  this  sad  event,  he  says :  "  Others  may 
lose  of  their  abundance,  but  I,  of  my  wants,  have  lost  even 
the  half  of  all  I  had.  My  evening  prospects  now  hang  on  the 
slender  thread  of  a  single  life.  The  hope  with  which  I  had 
looked  forward  to  the  moment  when,  resigning  public  cares  to 
younger  hands,  I  was  to  retire  to  that  domestic  comfort  from 
which  the  last  great  step  is  to  be  taken,  is  fearfully  blighted." 

At  the  presidential  election,  in  1804,  JEFFERSON  and  Clinton 
were  the  candidates  on  the  Republican  side  of  the  question,  and 
Pinckney  and  Rufus  King  on  the  Federal.  The  result  was  the 
election  of  the  Republican  candidates  by  an  overwhelming  ma 
jority.  Of  one  hundred  and  seventy-six  electorial  votes  cast, 
'  JEFFERSON  received  all  but  fourteen.  This  was  certainly  an  indi 
cation  that  his  previous  administration  was  very  popular. 

March  4th,  1805,  he  delivered  his  second  inaugural.     It  was,  to 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

some  extent,  a  review  of  his  past  term,  wherein  he  gave  his  fellow- 
citizens  more  credit  than  he  took  to  himself,  for  its  happy  termi 
nation.  He  glanced  at  the  prospects  of  the  country,  replied  to 
objections  of  too  much  territory,  by  picturing  our  future  national 
eminence,  which  has  been  more  than  verified,  and  felicitated  the 
people  upon  the  condition  of  affairs  generally. 

Congress  again  convened,  December  2d,  1805.  George  Clinton 
presided  over  the  Senate,  and  the  House  again  elected  JEFFERSON'S 
friend,  Macon,  for  speaker.  The  majorities  in  both  houses  were 
Republican.  Our  relations  with  Spain  were  still  in  an  unpleas 
ant  situation,  and  soon  after  the  assemblage  of  the  Ninth  Con 
gress,  the  President  sent  a  brief  message  to  that  body  upon  the 
subject.  On  the  committee  which  considered  it,  was  Randolph, 
who,  nettled  at  not  being  made  minister  to  England,  for  which 
he  had  applied  to  JEFFERSON,  but  which  was  not  given  to  him, 
turned  one  of  those  political  somersets,  that  are  not  so  very 
uncommon  at  the  present  day,  and  from  a  friend,  became  an  enemy 
to  the  administration.  Led  by  this  gentleman,  the  cominittee 
drew  up  a  warlike,  instead  of  a  pacific,  report,  and  recommended 
the  raising  of  soldiers,  in  view  of  the  attitude  of  affairs.  The 
report,  however,  after  some  heated  discussion,  was  rejected.  Two 
millions  of  dollars  were  soon  after  voted,  for  the  purchase  of 
Florida.  The  aggressions  of  England  against  our  commerce,  and 
the  impressment  of  our  seamen,  still  continued  to  a  considerable 
extent.  JEFFERSON,  by  message,  advised  Congress  of  the  fact. 
A  qualified  non-importation  bill  was  immediately  passed,  pre 
venting  the  purchase  of  certain  British  commodities.  The 
Federalists  generally,  strengthened  by  the  defection  of  Randolph, 
voted  against  this  bill.  Congress  also  voted  means  to  improve  the 
ports  and  harbors  of  the  United  States,  and  to  construct  post 
roads,  especially  a  route  from  Maryland  to  the  State  of  Ohio. 

Randolph's  defection  created,  in  Congress,  a  kind  of  a  third 
party,  which,  though  disavowing  all  connection  with  the  Federal 
ists  was  relentless  in  its  opposition  to  the  national  measures  of  the 
administration,  but  equally  careful  to  vote  with  the  Republicans 
on  all  local  questions  wherein  they  were  not  concerned.  April 
21st,  1806,  Congress  adjourned,  and  again  assembled  December 
1st,  of  the  same  year.  One  of  its  first  measures,  was  a  temporary 
suspension  of  the  non-importation  act.  This  was  done  at  the 
suggestion  of  JEFFERSON,  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  full 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

adjustment  of  negotiations  with  England ;  to  accomplish  which, 
Monroe  and  Pinckney  had  been  instructed  to  the  British  court. 
Fox,  one  of  the  leading  men  of  England  died,  while  these 
negotiations  were  pending.  In  him  JEFFERSON  had  great  confi 
dence,  and  expected  a  satisfactory  treaty. 

Anticipating  ministerial  change,  after  his  death,  he  was  less 
sanguine.  He  wrote  Monroe  and  Pinckney  definite  instructions, 
urging  the  rights  of  neutrals,  and  telling  them  not  to  treat,  without 
adequate  provision,  against  impressment  of  our  seamen.  Before 
these  instructions  reached  Europe,  a  treaty  had  been  concluded. 
A  copy  was  sent  to  the  President  at  an  early  day.  The  terms  of 
the  treaty  gave  no  security  against  impressment,  and  the  right 
claimed  by  England,  of  disregarding  the  neutrality  of  the  United 
States,  in  case  of  their  conformity  to  the  requirements  of  Bona 
parte's  famous  Berlin  decree.  Upon  the  whole,  the  treaty  was  no 
improvement  upon  the  old  one.  JEFFERSON  determined  upon  not 
submitting  it  to  the  Senate.  This  decision  made  him  the  recipient 
of  great  popular  odium,  and  created  considerable  disquietude, 
especially  among  the  trading  portion  of  the  people.  Our  envoys, 
who  consummated  it,  were  displeased  with  its  reception ;  while, 
of  course,  it  afforded  a  new  trail  of  abusive  pursuit  for  the  oppo 
site  party.  JEFFEKSON  was  supported,  however,  by  the  Republi 
can  party ;  his  expectations  of  a  treaty  upon  more  favorable  terms 
were  not  fully  realized.  The  death  of  Fox  altered  things  conside 
rably.  Fruitless  endeavors  succeeded,  and  were  persevered  in  for 
some  time,  by  the  American  envoys,  to  effect  a  treaty  upon  the 
most  advantageous  basis.  Seeing  the  futility  of  further  efforts, 
JEFFERSON  instructed  Monroe  to  allow  negotiations  to  subside  with 
a  quasi  recognition  of  the  terms,  to  prevent  a  rupture.  This  was 
rather  a  poor  subterfuge,  in  a  national  transaction.  Monroe  came 
back  to  the  United  States  in  1807.  The  rejection  of  this  treaty 
may  be  regarded  as  the  seed  of  national  dissension  that  germinated 
in  the  war  of  1812.  The  attack  upon  the  Chesapeake  soon  fol 
lowed,  and  created  an  indignant  outburst  against  England  from 
all  parts  of  the  country.  Some  favored  a  resort  to  arms  ;  JEF 
FERSON  made  it  a  subject  of  negotiation.  After  much  dispute  it 
was  finally  adjusted. 

At  this  time  the  commerce  of  nations  presented  a  singular 
phase.  The  French  coast  was  in  a  state  of  blockade  by  the  British 
navy,  triumphant  from  Trafalgar.  Bonaparte  issued  his  Berlin  de- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

cree,  interdicting  commercial  interchange  with  England.  Counter 
to  this,  the  latter  raised  the  national  placard  called  "  Orders  in 
Council,"  which  prevented  the  shipment  of  any  article  from 
America  to  France.  With  as  much  composure  as  though  it  were 
a  schoolboy's  game,  Bonaparte  thundered  forth  his  Milan  decree, 
denationalizing,  at  one  sweep,  all  vessels  that  should  land  at  a 
British  port,  and  subjecting  them  to  seizure. 

Not  to  be  outwitted,  in  this  national  game,  JEFFERSON,  in  Oc 
tober,  1807,  called  Congress  together  and  recommended  an  act 
of  embargo  on  all  the  ships  belonging  to  the  United  States.  A 
bill  to  this  effect  passed  December  22d.  By  its  provisions,  no 
American  vessel  was  allowed  to  visit  a  foreign  port;  no  foreign 
ship  was  allowed  to  take  freight  from  the  United  States ;  and  all 
vessels  on  the  coast  were  required  to  land  within  their  limits. 
Spain  also  came  forward  with  a  kind  of  commercial  manifesto. 
The  embargo  was  the  principal  measure  of  that  Congressional 
session ;  it  adjourned  April  25th,  1808.  This  measure  was 
warmly  opposed  by  many,  and  JEFFERSON  much  abused  in  conse 
quence.  Many  of  his  own  party  did  not  acquiesce.  The  oppo 
sition  prevailed  most,  among  those  whose  commercial  interests 
were  involved.  De  Witt  Clinton  was,  for  a  time,  against  the 
measure,  but  finally  sustained  it.  By  the  embargo,  it  was  diffi 
cult  to  tell  which  suffered  most,  we  or  England.  The  measure 
was  no  doubt  judicious,  for  by  her  Council  orders  our  vessels,  on 
leaving  port,  were  liable  to  be  captured,  affording  no  means  of 
redress  but  reprisals,  which  would  have  resulted  in  a  rupture. 
The  Federalists  generally  were  opposed  to  it,  while  its  tendencies 
were  to  strengthen  their  ranks,  and  weaken  those  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party. 

The  American  ministers  proposed  to  England  a  repeal  of  the 
embargo,  on  condition  of  a  rescission  of  the  Council  orders  ;  which 
was  rejected.  At  length,  under  the  disadvantages  attendant  upon 
its  operation,  the  New  England  States  became  so  refractory,  that 
they  threatened  to  separate  from  the  others,  until  its  repeal.  To 
prevent  this,  JEFFERSON  and  his  cabinet  suggested  a  modification 
of  the  measure.  It  was  so  changed  as  to  permit  commercial  inter 
change  with  all  nations,  except  England  and  France,  and  assumed 
the  appellation  of  the  "non-intercourse  law." 

The  last  administration  of  JEFFERSON  closed  March  3d;  1809. 
By  many,  the  advantages  of  his  two  terms  have  been  estimated 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

too  highly,  and  by  others,  much  underrated, — party  prejudice 
having  much  to  do  with  the  matter.  His  last  term,  upon  the 
whole,  was  not  so  popular  as  his  first.  Many  of  the  States  urged 
his  re-election,  but  he  positively  declined.  At  the  presidential 
election,  the  preceding  fall,  James  Madison  was  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  the  presidency,  and  George  Clinton  for  vice-president ; 
the  Federal  candidates  were  Charles  Pinckney  and  Kufus  King. 
Madison  got  122  electoral  votes ;  Clinton,  113 ;  Pinckney  and 
King,  each,  47. 

On  March  3d,  1809,  JEFFERSON  gave  to  his  successor,  James 
Madison,  the  reins  of  government,  and  returned  to  private  life. 
Henceforth,  amid  the  quiet  beauties  of  Monticello,  we  commune 
with  THOMAS  JEFFERSON  as  a  private  man. 

JEFFERSON,  in  his  desire  for  knowledge,  had  accumulated  an 
exhaust-less  fund  of  information  upon  almost  all  subjects.  To 
science  he  was  an  ardent  devotee,  and  had  familiarized  himself 
with  the  classics,  and  several  modern  languages,  as  well  as  mathe 
matics.  In  his  retirement,  among  his  friends  and  his  books,  he 
was  well  capacitated  for  the  first  enjoyments.  To  Kosciusko  he 
wrote  as  follows,  in  regard  to  the  manner  of  passing  his  time, 
after  his  return  to  Monticello :  "  In  the  bosom  of  my  family,  and 
surrounded  by  my  books,  I  enjoy  a  repose  to  which  I  have  been 
long  a  stranger.  My  mornings  are  devoted  to  correspondence. 
From  breakfast  to  dinner  I  am  in  my  shops,  my  garden,  or  on 
horseback  among  my  farms  ;  from  dinner  to  dark  I  give  to  society, 
and  recreation  with  my  neighbors  and  friends  ;  and  from  candle 
light  to  early  bed-time,  I  read.  My  health  is  perfect,  and  my 
strength  considerably  reinforced  by  the  activity  of  the  course  I 
pursue  :  perhaps  it  is  as  great  as  usually  falls  to  the  lot  of  near 
sixty-seven  years  of  age.  I  talk  of  plows,  seeding  and  harvesting 
with  my  neighbors,  and  of  politics  too,  if  they  choose,  with  as 
little  reserve  as  the  rest  of  my  fellow-citizens,  and  feel,  at  length, 
the  blessings  of  being  free  to  say  and  do  what  I  please,  without 
being  responsible  for  it  to  any  mortal.  A  part  of  my  occupation, 
and  by  no  means  the  least  pleasing,  is  the  direction  of  the  studies 
of  such  young  men  as  ask  it.  They  place  themselves  in  the  neigh 
boring  village,  have  the  use  of  my  library  and  council,  and  make 
a  part  of  my  society.  In  advising  the  course  of  their  reading,  I 
endeavor  to  keep  their  attention  on  the  main  objects  of  all 
science, — the  freedom  and  happiness  of  man." 


THOMAS     JEFFERSON. 

A  general  diffusion  of  knowledge,  he  ever  looked  upon  as  the 
strongest  safeguard  to  republican  liberty,  and  was  active  in  his 
endeavors  for  its  promotion.  In  1818,  principally  through  his 
agency,  the  University  of  Virginia  was  founded,  and  soon  after 
went  into  operation  with  the  happiest  results.  This  institution 
was  the  object  of  his  deep  solicitude  during  his  old  age.  Until 
his  death,  his  extensive  correspondence  was  kept  up,  much  of 
which  has  been  published,  and  is  exceedingly  interesting,  espe 
cially  that  portion  of  it  between  him  and  John  Adams. 

At  Monticello  he  passed  gently  the  declivity  of  age.  In  the 
words  of  Webster,  "  He  lived  as  became  a  wise  man.  Surrounded 
by  affectionate  friends, — his  ardor  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge 
undirninished, — with  uncommon  health  and  unbroken  spirits,  he 
was  able  to  enjoy  largely  the  rational  pleasures  of  life,  and  to  par 
take  in  that  public  prosperity  which  he  had  so  much  contributed 
to  produce.  His  kindness  and  hospitality, — the  charm  of  his 
conversation, — the  ease  of  his  manners, — the  extent  of  his  acquire 
ments,  and  especially  the  full  store  of  revolutionary  incidents 
which  he  possessed,  and  which  he  knew  when  and  how  to  dis 
pense,  rendered  his  abode  in  a  high  degree  attractive  to  his  ad 
miring  countrymen,  while  his  public  and  scientific  character  drew 
toward  him  every  intelligent  and  educated  traveler  from  abroad." 

In  his  manner  of  living,  JEFFERSON  had  never  been  parsimo 
nious  ;  and,  in  fact,  he  was  rather  extravagant  than  otherwise. 
To  dress  he  paid  little  or  no  attention ;  in  regard  to  other  matters 
he  was  not  so  economical.  It  is  painful  to  find  him,  in  his  old 
age,  annoyed  by  debts,  and  though  the  owner  of  immense  property, 
in  a  state  of  insolvency.  To  Congress  he  was  obliged  to  sell  his 
fine  library.  From  this  he  realized  over  twenty  thousand  dollars. 
He  applied  to  the  same  body  for  permission  to  dispose  of  his 
Monticello  estates  by  lottery,  for  the  payment  of  his  debts.  This 
request  was  complied  with,  but  before  it  was  put  into  execution, 
he  was  taken  sick,  and  never  recovered. 

He  died  as  he  lived,  unmoved  by  the  opinions  of  others.  On 
the  24th  of  June,  his  illness,  which  was  an  attack  of  dysentery, 
assumed  an  alarming  aspect,  and  his  physician,  Dr.  Dunglison, 
despaired  of  his  recovery.  Thence  he  continued  to  sink,  until  the 
4th  of  the  ensuing  month.  Just  before  his  death,  he  understood 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Hatch  had  come  to  see  him.  "Is  that  Mr.  Hatch," 
he  inquired  ;  "he  is  a  very  good  man,  and  I  am  glad  to  see  him 


168  THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

as  a  neighbor,  but ,"  a  sudden  pain  prevented  the  conclusion 

of  a  sentence,  in  which,  no  doubt,  an  objection  to  religious  con 
versation  would  have  been  uttered.  In  his  dying  moments,  no 
thought  seems  to  have  been  bestowed  on  religious  subjects. 

A  few  years  previous  to  his  death,  he  wrote  a  friend  in  regard 
to  the  Savior  and  the  New  Testament,  as  follows :  "  It  is  not  to 
be  understood  that  I  am  with  Jesus,  in  all  his  doctrines.  I  am  a 
materialist ;  he  takes  the  side  of  spiritualism ;  he  preaches  the 
efficacy  of  repentance  toward  forgiveness  of  sin  ;  I  require  a  coun 
terpoise  of  good  works.  It  is  the  innocence  of  his  character, — the 
purity  and  sublimity  of  his  moral  precepts, — the  eloquence  of  his 
inculcations,  the  beauty  of  the  apologues,  in  which  he  conveys 
them,  that  I  so  much  admire, — sometimes,  indeed,  needing  indul 
gence  to  Eastern  hyperbolism.  My  eulogies,  too,  may  be  founded 
on  a  postulate  which  all  may  not  be  ready  to  grant.  Among  the 
sayings  and  discourses  imputed  to  him  by  his  biographers,  I  find 
many  passages  of  fine  imagination,  correct  morality,  and  of  the 
most  lovely  benevolence  ;  and  others,  again,  of  so  much  ignorance, 
so  much  absurdity,  so  much  untruth,  charlatanism  and  imposture, 
as  to  pronounce  it  impossible  that  such  contradictions  should  have 
proceeded  from  the  same  being.  I  separate,  therefore,  the  gold 
from  the  dross ;  restore  him  the  former,  and  leave  the  latter  to  the 
stupidity  of  some,  and  roguery  of  others  of  his  disciples.  Of  this 
band  of  dupes  and  impostors,  Paul  was  the  great  Coryphaeus  and 
first  corrupter  of  the  doctrines  of  Jesus.  These  palpable  interpo 
lations  and  falsifications  of  his  doctrines  led  me  to  try  to  sift  them 
apart.  I  found  the  work  obvious  and  easy,  and  that  his  part 
composed  the  most  beautiful  morsel  of  morality  which  l^is  been 
given  to  us  by  man." 

During  the  3d  of  July,  from  extreme  ^weakness,  he  remained  in 
a  state  of  stupefaction,  with  evident  signs  of  approaching  dissolu 
tion.  In  the  night,  he  faintly  asked  the  hour.  "One  o'clock," 
was  the  reply.  His  eye  gleamed  with  satisfaction,  at  this  intelli 
gence.  He  wished  to  take  his  spirit- flight  on  the  anniversary  of 
Independence.  He  continued  to  sink,  and  finally  died,  July  4th, 
1826,  just  fifty  years  from  the  day  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  signed .  He  was  buried  without  pomp  or  parade,  the  following 
day,  on  the  mountain  side,  near  his  residence.  The  friend  of 
man,— the  champion  of  civil  and  religious  freedom,— he  sleeps  at 
Monticello, — the  DECLARATION  for  his  epitaph. 


ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 


ALEIAIDER  HAMILTON. 


A  CELEBRATED  English  writer*  has  said,  that  in  looking  over 
the  list  of  Plutarch's  unpublished  works,  a  catalogue  of  which  is 
all  that  has  come  down  to  us,  one  feels  like  a  merchant  who  looks 
over  a  bill  of  lading,  after  having  learned  the  vessel  containing 
his  goods  had  sunk  at  sea, — he  is  only  impressed  more  vividly 
with  the  extent  of  his  loss. 

In  our  admiration  of  HAMILTON,  the  versatility  of  his  genius, 
his  far-seeing  sagacity,  his  deep  penetration,  vigorous  intellect, 
great  powers  to  grapple  with  competition,  and  genial  social  qual 
ities,  as  manifested  during  his  brilliant  career,  we  see  a  lasting 
monument  to  the  national  loss  sustained  in  his  untimely  fall. 
In  HAMILTON,  literature,  science,  and  statesmanship,  all  found 
a  noble  exponent;  and  in  military  tactics,  he  was  far  from  a 
novice.  The  Island  of  Nevis,  in  the  British  West  Indies,  was  the 
place  of  his  nativity.  His  paternal  ancestry  were  Scotch ;  on  the 
mother's  side,  he  descended  from  the  French  Huguenots.  His 
paternal  grandfather,  Alexander,  a  resident  of  Ayrshire,  Scot 
land,  had  a  numerous  progeny.  His  son,  James  Hamilton,  com 
menced  business  at  St.  Christophers,  as  a  West  India  merchant. 
There  he  married.  His  beautiful  and  accomplished  wife  had 
before  been  married  to  a  wealthy  Dane,  but  the  union  was  so 
infelicitous,  that  she  obtained  a  divorce.  The  issue  of  her  mar 
riage  with  Hamilton,  were  several  children,  the  youngest  of  which 
was  ALEXANDER,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  who  was  born  Janu 
ary  llth,  1757.  While  very  young,  he  lost  his  mother,  and  his 

*Dryden.  f!69  ) 


ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

father's  pecuniary  circumstances  being  so  straitened,  he  became 
dependent  upon  wealthier  relatives.  They  paid  due  attention  to 
their  young  charge.  His  education  began  at  a  very  early  age. 
He  learned  the  ten  commandments,  in  Hebrew,  "when  so  small 
that  in  reciting  he  was  placed  standing  on  a  table "  beside  his 
instructress.  He  had  early  partiality  for  books,  and  gave  unusual 
evidences  of  aptitude  in  his  studies.  Dr.  Knox,  a  Presbyterian 
minister  of  piety,  took  pride  in  looking  to  the  expansion  of  his 
precocious  mind.  In  his  thirteenth  year,  he  entered  the  counting- 
room  of  Nicholas  Cruger,  a  wealthy  Santa  Cruz  merchant.  His 
duties  were  arduous  and  incessant,  but  he  was  "  an  industrious 
boy,"  and  discharged  them  faithfully.  At  this  tender  age,  with 
his  keen  eye  and  slender  classic  form,  young  HAMILTON  might 
have  been  seen,  in  Cruger's  counting-room,  posting  books  and 
filing  bills.  These  duties  were  not  congenial  to  his  ardent  rest 
less  soul.  Young  as  he  was,  higher  ideas,  literary  renown,  had 
dazzled  the  day-dreams  of  his  ductile  mind.  From  his  counting- 
room  he  wrote  a  young  friend,  expressing  his  dislike  to  his  situa 
tion,  in  which  he  says,  with  youthful  frankness  and  simplicity : 
"To  confess  the  truth,  Ned,  my  ambition  is  prevalent,  so  that  1 
contemn  the  groveling  condition  of  a  clerk,  or  the  like,  to  which 
my  fortune  condemns  me,  and  would  willingly  risk  my  life, 
though  not  my  character,  to  exalt  my  station.  I  am  confident, 
Ned,  that  my  youth  excludes  me  from  any  hopes  of  preferment; 
nor  do  I  desire  it;  ~but  I  mean  to  prepare  the  way  for  futurity. 
I  'm  no  philosopher,  you  see,  and  may  be  justly  said  to  build 
"castles  in  the  air;"  my  folly  makes  me  ashamed,  and  I  beg  you 
will  conceal  it.  Yet,  Neddy,  we  have  seen  such  schemes  suc 
cessful,  when  the  projector  is  constant.  I  shall  conclude  by 
saying  I  wish  there  was  a  war."  Herein  is  seen,  in  embryo, 
HAMILTON'S  lofty  ambition,  and  also  an  evident  youthful  prefer 
ence  for  a  military  life.  This,  however,  is  not  unusual,  among 
boys  who  possess  really  no  martial  genius.  Youthful  fancy  is 
easily  inflamed,  by  the  "soul-stirring  drum,"  the  waving  plume, 
the  prancing  steed,  and  other  "paraphernalia  of  glorious  war." 

HAMILTON'S  natural  tastes  were  literary.  Over  the  pages  of 
Pope  and  Plutarch,  he  pored  with  delight. 

His  first  literary  effort,  was  a  "Description  of  a  hurricane" 
that  swept  ruin  over  the  Leeward  Islands,  which  was  published 
in  a  St.  Christopher  paper.  Learning,  it  may  be  supposed, 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  171 

was  not  fostered  much  in  that  part  of  the  country  then,  and  the 
fact  of  this  production  creating  such  a  sensation,  may  be  partly 
attributable  to  the  crude  state  of  letters,  as  well  as  to  its  own 
merits.  At  any  rate,  it  was  young  HAMILTON'S  starting  point. 
Its  author  was  ferreted  out.  On  ascertaining  it  was  HAMILTON, 
it  was  resolved  to  send  him  to  New  York,  for  the  purpose  of  his 
education.  He  reached  that  city  in  the  fall  of  1772,  and  imme 
diately  contracted  the  acquaintance  of  some  distinguished  men, 
among  whom  were  Livingston  and  others.  He  soon  after  entered 
a  grammar  school,  and  distinguished  himself  from  his  fellows  by 
his  rapid  advance. 

Early  dawn  found  him,  during  warm  weather,  in  the  quiet 
seclusion  of  a  neighboring  burial  ground,  studying  his  books, 
while  the  midnight  taper  shone  upon  his  classic  brow  bent  over 
his  favorite  authors.  Such  was  his  close  application.  Youthful 
reader !  if  you  are  dazzled  by  the  fame  of  HAMILTON,  and  wish  to 
emulate  it,  remember  to  commence  when  he  did,  nor  waste  the 
golden  hours  of  your  youth.  HAMILTON  had  quite  a  taste  for 
poetry,  and  his  earlier  years  were  replete  with  indulgences  with 
the  muses ;  some  of  his  pieces,  in  fact,  evince  poetic  talent. 

Quitting  his  grammar-school,  he  proposed  entering  Princeton 
College,  under  the  charge  of  Dr.  Witherspoon  ;  but  not  being  per 
mitted  to  progress  faster  than  the  regular  classes,  he  became  a 
student  of  King's  (now  Columbia)  College,  where,  at  his  own 
request,  he  was  allowed  to  advance  as  fast  as  application  and 
attainment  would  justify.  Here  he  became  a  member  of  a  debat 
ing  club. 

In  this  he  took  a  stand  above  his  young  friends,  and  evinced 
"extraordinary  displays  of  richness  of  genius  and  energy  of 
mind."  HAMILTON  was  religiously  inclined,  as  inferred  from  his 
room-mate,  who  affirms  that  uhe  was  in  the  habit  of  praying 
night  and  morning ;"  but  his  ardent  temperament  and  high  am 
bition,  in  the  miry  bog  of  polities,  checked,  as  is  invariably  the 
case,  its  genial  manifestations. 

HAMILTON,  though  inordinately  ambitious,  was  not  morose,  but 
socially,  was  a  lively,  vivacious  and  polite  companion.  For  his 
recreations,  he  mingled  with  zest  in  society,  and  indulged  in 
rhyme.  For  a  whig  paper,  published  in  the  city  by  Joseph  Holt, 
he  frequently  wrote  verses,  satires,  and  doggerel,  showing  great 
versatility  of  genius. 
12 


172  ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

At  college  he  was  designated  as  the  "  Young  West  Indiaman," 
and  won  an  enviable  reputation  among  his  collegiate  compan 
ions.  In  the  evening  twilight,  as  well  as  at  other  times  of  the 
day,  with  arms  folded  and  measured  step,  during  his  studentship, 
his  graceful  form  might  have  been  seen  walking  alone  amid  the 
deep  shades  of  a  neighboring  grove,  and  heard  talking  to  himself 
in  an  under-tone.  There,  in  his  solitariness,  he  was  developing 
those  mighty  ideas  whose  infusation  were  to  adorn  the  fabric  of 
American  Kepublicanisrn. 

The  stirring  scenes  of  the  Eevolution  were  now  to  call  the 
young  student  from  his  books. 

Soon  after  the  famous  tea-destruction,  he  visited  Boston,  and 
became  fired  with  the  ardent  zeal  that  so  bestirred  the  people  of 
that  city.  Impetuous  and  enthusiastic,  he  was  eminently  suscep 
tible  of  the  contagion.  Keturning  to  New  York,  the  same  indica 
tions  were  manifest  against  British'  infraction.  A  large  city- 
meeting  was  called,  to  take  into  consideration  the  condition  of 
affairs. 

This  is  known  historically  as  the  "great  meeting  in  the  fields ;" 
the  persons  attending  numbered  thousands,  who  came  to  it, 
eagerly,  sternly,  solemnly.  HAMILTON,  yet  in  his  teens,  was  urged 
to  address  the  meeting.  His  modesty  was  at  first  shocked  at  the 
idea,  but  as  the  other  speakers  concluded,  his  zeal  took  fire,  and 
he  consented.  He  arose,  a  graceful  stripling,  before  the  immense 
multitude  who  had  just  listened  to  veteran  orators.  All  eyes 
were  turned  upon  the  youth, — perfect  stillness  reigned.  He  was 
at  first  embarrassed ;  but,  becoming  animated  at  the  review  of  his 
country's  wrongs,  he  launched  boldly  into  the  regions  of  oratory, 
and  enchained  his  hearers,  in  an  address  of  impassioned  eloquence 
and  analytic  reasoning.  He  covered  the  entire  ground.  On  his 
close,  the  stillness  of  his  spell-bound  auditory  broke  forth  in  the 
exclamation,  "he  is  a  collegian!  he  is  a  collegian!!" 

The  astonishment  was  great.  This  may  be  regarded  as  his 
debut  in  the  political  world,  before  which  he  was  destined  to 
carve  high  a  name  illustrious.  Boy  as  he  was,  he  now  became 
one  of  the  Livingstons  and  Jays  of  Colonial  right,  and  entered 
the  contest  with  pen  keen  as  a  Saladin  scimeter. 

Holt's  paper  now  became  the  medium  through  which  he  vindi 
cated  the  rights  of  his  countrymen  from  the  foul  aspersions  of 
foreign  foe  and  domestic  traitor. 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

Nor  to  this  alone  did  he  confine  the  diffusion  of  his  patriotic 
sentiments  ;  pamphlets  were  written  and  industriously  circulated, 
by  the  friends  of  loyalty,  in  opposition  to  the  action  of  the  colo 
nists,  and  especially  denunciatory  of  the  American  Congress.  To 
these,  able  and  elaborate  replies  were  written ;  one  of  them  was  a 
tract  of  seventy-eight  pages,  refuting  the  arguments  of  the  min 
isterial  party,  with  the  most  cogent  reasoning  and  decided,  ability. 
In  this  was  a  brief  review  of  British  aggression,  and  a  vivid 
portraiture  of  our  wrongs,  particularly  of  the  Boston  blockade 
and  Port  Bill.  Speaking  of  the  assembling  of  Congress,  and  in 
its  defense,  he  says: — "When  the  first  principles  of  civil  society 
are  violated,  and  the  rights  of  a  whole  people  are  invaded,  the 
common  forms  of  municipal  law  are  not  to  be  regarded.  Men 
may  then  betake  themselves  to  the  law  of  nature,  and  if  they 
but  conform  their  actions  to  that  standard,  all  cavils  against  them 
betray  ignorance  or  dishonesty.  There  are  some  events  in  society 
to  which  human  laws  cannot  extend,  but  when  applied  to  them, 
lose  all  their  force  and  efficacy.  In  short,  when  human  laws  con 
tradict  or  discountenance  the  means  which  are  necessary  to  pre 
serve  the  essential  rights  of  any  society,  they  defeat  the  proper 
end  of  all  laws,  and  so  become  null  and  void. 

Going  on  to  speak  of  America's  resources,  and  her  means  of 
resistance,  in  which  a  successful  result  is  confidently  predicted,  he 
says :  "  Those  obstacles  which,  to  the  eye  of  timidity  and  appre 
hension,  appear  like  the  Alps,  to  the  hand  of  perseverance  and 
resolution,  become  mere  hillocks."  His  remarks  were  continued, 
ably  touching  upon  all  the  features  to  be  considered,  in  a  war 
with  Great  Britain,  and  warmly  appealing  to  his  fellow-citizens 
in  behalf  of  their  jeopardized  institutions.  This  pamphlet  was 
issued  in  the  name  of  "  A  Sincere  Friend  to  America,"  and  had 
an  effect  upon  the  minds  of  the  people,  unsurpassed  by  any  pro 
duction,  of  similar  purpose,  that  had  been  published.  Who  was 
its  author?  and  who  the  sincere  friend  was?  became  universal 
queries.  Some  thought  it  was  Livingston,  others,  John  Jay ;  and 
the  gentlemen  became  invested  with  additional  honors  in  conse 
quence.  Investigation,  however,  soon  found  the  author  to  be 
HAMILTON,  then  in  his  nineteenth  year.  Admiration  and  aston 
ishment  succeeded  the  discovery,  and  the  "young  collegian" 
received  the  name  of  "Vindicator,"  and  was  looked  upon  as  a 
future  champion.  "Sir!"  exclaimed  Willit,  in  conversation  with 


174  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

a  friend,  "Sears  was  a  warm  man,  but  with  little  reflection; 
M'Dougal  was  strong-minded;  and  Jay,  appearing  to  fall  in  with 
the  measures  of  Sears,  tempered  and  controlled  them ;  but  HAM 
ILTON,  after  these  great  writings,  became  our  oracle."  Nor  did 
he,  as  is  often  the  case  with  precocious  beginners,  disappoint 
public  expectation  by  falling  short  of  that  eminence  these  early 
efforts  prefigured,  but  continued,  as  the  sequel  will  show,  to  expand 
in  mind  as  he  matured  in  years,  until  he  stood  a  proud  colossus 
among  the  intellects  of  his  day. 

During  the  excitement  that  followed,  and  prevailed  in  the  New 
England  States,  after  these  acts  of  the  British  Parliament,  HAM 
ILTON  continued,  by  his  pen,  a  defense  of  the  colonies.  His 
"  remarks  on  the  Quebec  bill "  succeeded  the  production  before 
named,  and  breathed  the  same  tone  of  denunciation  and  appeal. 
He  joined,  too,  in  the  public  meetings  of  the  day,  and  impressed 
all  with  a  sense  of  his  talent  and  energy.  Arising,  on  one  occa 
sion,  to  address  an  assemblage  of  his  fellow-citizens,  called  together 
by  the  alarms  of  the  times,  some  one,  who  was  unacquainted  with 
him,  inquired:  "What  brings  that  lad  here? — the  boy  will  dis 
grace  himself."  But  the  eloquence,  and  analysis  of  the  speech 
that  followed,  soon  dispelled  the  illusion,  and  convinced  him  that 
the  u  boy  "  had  an  old  man's  head  on  a  young  man's  shoulders. 
There  is  something  pleasing,  in  contemplating  the  figure  of  young 
HAMILTON,  turning  thus  aside  from  his  college  studies,  and  ap 
pearing  before  these  assemblies  of  patriots,  to  fill  them  with 
admiration  of  his  powers,  and  animate  them  with  a  sense  of  right. 
Entering  into  the  martial  spirit  of  the  times,  he  now  resolved  to 
turn  his  attention  to  military  tactics,  and  became  an  active  partici 
pant  in  the  field.  He  joined  a  volunteer  company,  under  the 
command  of  Major  Fleming,  who,  from  prior  experience  in  the 
British  service,  had  become  an  accomplished  martinet.  The  name 
of  this  corps  was  "  Hearts  of  oak," — their  motto,  "  Freedom  or 
Death,"  both  of  which  were  in  consonance  with  the  nature  and 
feelings  of  young  HAMILTON. 

While  in  this  company,  an  irritated  mob  surrounded  the  house 
of  a  clergyman  named  Cooper,  with  a  view  of  retaliating  upon  his 
person  for  his  tory  adherence  to  the  loyalists.  HAMILTON  rushed 
up  the  steps  in  front  of  the  rabble,  and  commenced  addressing 
them  upon  the  illegality  and  impropriety  of  such  conduct,  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  the  object  of  their  vengeance  a  chance  to  escape. 


ALEXANDER     HAMILTON.  175 

The  clerical  functionary,  supposing  him  the  leader  of  the  mob, 
who  was  urging  it  to  violence,  looked  from  a  window  above,  and 
said  with  vehemence:  " Gentlemen,  don't  listen  to  him,  he  is 
crazy;"  but  seeing  the  real  state  of  things,  with  different  feelings 
he  thought,  rather  than  submit  to  the  infliction  of  lynch  punish 
ment  he  had  better  avail  himself  of  this  timely  aid,  and  make  his 
escape,  and  fled  to  a  ship  anchored  close  by.  HAMILTON  here 
showed,  notwithstanding  the  impetuosity  of  his  nature,  in  resist 
ance  to  unjust  encroachments,  a  love  of  order  and  legality  not 
common,  in  times  of  such  turbulence,  with  men  of  his  age. 

Having  sufficiently  familiarized  himself  with  the  science  of  war 
to  procure  a  certificate  of  capacity,  he  was,  in  January  1774, 
appointed  captain  of  artillery.  His  love  of  order  and  regulation, 
combined  with  his  ambition  to  succeed  in  any  business  to  which 
he  devoted  himself,  aided  by  a  spark  of  martial  fire,  prompted 
attention  to  the  discipline  of  his  men,  and  resulted  in  his  having 
one  of  the  finest-looking  companies  in  the  service.  He  was  at 
the  battle  of  Long  Island,  and  brought  up  the  rear,  in  the  retreat 
from  that  fatal  field.  He  was  also  with  Washington  at  Haerlem 
hights,  when  their  intimacy  commenced,  that  continued  with  fervor 
through  life.  Like  the  young  officer  who  begged  of  Napoleon  the 
permission  to  assault  the  ramparts  of  Acre,  with  assurances  of 
success,  young  HAMILTON  asked  his  commander  the  privilege  of 
storming  Fort  Washington,  after  it  had  fallen  into  the  enemy's 
hands,  with  expressions  of  victory ;  but,  knowing  the  danger 
attending  the  enterprise,  in  the  present  dispirited  condition  of  the 
troops,  though  appreciating  the  ardor  that  dictated  it,  the  request 
was  not  granted. 

During  the  sad  period  of  Washington's  retreat  through  New 
Jersey,  he  was  accompanied  by  HAMILTON.  "  Well  do  I  remem 
ber,"  remarked  an  eye-witness,  "  when  HAMILTON'S  company 
marched  into  Princeton.  It  was  a  model  of  discipline.  At  their 
head  was  a  boy,  and  I  wondered  at  his  youth  ;  but  what  was  my 
surprise  when,  struck  with  his  diminutive  figure,  he  was  pointed 
out  to  me  as  that  HAMILTON  of  whom  we  had  all  heard  so  much." 
As  a  soldier,  HAMILTON  was  firm,  generous,  and  brave ;  as  an 
officer,  chivalrous  and  polished,  though  military  attributes,  com 
pared  to  others,  form,  in  his  character,  points  obscure  and  unes 
sential.  After  the  brilliant  affairs  at  Trenton  and  Princeton,  and 
their  good  results,  elated  with  the  brightening  prospects,  HAMILTON 


17(3  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

thus  spoke  of  recent  events :  "  After  escaping  the  grasp  of  a  disci 
plined  and  victorious  enemy,  this  little  band  of  patriots  were  seen 
skillfully  avoiding  an  engagement,  until  they  could  contend  with 
advantage,  and  then,  by  these  masterly  enterprises,  cutting  them 
up  in  detachments, — rallying  the  scattered  energies  of  the  country, 
infusing  terror  into  the  breasts  of  their  invaders,  and  changing 
the  whole  tide  and  fortune  of  the  war." 

Not  long  after,  so  warm  had  the  attachment  of  Washington, 
whose  unfailing  eye,  detected  in  him  extraordinary  talents,  become 
for  HAMILTON,  that  he  was  made  his  "  confidential  aid  ;"  between 
which  post  and  his  future  station,  as  his  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
many  changes  were  to  intervene.  The  other  members  of  Wash 
ington's  staff  among  whom  were  Harrison  and  Meade,  soon  con 
ceived  for  him  the  warmest  affection,  and  gave  him  the  name  of 
%%THE  LITTLE  LION."  HAMILTON,  in  fact,  by  goodness  of  heart 
and  gentleness  of  manners,  had  the  means  of  making  himself 
loved,  and  inspiring  confidence  on  first  acquaintance ;  then,  he  had 
the  talent  and  power  of  retaining  good  opinions,  when  inspired. 

After  his  elevation  to  this  position,  the  official  correspondence 
of  Washington  devolved  upon  his  young  aid.  As  evidence  of  his 
fitness  for  the  station,  Washington  expressed  to  him  his  confi 
dence,  that  he  could  write  "  good,  quick,  methodical,  and  dili 
gent."  In  the  long,  and  somewhat  vexatious,  correspondence  in 
regard  to  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  elsewhere  spoken  of,  he 
fully  sustained  his  literary  capacity.  A  distinguished  man  of  that 
day  affirmed,  that  "the  pen  of  the  American  army  was  held  by 
HAMILTON;  and  for  dignity  of  manner,  and  elegance  of  style,  his 
letters  were  unrivaled  in  military  annals."  It  must  be  remem 
bered,  that  he  had  not  yet  reached  his  majority.  ( 

Through  the  troublous  scenes  of  1777,  he  adhered  to  Washing 
ton  with  almost  filial  affection,  kept  up  important  correspond 
ence  with  Congress,  and  was  intrusted  with  several  delicate  and 
perilous  missions.  One  of  these,  and  by  no  means  the  least 
important,  was  to  Horatio  Gates,  then  in  command  of  the  North 
ern  army.  He  was  sent  by  Washington  to  that  officer,  with  in 
structions  to  urge  upon  him  the  necessity  of  detaching  a  reinforce 
ment  to  the  commander-in-chief.  Gates  was  then  in  the  hight  of 
his  successes,  clothed  with  authority,  arrogant,  and  'assumptive, 
and  was  meditating  means  of  availing  himself  of  his  growing 
fame,  to  supersede  Washington.  To  procure  the  required  aid, 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  17^ 

without  the  enforcement  of  a  peremptory  order,  that  might  tend 
to  create  irritation,  but  by  prevailing  upon  Gates  through  an 
exhibit  of  necessity,  devolved  on  HAMILTON. 

Gates,  at  first,  consented  to  a  small  detachment,  excusing  him 
self  from  doing  more,  by  the  assignment  of  reasons  wholly  insuf 
ficient;  after  continued  efforts,  however,  through  his  sagacity, 
HAMILTON  succeeded  in  getting  the  number  augmented,  and 
rendering  Washington  essential  service.  Through  the  machin 
ations  of  the  "  Con  way  cabal,"  he  remained  to  his  commander  the 
same  staunch  friend,  and  in  the  triumphant  vindication  of  his 
name,  took  the  greatest  pride,  while  the  withering  replies  of  the 
general  to  Gates,  and  other  members  of  the  faction,  received  the 
polish  of  his  intellect.  When  the  failure  of  the  faction  resulted 
in  the  increased  fame  of  his  commander,  and  the  futility  of  its 
efforts  became  apparent  from  the  voice  of  the  soldiers,  who,  mid 
firm  protestations  of  "  no  Washington, — no  army,"  clung  to  their 
chief, — no  one  was  more  exultant  than  HAMILTON.  Of  the  many 
men  whose  devotion  to  him,  through  all  his  trying  labors,  won 
the  esteem  and  gratitude  of  Washington,  HAMILTON  and  Knox 
were  those  he  absolutely  loved ;  abundant  proofs  of  which  are 
afforded  by  his  letters  to  them,  that  breathed  unbounded  confidence 
and  brotherly  affection.  For  HAMILTON,  he  entertained  feelings 
amounting  to  fondness.  His  youth,  devotion,  gentleness  and 
ingenuity,  combined  with  the  solid  abilities  of  age  and  experience, 
and  his  varied  attainments,  rendered  him  peculiarly  near  to  him. 
In  his  letters  to  him,  he  commences  with,  "  Dear  HAMILTON  ;"  in 
business,,  where  promptness  and  talent  were  necessary,  he  would 
say,  "  the  duty  being  of  a  delicate  nature,  I  have  selected  you," 
etc.;  and  again,  on  the  performance  of  such  tasks,  "I  approve 
entirely  of  all  the  steps  you  have  taken,"  etc. 

To  the  reactionary  influence,  in  favor  of  Washington,  after  the 
attempts  at  his  supercession,  and  the  discomfiture  of  the  factious 
malcontents  who  originated  them,  HAMILTON  contributed  much, 
both  by  his  popularity  and  his  pen.  In  fact,  when  disaffection 
was  at  its  highest,  with  the  Morrises,  Duers,  and  others  of  New 
York,  which,  as  a  state,  to  its  honor  be  it  said,  stood  firmly  by  the 
commander  when  others  seemed  allured  by  the  hero  of  Saratoga, 
HAMILTON  was  his  friend,  and  rendered  services  never  forgotten. 

HAMILTON,  notwithstanding  his  warmth  and  zeal,  tempered  his 
actions  and  letters  with  due  caution,  which  was,  indeed,  one  trait 


178  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

of  his  character.  On  the  French  troops'  amalgamation  with  the 
Americans,  as  the  wisest  men  foresaw,  distinctions  and  jealousies, 
were  at  once  created.  In  one  of  his  communications  to  Congress, 
touching  this  subject,  he  says:  uThe  bearer  of  this  is  Mr. 
Malmiai,  a  Frenchman  of  learning,  abilities,  and  experience.  I 
believe  he  thinks  himself  entitled  to  preferment  and  comes  to 
Congress  for  that  purpose."  He  goes  on  to  say,  that  from  recom 
mendations  of  General  Lee,  and  Governor  Cook,  that  the  bearer 
had  "  been  led  to  believe  he  would  be  adopted  by  the  Continent 
upon  equal  footing.  But  in  this  he  will,  no  doubt,  be  mistaken," 
etc.  He  continues  his  letter  in  no  strain  of  encouragement  to  the 
applicant,  by  saying  that  "  Congress,  in  the  beginning,  went  upon 
a  very  injudicious  plan  toward  Frenchmen.  To  every  adven 
turer  that  came,  without  even  the  shadow  of  credentials,  they  gave 
the  rank  of  field-officer.  This  circumstance  seconding  the  aspir 
ing  disposition  natural  to  those  people,  carried  the  expectations  of 
those  who  really  had  pretensions,  to  such  a  length,  as  exceeded 
all  the  bounds  of  moderation." 

Again,  his  caution  is  seen  predominating  over  the  ardor  of  his 
friendship,  in  the  following,  on  a  somewhat  similar  subject,  to 
the  same  individual :  "  I  take  the  liberty  to  trouble  you  with  a 
few  hints,  on  a  matter  of  some  importance.  Baron  Steuben,  who 
will  be  the  bearer  of  this,  waits  on  Congress  to  have  his  office 
arranged  upon  some  permanent  footing.  The  Baron  is  a  gentle 
man  for  whom  I  have  a  particular  esteem,  and  whose  zeal,  intelli 
gence  and  success,  the  consequence  of  both,  entitle  him  to  the 
greatest  credit.  But  I  am  apprehensive,  with  all  his  good  quali 
ties,  a  fondness  for  power  and  importance,  natural  to  every  man, 
may  lead  him  to  wish  for  more  extensive  prerogatives  in  his 
department,  than  it  will  be  for  the  good  of  the  service  to  grant. 
I  should  be  sorry  to  excite  any  prejudice  against  him  on  this 
account;  perhaps  I  may  be  mistaken  in  my  conjectures.  The 
caution  I  give  will  do  no  harm,  if  I  am;  if  not,  it  maybe  useful." 

In  his  conjectures  regarding  this  extraordinary  Prussian  disci 
plinarian,  subsequent  events  proved  he  was  wrong.  He  was 
actuated  by  no  sinister  motives  to  the  American  service,  to  the 
officers  of  which  he  became  greatly  attached,  and  to  none  more 
so  than  HAMILTON.  Between  them,  so  close  was  the  intimacy 
that  afterward  existed,  that  HAMILTON  was  made  his  trustee, 
and  Steuben  would  often  say,  jocosely:  "The  Secretary  of  the 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

Treasury  is  my  banker, — my  HAMILTON  takes  care  of  me,  when 
he  can  not  take  care  of  himself."  Evidences  of  his  bravery, 
also,  are  not  wanting;  perilous  soever  as  any  enterprise  might 
be,  if  confided  to  him,  he  entered  upon  it.  He  was  at  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  and  while  the  fortunes  of  the  day  came  near  being 
lost  by  the  retreat  of  Lee,  was  by  the  side  of  Washington.  In 
reply  to  his  inquiry  into  the  cause  of  the  disorder,  Major  Og- 
den  said,  with  an  oath  we  shall  not  repeat:  "We  are  flying 
from  shadows,  sir."  HAMILTON  instantly  rode  up  to  Lee,  and  said 
with  warmth:  "I  will  stay  with  you,  my  dear  general,  and  die 
with  you, — let  us  all  die  here  rather  than  retreat." 

Soon  after  the  action,  the  following  was,  in  a  communication, 
issued  from  head-quarters :  "  I  am  happy  to  have  it  in  my  power 
to  mention  the  merit  of  Colonel  HAMILTON.  He  was  incessant  in 
his  endeavors  during  the  whole  day,  in  reconnoitering  the  enemy, 
and  in  rallying  and  charging ;  but  whether  he  or  Colonel  Laurens 
deserves  the  most  of  our  commendation,  is  somewhat  doubtful ; 
both  had  their  horses  killed  under  them,  and  both  exhibited 
great  proofs  of  bravery." 

It  was  about  this  time  that  an  incident  occurred  which  again 
called  his  vigorous  pen  into  action.  A  plan  had  been  devised  by 
Washington,  for  the  more  effectual  provisioning  of  the  army,  the 
success  of  which,  depended  in  a  measure  upon  its  not  being 
prematurely  disclosed.  Through  the  treachery  of  a  member  of 
Congress,  in  league  with  the  factious  party,  it  became  known,  and 
was  prevented  from  being  fully  accomplished.  Upon  this  subject, 
HAMILTON  wrote  his  first  series  of  scathing  "Publius"  letters,  of 
which  a  man  of  eminence  said :  "  They  struck  me  as  the  closest 
imitation  of  Junius  which  I  had  ever  read."  A  higher  compli 
ment  could  not  well  be  passed  on  literary  effort. 

At  the  period  of  public  bankruptcy,  when  the  depreciation  of 
national  credit  warped  American  energies  in  the  meshes  of  one  of 
the  most  distressing  financial  crises  ever  known,  and  created  the 
necessity  of  negotiating  a  foreign  loan,  HAMILTON,  in  a  letter  to 
Eobert  Morris,  suggested  the  idea  of  a  United  States  bank.  Upon 
the  principle,  that "  the  only  plan  which  can  preserve  the  currency, 
is  one  that  will  make  it  the  immediate  interest  of  the  moneyed  men 
to  co-operate  with  government  in  its  support,"  he  argued,  at  length, 
the  manifest  necessity  of  a  national  bank,  to  be  called  the  "Bank 
of  the  United  States."  The  institution  was  proposed  to  be  estab- 


180  ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

lished  upon  a  borrowed  basis  of  two  million  pounds,  the  payment 
of  subscription,  to  a  much  larger  amount,  to  be  secured  by  Congress 
by  ten  million  dollars  of  specie, — the  excise  revenue  forming  a  part 
of  the  stock.  In  this  way  he  insisted,  at  four  per  cent.,  Congress 
would  be  enabled  to  borrow  from  the  bank  the  amount  of  its  cash 
basis  yearly,  for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting  the  war,  without 
incurring  heavier  indebtedness  than  the  interest  accruing,  and 
that  would  be  to  her  own  institution.  This  certainly  looks  well 
in  theory.  He  goes  on  to  amplify  upon  the  advantages  arising 
from  the  amalgamated  interests  of  public  and  private  credit,  by 
saying:  "I  can  not  forbear  feeling  a  degree  of  confidence  in  the 
plan,  and  at  least  hoping,  that  it  is  capable  of  being  improved 
into  something  that  will  give  relief  to  our  finances."  He  further 
says  to  Morris,  after  elaborating  upon  his  plan,  that  "  Congress 
must  establish  the  bank  and  set  it  a-going.  I  know  of  no  man  that 
has  better  pretensions  than  yourself,  and  shall  be  very  happy  to 
hear  that  Congress  has  said,  'Thou  art  the  man.": 

This  letter  and  plan  were  submitted  to  Morris  in  1779,  when 
its  author  was  but  twenty-two  years  of  age,  yet  it  designates 
him  as  the  originator  of  a  measure,  whose  expediency,  or  im 
policy,  was  for  years  after  to  blend  with  the  rallying  shouts  of 
the  two  political  parties,  —  the  one  for,  the  other  against,  a 
United  States  bank.  The  Pennsylvania  Bank  was  proposed  in 
Congress  in  1780,  and  that  great  revolutionary  financier,  Rob 
ert  Morris,  reported  the  Bank  of  North  America,  the  succeed 
ing  year. 

Than  HAMILTON,  none  possessed  feelings  more  tender,  or  sensi 
bilities  more  keen.  On  the  capture  of  Andre,  the  pursuit  of  the 
traitorous  Arnold  devolved  on  him,  speaking  of  which,  he  says : 
"I  went  in  pursuit  of  him,  but  was  much  too  late,  and  I  could 
hardly  regret  the  disappointment  when,  on  my  return,  I  saw  an 
amiable  woman  frantic  with  distress  for  the  loss  of  a  husband  she 
tenderly  loved, — a  traitor  to  his  country  and  to  his  fame, — a  dis 
grace  to  his  connections ;  it  was  the  most  affecting  scene  1  was 
ever  witness  to.  She,  for  a  considerable  time,  entirely  lost  her 
self.  The  general  went  up  to  see  her,  and  she  upbraided  him  with 
being  in  a  plot  to  murder  her  child.  One  moment  she  raved, 
another  she  melted  into  tears.  Sometimes  she  pressed  her  infant 
to  her  bosom  and  lamented  its  fate,  occasioned  by  the  imprudence 
of  its  father,  in  a  manner  that  would  have  pierced  insensibility 


ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

itself.  All  the  sweetness  of  beauty, — all  the  loveliness  of  inno 
cence, — all  the  tenderness  of  a  wife,  and  all  the  fondness  of  a 
mother  showed  themselves  in  her  conduct." 

Aside  from  the  insight  it  affords  of  HAMILTON'S  tenderness  of 
feeling,  how  graphic  a  picture  is  the  above,  of  the  fruits  of 
Arnold's  treachery  upon  his  unhappy  wife,  who  was  ignorant  of 
the  whole  transaction  until  hearing  of  Andre's  capture,  her 
husband  rushed  into  the  room  and  exclaimed:  " I  must  leave  you 
forever,"  and  as  suddenly  departed  to  make  his  escape. 

HAMILTON  also  commiserated  the  fate  of  the  unfortunate  Andre, 
in  whom  he  saw  many  attributes  of  the  polished  gentleman, 
and  regretted  the  cruel  necessity  that  doomed  him  to  a  felon's 
death. 

Just  before  his  death,  Andre  wrote  Washington,  begging  a 
revocation  of  his  sentence,  as  to  the  manner  in  which  he  was  to  be 
executed.  After  saying  that  life  was  dear,  and  expressing  no 
cause  of  remorse,  he  proceeds :  "Sympathy  toward  a  soldier  will 
surely  induce  your  excellency  and  a  military  tribunal,  to  adopt 
the  mode  of  my  death  to  the  feelings  of  a  man  of  honor.  Let  me 
hope,  sir,  if  aught  in  my  character  impresses  you  with  esteem 
toward  me ;  if  aught  in  my  misfortunes  marks  me  as  the  victim 
of  policy  and  not  of  resentment,  I  shall  experience  the  operation 
of  these  feelings  in  your  breast,  by  being  informed  that  I  am  not 
to  die  on  a  gibbet."  Appreciating  the  high  impulse  that  dictated 
his  preference  to  being  shot,  to  swinging  from  the  common  con 
vict's  gallows,  HAMILTON  labored  earnestly  to  have  the  request 
complied  with.  But  it  was  in  vain.  On  the  morning  of  his 
death,  his  soul  stung  with  the  thought,  he  wrote  as  follows: 
"Poor  Andre  suffers  to-day;  every  thing  that  is  amiable  in 
virtue,  in  fortitude,  accomplishments,  in  delicate  sentiments, 
pleads  for  him  ;  but  hard-hearted  policy  calls  for  a  sacrifice.  He 
must  die.  *  *  I  urged  a  compliance  with  Andre's 

request  to  be  shot,  and  I  do  not  think  it  would  have  had  an  ill 
effect,  but  some  people  are  only  sensible  to  motives  of  policy, 
and  sometimes,  from  a  morose  disposition,  mistake  it.  When 
Andre's  tale  comes  to  be  told,  and  present  resentment  is  over,  the 
refusing  him  the  privilege  of  choosing  the  manner  of  his  death, 
will  be  branded  with  too  much  obstinacy." 

Andre  died  as  became  a  brave  man.     Approaching  the  scaffold, 
he  said:  "And  must  I  die  thus?"  but  added,  "the  pang  will  be 


182  ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

momentary,"  and  was  soon  in  eternity.  HAMILTON'S  sensibility 
was  manifest  throughout  the  whole  tragic  scene. 

Of  the  importance  of  a  Federal  government,  HAMILTON  became 
early  convinced,  and  in  a  letter  written  about  this  time  to  Mr. 
Duane,  are  embodied  many  of  the  principles  subsequently  incor 
porated  into  the  national  Constitution.  From  his  position  as  aid 
to  Washington,  with  his  characteristic  acuteness  of  perception,  he 
was  well  capacitated  to  see  the  defects  in  the  existing  system, — by 
the  workings  of  which  the  energies  of  the  army  had  been  so  long 
crippled,  and  their  sufferings  augmented, — and  to  make  sugges 
tions  remedial  of  their  consequences.  After  introducing  the  sub 
ject,  he  says :  "  The  main  defect  is  a  want  of  power  in  Congress. 
It  is  hardly  necessary  to  tell  in  what  this  consists,  as  it  seems  to 
be  universally  acknowledged,  or  to  point  out  how  it  has  happened, 
as  the  only  question  is,  how  to  remedy  it."  Speaking  of  this 
defect,  he  attributes  its  cause  mainly  "to  an  excess  of  the  spirit 
of  liberty,  which  has  made  the  particular  States  show  a  jealousy 
of  all  power  not  in  their  own  hands ;  and  this  jealousy  has  led 
them  to  exercise  a  right  of  judging,  in  the  last  resort,  of  the  meas 
ures  recommended  by  Congress,  and  of  acting  according  to  their 
own  opinions  of  their  propriety  or  necessity; — a  diffidence  in 
Congress  of  their  own,  by  which  they  have  been  timid  and  inde 
cisive  in  their  resolutions  ;  constantly  making  concessions  to  the 
States,  till  they  have  scarcely  left  themselves  the  shadow  of 
power  ; — a  want  of  sufficient  means  at  their  disposal  to  answer  the 
public  exigencies,  and  of  vigor  to  draw  forth  those  means,  which 
have  occasioned  them  to  depend  on  the  States  individually  to  fulfill 
their  engagements  with  the  army ;  the  consequence  of  which  has 
been  to  ruin  their  influence  and  credit  with  the  army, — to  estab 
lish  its  dependence  on  each  State  separately,  rather  than  on  them, — 
that  is,  than  on  the  whole  collectively." 

Causes  of  the  want  of  power  in  Congress.  After  an  elucidation 
of  these, — "  an  excess  of  the  spirit  of  liberty  on  the  part  of  the 
States, — a  timidity  on  the  part  of  Congress  to  exercise  its  powers, 
and  a  want  of  sufficient  means  at  their  disposal  to  meet  the  exi 
gencies  of  the  times," — with  great  analysis  he  proceeds  to  suggest 
the  remedies.  He  continues  by  saying,  "  the  confederation  itself 
is  defective,  and  requires  to  be  altered."  These  defects  he  enume 
rates.  "  The  idea,"  says  he,  "  of  an  uncontrollable  sovereignty  in 
each  State,  over  its  internal  police,  will  defeat  the  other  powers 


ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

given  to  Congress,  and  make  our  Union  feeble  and  precarious." 
*  *  "  The  confederation  gives  the  States,  individually, 

too  much  influence  in  the  affairs  of  the  army ;  they  should  have 
nothing  to  do  with  it, — it  ought  to  belong  entirely  to  Congress." 

The  next  deficiency  to  which  he  adverts  is,  that  "  the  confede 
ration  also  gives  the  power  of  the  purse  too  entirely  to  the  State 
legislatures.  It  should  provide  perpetual  funds,  at  the  disposal 
of  Congress,  by  a  land  tax,  poll  tax,  or  the  like.  All  imposts 
upon  commerce  ought  to  be  laid  by  Congress,  and  appropriated  to 
their  use ;  for  without  certain  revenues,  a  government  can  have 
no  power ;  that  power  which  holds  the  purse-strings  absolutely, 
must  rule.  This  is  a  medium  which,  without  making  Congress 
altogether  independent,  will  tend  to  give  reality  to  its  authority." 

The  next  defect  he  notices,  "  is  a  want  of  method  and  energy  in 
the  administration,  resulting,  in  a  great  degree,  from  prejudice, 
and  the  want  of  a  proper  executive  head."  The  last  two,  he  men 
tions,  "is  the  fluctuating  constitution  of  the  army,"  and  "the 
imperfect  and  unequal  provision  made  for  the  army."  "Without 
a  speedy  change,"  he  continues,  "  the  army  must  dissolve:  it  is 
now  a  mob,  rather  than  an  army, — without  clothing,  without  pro 
vision,  without  pay,  without  morals,  without  discipline.  We 
begin  to  hate  the  country  for  its  neglect  of  us  ;  the  country  begins 
to  hate  us  for  our  oppression  of  them.  Congress  have  long  been 
jealous  of  us  ;  we  have  now  lost  all  confidence  in  them,  and  give 
the  worst  construction  to  all  they  do.  Held  together  by  the 
slenderest  ties,  we  are  ripening  for  dissolution." 

In  his  remarks  upon  these  defects,  he  refers  to  the  republics  of 
antiquity,  in  proof  that  they  are  such ;  also,  to  the  Swiss,  and  the 
Germanic  confederation,  and  evinces  throughout  the  closest  rea 
soning,  and  a  mind  fully  matured  to  a  comprehension  of  the  most 
difficult  and  minute  branches  of  the  science  of  government.  He 
continues  by  saying,  "  I  shall  now  propose  the  remedies  which 
appear  to  me  applicable  to  our  circumstances,  and  necessary  to 
extricate  our  affairs  from  their  present  deplorable  situation.  The 
first  step  must  be  to  give  Congress  powers  competent  to  the  public 
exigencies.  They  may  happen  in  two  ways ;  one,  by  resuming 
and  exercising  the  discretionary  powers  originally  vested  in  them 
for  the  safety  of  the  States,  and  resting  their  conduct  on  the  candor 
of  their  countrymen  and  necessity  of  the  conjuncture ;  the  other, 

BY  CALLING  IMMEDIATELY   A  CONVENTION    of  all  the  States,  with    full 


184  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

authority  to  conclude  finally  upon  A  GENERAL  CONFEDERATION." 
Thus,  in  the  recommendation  of  the  Federal  Convention,  he  seems 
to  have  been  among  the  foremost,  the  necessity  of  which  he  argues 
at  length,  and  proceeds  to  notice  some  results  it  ought  to  effect. 
u  The  confederation,"  he  asserts,  "  in  my  opinion,  should  give 
Congress  a  complete  sovereignty ;  except  as  to  that  part  of  inter 
nal  police  which  relates  to  the  rights  of  property  and  life  among 
individuals,  and  to  raising  money  by  internal  taxes.  It  is  neces 
sary  that  every  thing  belonging  to  this  should  be  regulated  by  the 
State  legislatures.  Congress  should  have  complete  sovereignty 
in  all  that  relates  to  war,  peace,  trade,  finance,  and  to  the  man 
agement  of  foreign  affairs ;  the  right  of  declaring  war,  m'  raising 
armies,  officering,  paying  them,  directing  their  motions  in  every 
respect ;  of  equipping  fleets,  and  doing  the  same  with  them ;  of 
building  fortifications,  arsenals,  etc. ;  of  making  peace  on  such 
conditions  as  they  think  proper ;  of  regulating  trade,  granting 
indulgences,  laying  prohibitions  on  all  the  articles  of  export  or 
import,  imposing  duties,  granting  bounties  and  premiums  for 
raising,  exporting  or  importing  ;  instituting  admiralty  courts  ;  of 
coining  money,  establishing  banks,  appropriating  funds ;  trans 
acting  every  thing  with  foreign  nations  ;  making  alliances,  offen 
sive  and  defensive,  treaties  of  commerce,  etc."  "The  confederation 
should  also,"  he  continues,  "  pro  vide  certain  perpetual  revenues 
productive  and  easy  of  collection  ;  a  land  tax,  poll  tax,  or  the  like, 
which,  together  with  the  duties  on  trade  and  the  unlocated  lands, 
would  give  Congress  a  substantial  existence  and  a  stable  founda 
tion  for  their  schemes  of  finance." 

"  The  second  step,"  which  he  suggests,  "  is  that  Congress  should 
instantly  appoint  the  following  great  officers  of  State :  a  Secretary 
of  Foreign  Affairs  ;  a  President  of  Trade  ;  a  President  of  Marine ; 
a  President  of  War ;  and  a  Financier,  to  be  selected  from  men  of 
the  first  abilities." 

After  a  full  discussion  of  the  advantages  he  thought  would 
arise  from  these  appointments,  he  asserts  that  "another  step  of 
immediate  necessity  is,  to  recruit  the  army  for  the  war,  or  at  least 
for  three  years."  He  extends  his  remarks  by  saying,  u  Congress 
should  endeavor,  both  upon  their  credit  in  Europe,  and  by  every 
possible  exertion,  in  this  country,  to  produce  clothing  for  their 
officers,  and  should  abolish  the  whole  system  of  State  supplies." 
a  The  providing  of  supplies,"  he  adds,  "  is  the  pivot  of  every  thing 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  185 

else  :  there  are  four  ways,  all  of  which  must  be  united, — a  foreign 
loan, — heavy  pecuniary  taxes, — a  tax  in  kind, — a  bank  founded 
on  public  and  private  credit.  As  to  a  foreign  loan,  the  most 
effectual  way  will  be,  to  tell  France  that  without  it,  we  must  make 
terms  with  Great  Britain.  This  must  be  done  with  plainness  and 
firmness,  but  with  respect,  and  without  petulance  ;  not  as  a  menace, 
but  as  a  candid  declaration  of  our  circumstances.  We  need  not 
fear  to  be  deserted  by  France ;  her  interest  and  honor  are  too 
deeply  involved  in  our  fate,  and  she  can  make  no  possible  com 
promise."  Succeeding  this  suggestion  upon  a  foreign  loan,  he 
speaks  of  the  second  method  :  "  Concerning  the  necessity  of  heavy 
pecuniary  taxes,  it  is  a  point  in  which  everybody  is  agreed  ;  nor 
is  there  any  danger  that  the  product  of  any  taxes  raised  in  this 
way,  will  overburden  the  people  or  exceed  the  wants  of  the  public." 
Proceeding  to  the  third,  he  says :  uAs  to  a  tax  in  kind,  the  neces 
sity  proceeds  from  this  principle,  that  the  money  in  circulation  is 
not  a  sufficient  representative  of  the  productions  of  the  country, 
and  consequently,  no  revenues  raised  from  it,  as  a  medium,  can 
be  a  competent  representative  of  that  part  of  the  products  of  the 
country,  which  it  is  bound  to  contribute  to  the  support  of  the 
public.  The  public,  therefore,  to  obtain  its  due,  or  satisfy  its  past 
demands  and  its  wants,  must  call  for  a  part  of  these  products 
themselves." 

Proposing  the  means  whereby  these  taxes  were  to  be  collected, 
he  comes  to  his  last  method,  and  says:  "The  first  step  to  estab 
lish  the  bank,  will  be  to  engage  a  number  of  moneyed  men  of 
influence,  to  relish  the  project  and  make  it  a  business."  *  * 
"  The  outlines  of  my  plan  would  be,  to  open  subscriptions  in  all 
the  States  for  the  stock,  which  we  will  suppose  to  be  one  million 
of  pounds.  Eeal  property  of  every  kind,  as  well  as  specie,  should 
be  deemed  as  good  stock ;  but  at  least  a  fourth  part  of  the  subscrip 
tion  should  be  in  specie  or  plate.  There  should  be  one  great 
company,  in  three  divisions ;  in  Virginia,  Philadelphia,  and  at 
Boston  ;  or,  two,  at  Philadelphia  and  Boston.  The  bank  should 
have  a  right  to  issue  bank  notes,  bearing  two  per  cent,  interest 
for  the  whole  of  their  stock ;  but  not  to  exceed  it.  These  notes 
may  be  payable  every  three  months,  or  oftener ;  and  the  faith  of 
the  government  must  be  pledged  for  the  support  of  the  bank.  It 
must,  therefore,  have  a  right,  from,  time  to  time,  to  inspect  its 
operations ;  and  must  appoint  inspectors  for  the  purpose."  He 


18G  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

concludes  his  letter  to  his  friend  Duane,  with  lengthy  and  concise 
remarks  upon  the  national  advantages  arising  from  the  establish 
ment  of  a  bank  upon  some  such  principles  as  suggested. 

This  communication,  as  a  whole,  embodied  the  rnaturest  mental 
conception,  deep  research,  correct  fineness  of  composition,  powers 
of  close  analogy,  and  strong  comprehension ;  with  views  of  gov 
ernmental  polity,  whose  essence  became,  subsequently,  a  part  of 
our  institutions.  Had  its  author  met  then,  the  fate  to  which  he 
was  doomed,  the  documents  from  which  these  extracts  are  taken, 
would  have  handed  his  name  to  distant  posterity.  In  1780,  HAM 
ILTON  married  the  beautiful  daughter  of  General  Schuyler,  to 
whom  he  proved  a  faithful  husband  until  his  death.  The  gener 
ous  feelings  of  HAMILTON  could  not  have  been  more  forcibly  illus 
trated  than  by  an  incident  that  occurred  in  the  appointment  of  an 
envoy  to  France.  To  the  consideration  of  Washington  and  Con 
gress,  he  and  Laureus  presented  themselves,  and  either  could  have 
got  the  station.  Actuated  by  the  interest  that  he  felt  could  be 
better  subserved  by  HAMILTON  than  himself,  Laurens  insisted  upon 
his  accepting  it.  HAMILTON,  on  the  other  hand,  prompted  by 
feelings  of  esteem  and  friendship  for  Laurens,  urged  him  to  accept 
it ;  which  he  accordingly  did.  Such  instances  of  men  advancing 
the  claims  of  a  friend,  in  preference  to  themselves,  through  purely 
disinterested  motives,  are  very  rare. 

In  1781,  HAMILTON'S  connection  with  Washington's  staff  ceased  ; 
indeed,  it  was  at  the  sacrifice  of  brighter  prospects  that  he  accepted 
it  in  the  first  place.  It  was  brought  to  a  close  in  the  following 
manner,  according  to  HAMILTON'S  own  words:  "Two  days  ago, 
the  General  and  I  passed  each  other  on  the  stairs  :  he  told  me  he 
wanted  to  speak  to  me.  I  answered  that  I  would  wait  upon  him 
immediately.  I  went  below  and  delivered  Mr.  Tilghman  a  letter 
for  the  commissary,  containing  an  order  of  a  pressing  and  inter 
esting  nature.  Returning  to  the  General,  I  was  stopped  on  the 
way  by  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  and  we  conversed  about  a 
minute  on  business.  He  can  testify,  how  impatient  I  was  to  get 
back,  and  that  I  left  him  in  a  manner  which,  but  for  our  intimacy, 
would  have  been  abrupt.  Instead  of  finding  the  General,  as  is 
usual,  in  his  room,  I  met  him  at  the  head  of  the  stairs,  where, 
accosting  me  in  an  angry  tone,  he  said,  '  Colonel  Hamilton,  you 
have  kept  me  waiting  at  the  head  of  the  stairs  these  ten  minutes. 
I  must  tell  you,  sir,  you  treat  me  with  disrespect.'  I  replied, 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  187 

without  petulancy,  but  with  decision  ;  '  I  am  not  conscious  of  it, 
sir;  but  since  you  have  thought  it  necessary  to  tell  me  so,  we 
part.'  '  Yery  well,  sir,'  said  the  General,  'if  it  be  your  choice,' 
or  something  to  that  effect ;  and  so  we  separated."  Efforts  were 
afterward  made  to  induce  HAMILTON  to  revoke  his  conclusion,  but 
without  avail.  This  little  piece  of  petulant  umbrage  was  attended 
with  no  serious  consequences  or  abatement  of  friendship  on  the 
part  of  either.  HAMILTON  immediately  announced  his  purpose  to 
continue  firmly  in  support  of  his  measures ;  a  purpose  which  was 
faithfully  redeemed.  He  afterward  made  application  for  a  sepa 
rate  command,  which,  for  satisfactory  causes,  could  not  be  com 
plied  with. 

But  it  is  not  as  a  military  man  alone,  we  are  to  consider  ALEX 
ANDER  HAMILTON.  He  was  a  statesman  of  civic  capacities  unsur 
passed.  Under  date  of  April  30th,  1781,  he  wrote  to  Robert  Mor 
ris  as  follows :  "  I  was  among  the  first  who  were  convinced  that 
an  administration  by  single  men,  was  essential  to  the  proper  man 
agement  of  the  affairs  of  this  country.  I  am  persuaded  it  is  the 
only  resource  we  have,  to  extricate  ourselves  from  the  distresses 
which  threaten  the  subversion  of  our  cause."  He  proceeds  to  the 
investigation  of  the  finances,  and  of  their  perplexing  condition  he 
says:  "  To  surmount  these  obstacles,  and  give  individuals  ability 
and  inclination  to  lend,  a  plan  might  be  devised,  which,  by  incor 
porating  their  means  together,  and  uniting  them  with  those  of  the 
public,  will  on  the  foundation  of  that  incorporation  and  union 
erect  a  mass  of  credit,  that  will  supply  the  defect  of  moneyed  cap 
ital,  and  answer  all  the  purposes  of  cash ;  a  plan  which  will 
advance  the  interests  of  the  lenders,  secure  the  independence  of 
their  country,  and,  in  its  progress,  have  the  most  beneficial  influ 
ence  upon  its  future  commerce,  and  be  a  source  of  national  strength 
and  wealth.  I  mean,  the  institution  of  a  national  bank.  *  * 

c;  The  tendency  of  a  national  bank,  is  to  increase  public  and 
private  credit ;  the  former  gives  power  to  the  State,  for  the  protec 
tion  of  its  rights  and  interests,  and  the  latter  facilitates  and  ex 
tends  the  operations 'of  commerce  among  individuals.  Industry 
is  increased,  commodities  are  multiplied,  agriculture  and  manu 
factures  flourish,  and  herein  consist  the  true  wealth  and  prosperity 
of  a  State.  Most  commercial  nations  have  found  it  necessary  to 
institute  banks  ;  and  they  have  proved  to  be  the  happiest  engines 
ever  invented  for  advancing  trade.  Venice,  Genoa,  Hamburgh, 
13 


188  ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

Holland  and  England  are  examples  of  their  utility." 
u  The  long,  expensive  wars  of  King  William,  had  drained  Eng 
land  of  its  specie ;  its  commerce  began  to  droop,  for  want  of  a 
proper  medium ;  its  taxes  were  unproductive,  and  its  revenues 
declined.  The  administration  wisely  had  recourse  to  the  institu 
tion  of  a  bank,  and  it  retrieved  the  national  difficulties.  We  are 
in  the  same,  and  still  greater,  want  of  a  sufficient  medium.  We 
have  little  specie ;  the  paper  we  have  is  of  small  value,  and  rap 
idly  declining  to  less.  We  are  immersed  in  a  war  for  our  exist 
ence  as  a  nation, — for  our  liberty  and  happiness  as  a  people.  We 
have  no  revenues,  nor  any  credit.  "  A  bank,  if  practicable,  is  the 
only  thing  that  can  give  us  either  the  one  or  the  other."  Meeting 
some  of  the  objections  against  the  measure,  he  continues :  "  No 
thing  is  more  common  than  for  men  to  pass  from  the  abuse  of  a 
good  thing  to  the  disuse  of  it.  Some  persons,  disgusted  by  the 
depreciation  of  the  money,  are  chimerical  enough  to  imagine  it 
would  be  beneficial  to  abolish  all  paper,  and  annihilate  the  whole 
of  what  is  now  in  circulation,  and  depend  altogether  upon  specie, 
both  for  commerce  and  finance.  The  scheme  is  altogether  vision 
ary,  and  the  attempt  would  be  fatal."  *  *  "  The  error 
of  those  who  would  explode  paper  money  altogether,  originates  in 
not  making  proper  distinctions.  Our  paper  was,  in  its  nature, 
liable  to  depreciation,  because  it  had  no  funds  for  its  support,  and 
was  not  upheld  by  private  credit.  The  emissions  under  the  reso 
lutions  of  March,  1780,  have  partly  the  former  advantage,  but  are 
destitute  of  the  latter,  which  is  equally  essential.  No  paper  credit 
can  be  substantial  or  durable,  which  has  not  funds,  and  which 
does  not  unite  immediately  the  interest  and  influence  of  the 
moneyed  men,  in  its  establishment  and  preservation.  A  credit 
begun  on  this  basis  will,  in  process  of  time,  greatly  exceed  its 
funds ;  but  this  requires  time,  and  a  well-settled  opinion  in  its 
favor.  '  Tis  in  a  national  lank  alone,  that  we  can  find  the  in 
gredient  to  constitute  a  wholesome,  solid,  and  beneficial  paper 
credit." 

After  lengthy  remarks  upon  the  utility  of  this  institution,  he 
thus  proceeds  to  investigate  the  medium  of  procuring  funds,  and 
overcoming  other  difficulties  by  Congress:  "We  must  demand 
an  instant,  positive,  and  perpetual  investiture  of  an  impost  on 
trade, — a  land  tax  and  poll  tax,  to  be  collected  by  their  agents. 
This  act,  to  become  a  part  of  the  confederation.  It  has  ever  been 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  189 

my  opinion  that  Congress  ought  to  have  complete  sovereignty  in 
all  but  the  mere  municipal  law  of  each  State,  and  I  WISH  TO  SEE  A 
CONVENTION  OF  ALL  THE  STATES,  with  full  power  to  alter  and  amend 
finally  and  irrevocably  the  present  futile  and  senseless  confedera 
tion."  u  There  is,"  he  subsequently  says,  "  something  noble  and 
magnificent  in  the  perspective  of  a  great  federative  republic, 
closely  linked  in  the  pursuit  of  a  common  interest,  tranquil  and 
prosperous  at  home,  respectable  abroad ;  there  is  something  pro- 
portionably  diminutive  and  contemptible  in  the  prospect  of  a 
number  of  petty  States,  with  the  appearance  only  of  union, — 
jarring,  jealous  and  perverse, — without  any  determinate  direc 
tion, — fluctuating  and  unhappy  at  home,  weak  and  insignificant 
by  their  dissensions,  in  the  eyes  of  other  nations.  Happy  America! 
if  those  to  whom  thou  hast  intrusted  the  guardianship  of  thy  in 
fancy,  know  how  to  provide  for  thy  future  repose, — but  miserable 
and  undone,  if  their  negligence  or  ignorance  permits  the  spirit  of 
discord  to  erect  their  banners  on  the  ruins  of  thy  tranquillity  !" 

His  views  in  regard  to  the  curtailment  of  the  power  of  the 
States,  and  its  sole  vestment,  except  in  municipal  affairs,  in  the 
national  sovereignty,  insisted  upon  by  HAMILTON,  were  in  great 
conflict  with  those  of  Jefferson,  which  were  the  most  liberal,  tend-  / 
ing  to  the  most  entire  freedom,  and  formed  the  principle  of  several 
issues,  dividing  the  early  political  parties.  His  views  also  of  a 
United  States  bank,  as  we  have  seen,  were  opposed  to  Jefferson's. <^ 
He  had,  in  the  meantime,  in  advocacy  of  his  favorite  measures, 
written  the  series  of  letters  known  as  the  "  ContinentalistJ' 
which  evinced  the  same  logic  and  vigor  of  style  seen  in  his  other 
productions. 

In  1781,  he  was  advanced  in  the  command,  and  dispatched  to 
the  southern  field  of  operations.  The  warmth  of  his  feelings, 
ever  conspicuous,  is  shown  in  letters  to  his  wife,  written  on  the 
occasion  of  his  departure  ;  they  breathe  conjugal  devotion  amount 
ing  to  idolatry.  He  says :  "  I  can  not  announce  the  fatal  necessity, 
without  feeling  every  thing  that  a  fond  husband  can  feel.  I  am 
unhappy, — I  am  unhappy  beyond  expression.  I  am  unhappy 
because  I  am  to  be  so  remote  from  you, — because  I  am  to  hear 
from  you  less  frequently  than  I  am  accustomed  to  do.  I  am  miser 
able,  because  I  know  you  will  be  so, — I  am  wretched  at  the  idea 
of  flying  so  far  from  you,  without  a  single  hour's  interview,  to  tell 
you  all  my  pains  and  all  my  love.  But  I  can,  not  ask  permission 


190  ALEXANDEK     HAMILTON. 

to  visit  you.  It  might  be  thought  improper  to  leave  my  corps,  at 
such  a  time,  and  upon  such  an  occasion.  I  must  go  without 
seeing  you, — I  must  go  without  embracing  you.  Alas !  I  must 
go.  But,  let  no  idea  other  than  distance, — other  than  of  the  dis 
tance  we  shall  be  asunder,  disquiet  you."  The  next  day,  he  thus 
writes  her:  " Yesterday,  my  lovely  wife,  I  wrote  you;  to-morrow 
the  post  sets  out,  and  to-morrow  we  embark  for  Yorktown.  I 
can  not  refuse  myself  the  pleasure  of  writing  you  a  few  lines. 
Constantly  uppermost  in  my  thoughts  and  affections,  I  am  happy 
only  when  my  moments  are  devoted  to  some  office  that  respects 
you.  I  would  give  the  world  to  tell  you  all  I  feel  and  all  I  wish, 
but  consult  your  own  heart  and  you  will  know  mine.  What  a 
world  will  soon  be  between  us!  To  support  the  idea,  all  my 
fortitude  is  insufficient.  What  must  be  the  case  with  you,  who 
have  the  most  female  of  female  hearts?  I  sink  at  the  perspective 
of  your  distress,  and  look  to  Heaven  to  be  your  guardian  and 
support."  Again,  after  the  happy  result  of  the  expedition  to 
Yorktown,  he  wrote  her  thus :  "  Two  nights  ago,  my  Eliza,  my 
duty  and  my  honor  obliged  me  to  take  a  step  in  which  your 
happiness  was  too  much  risked.  I  commanded  an  attack  upon 
one  of  the  enemy's  redoubts ;  we  carried  it  in  an  instant,  and 
with  little  loss.  There  will  certainly  be  nothing  more  of  this 
kind ;  all  the  rest  will  be  by  approaches,  and  if  there  should  be 
another  occasion,  it  will  not  fall  to  my  turn  to  execute  it/ 

How  different  are  these  heart  expressions,  from  his  keen  pene 
trative  dashes  at  finance  and  constitutional  law,  and  how  pleasing 
to  cull  them,  like  flowers,  from  among  the  thorns  of  war.  Ten 
derly  expressive  of  his  manly  feelings,  they  are  blossoms  of 
affection  which  can  not  wither,  affording  a  correct  estimate  of 
his  gentle  nature. 

In  the  attack  upon  the  redoubt  referred  to,  he  behaved  with 
gallantry ;  when  masters  of  it,  one  of  his  men  pointed  a  drawn 
sword  to  the  breast  of  its  commandant,  Colonel  Campbell,  which 
HAMILTON  pushed  aside,  and  the  Colonel  threw  down  his  arms, 
saying:  u I  place  myself  under  your  protection."  These  things 
are  mentioned,  as  unmistakable  evidences  of  his  traits  of  char 
acter.  Meantime,  HAMILTON  was  made  continental  receiver, 
which  post  he  resigned  not  long  after  the  siege  of  Yorktown. 

On  the  happy  termination  of  those  events,  he  returned  to 
private  life,  and  commenced  the  study  of  law.  From  the  positions 


ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

he  had  filled  and  the  service  he  had  rendered,  with  the  depth  of 
intellect  he  had  evinced,  if  we  do  not  occasionally  remind  the 
reader  of  the  contrary,  he  will  conclude  that  we  are  following  the 
steps  of  an  old  veteran  statesman,  and  warrior.  In  intellect  we 
are, — otherwise  not.  HAMILTON  was  now  but  twenty-five  years  of 
age.  In  the  study  of  the  law  he  made  accustomed  proficiency,  and 
wrote  a  manual  upon  its  practice  replete  with  genius  and  under 
standing.  With  his  pen  he  continued  the  investigations  of  affairs. 

To  Morris,  Meade,  and  other  gentlemen,  as  well  as  to  public 
bodies,  he  communicated  his  views  upon  government,  especially 
the  branches  of  finance,  systems  of  taxation,  banks,  imposts,  the 
national  debt,  etc.,  in  a  manner  that  elicited  the  highest  consider 
ation.  Of  a  general  convention  of  the  States,  for  the  elaboration 
of  a  federative  system  of  government,  he  was  an  acknowledged 
champion,  and  prepared  the  resolutions  for  that  purpose.  In 
1782,  he  was  selected  a  delegate  to  Congress,  from  the  state  of  New 
York ;  it  was  in  view  of  his  labors  in  this  sphere  that  he  resigned 
the  post  of  Continental  receiver.  Though  it  would  be  difficult  to 
imagine  a  greater  exhibition  of  intellectual  prowess  than  hitherto 
manifest,  we  are  now  to  view  HAMILTON  in  an  enlarged  sphere  of 
action,  and  one  more  suited  to  his  talents  than  the  field. 

On  his  entrance  into  Congress,  we  find  him,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  one  of  its  most  active,  influential  members,  in  correspon 
dence  with  Laurens,  Lafayette,  Greene,  and  others,  and  ably  devis 
ing  means  and  suggesting  plans,  to  remedy  the  defects  of  the  govern 
ment.  A  member  of  a  body  composed  of  such  men  as  Madison, 
Bouclinot,  Kandolph,  and  others  of  equal  talent,  he  was  regarded 
as  a  leader,  and  ably  maintained  his  enviable  position.  During 
the  army  discontents,  incident  to  the  anonymous  communications 
elsewhere  noticed,  and  the  mutinous  spirit  manifest  among  the 
soldiers  in  not  getting  their  pay,  he  was  the  advocate  of  order,  the 
active  agent  of  remedial  pacification,  and  procured  the  passage  of 
a  resolution  of  renewed  thanks  to  Washington  for  the  manner  in 
which  he  quelled  the  insubordination  of  the  troops  at  head-quar 
ters.  To  the  establishment  of  a  healthful  national  revenue,  pro 
vision  for  the  liquidation  of  the  debt,  and  the  general  improve 
ment  of  the  finance,  he  devoted  himself  with  energy  and  talent. 
As  essential  to  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union,  he  urged  a  solidification 
of  government,  with  controlling  powers  vested  in  the  federal 
sovereignty,  "  for,"  says  he,  "  to  borrow  a  figure  from  mechanics, 


192  ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

the  centrifugal,  is  much  stronger  than  the  centripetal  force  in  these 
States."  On  the  indications  of  a  final  peace,  adjusting  the  diffi 
culties  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  he  became  a 
leading  friend  of  negotiation,  and  insisted  upon  the  consummation 
of  independent  national  treaties  with  Russia  and  other  foreign 
powers.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  on 
account  of  France  not  being  consulted  in  its  arrangement,  as 
before  stated,  considerable  dissatisfaction  became  manifest  in 
Congress,  and  a  vote  of  censure  was  proposed  against  the  Ameri 
can  envoys.  This  HAMILTON  opposed  by  the  introduction  of  con 
ciliatory  substitutes,  declarative  of  our  confidence  in  France,  of 
gratitude  for  her  services,  and  a  desire  to  maintain  with  her  the 
most  fraternal  national  relationships.  He  advocated  the  ratifi 
cation  of  the  treaty  through  all  the  excitements  incident  to  its  sub 
mission,  and  penned  the  document,  to  whose  agreement,  resulted 
a  final  settlement.  Like  Jay  and  Adams,  he  opposed  the  in 
structions  given  to  them,  as  ministers,  not  to  treat  without  consul 
tation  with  the  French  ministers, — to  be  governed  by  their  opin 
ions,  etc.  He  wrote  to  Jay,  highly  complimenting  the  treaty,  and 
eulogizing  him  as  one  of  its  authors.  Soon  after,  HAMILTON  in 
view  of  the  disposition  on  the  part  of  many,  to  lean  toward  the 
French  people,  wrote  the  following,  which,  as  indicating  his  views 
upon  the  importance  of  managing  our  own  concerns,  should  be 
inserted: 

a  Upon  my  first  going  into  Congress,  I  discovered  symptoms 
of  a  party  too  well  disposed,  to  subject  the  interests  of  the  United 
States  to  the  management  of  France.  Though  I  felt  in  common 
with  those  who  had  participated  in  the  revolution,  a  lively  senti 
ment  of  good-will  toward  a  power  whose  co-operation,  however, 
it  was,  and  ought  to  have  been  dictated  by  its  own  interest,  had 
been  extremely  useful  to  us,  and  had  been  afforded  in  a  liberal 
and  handsome  manner ;  yet,  tenacious  of  the  real  independence 
of  our  country,  and  dreading  the  appearance  of  foreign  influence, 
as  the  natural  disease  of  popular  governments,  I  was  struck  with 
disgust  at  the  appearance,  in  the  very  cradle  of  our  republic,  of  a 
party  actuated  by  an  undue  complaisance  to  foreign  power,  and  I 
resolved  at  once,  to  resist  this  bias  in  our  affairs ;  a  resolution 
which  has  been  the  chief  cause  of  the  persecution  I  have  endured 
in  the  subsequent  stages  of  my  political  life."  This  again  con 
flicted  with  the  views  of  Jefferson. 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  193 

HAMILTON  continued  a  correspondence  with  Washington  and 
other  eminent  men  of  the  day,  eliciting  thus  their  views  upon 
exciting  topics  of  national  consideration,  and  the  independent 
elaboration  of  his  own,  with  usual  force  and  effect.  His  fertile 
iniud,  active  with  the  elasticity  of  natural  genius,  and  cultivated 
by  industrious  research,  instead  of  growing  weary  under  the 
pressure  of  effort  in  one  sphere,  seemed  more  invigorated  for 
labors  in  another.  The  claims  of  the  army,  the  regulation  of  the 
revenue,  the  systematization  of  the  finances,  the  navy,  the  pro 
tection  of  the  frontier, treaties,  Indian  affairs,  neutrality  laws,  and 
indeed,  every  national  measure  coming  before  Congress,  was  the 
object  of  his  laborious  solicitude. 

But  what  most  engrossed  his  mind,  as  being  more  commen 
surate  with  its  capacity,  was  the  general  modification  of  the 
federal  government.  After  the  adjournment  of  Congress  to 
Princeton,  to  this  subject  he  mainly  turned  his  attention.  Strict 
neutrality  with  all  nations, — the  acquisition  of  aboriginal  posses 
sions  by  peaceful  purchase, — a  United  States  bank, — a  mili 
tary  peace  establishment, — a  revenue  upon  imposts, — reciprocity 
treaties, — the  assumption  of  the  State  debts  by  the  general  govern 
ment,  and  the  funding  of  the  national  debt,  were  measures  form 
ing  a  part  of  his  political  doctrine.  The  federal  government,  he 
wished  to  possess  powers  wholly  untrammeled  by  State  legislation, 
save  when  its  exercise  would  interfere  with  municipal  domestic 
affairs. 

Impressed  with  this  idea,  he  digested  a  plan  for  submission  to 
Congress,  which  afforded  an  understanding  of  his  sentiments,  and 
the  profundity  of  his  mind.  It  begins  :  u  Whereas,  in  the  opinion 
of  this  Congress,  the  confederation  of  the  United  States  is  defec 
tive  in  the  following  essential  points : 

"First,  and  generally,  in  confining  the  federal  government 
within  too  narrow  limits,  by  withholding  from  it  that  efficacious 
authority  and  influence,  in  all  matters  of  general  concern,  which 
are  indispensable  to  the  harmony  and  welfare  of  the  whole; 
embarrassing  general  provisions  by  unnecessary  details  and 
inconvenient  exceptions,  incompatible  with  their  nature,  tending 
only  to  create  jealousies  and  disputes  respecting  the  proper 
bounds  of  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  and  of  that  of  the 
particular  States,  and  a  mutual  interference  of  the  one  with  the 
other. 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

"  Second.  In  confounding  legislative  and  executive  powers  in 
\J  a  single  body ;  as  that  of  determining  on  the  number  and  quantity 
of  force,  land  and  naval,  to  be  employed  for  the  common  defense 
and  of  directing  their  operations  when  raised  and  equipped ;  with 
that  of  ascertaining  and  making  requisitions  for  the  necessary 
sums  or  quantities  of  money  to  be  paid  by  the  respective  States 
into  the  common  treasury,  contrary  to  the  most  approved  and 
well-founded  maxims  of  free  government,  which  require  that  the 
legislative,  executive,  and  judiciary  authorities,  should  be  de 
posited  in  distinct  and  separate  hands. 

"Third.  In  the  want  of  a  FEDERAL  JUDICATURE,  having'cognizance 
of  all  matters  of  general  concern  in  the  last  resort,  especially  those 
in  which  foreign  nations  and  their  subjects  are  interested. 

"  Fourth.  In  vesting  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 
with  the  power  of  general  taxation,  comprehended  in  that  of 
ascertaining  the  necessary  sums  of  money  to  be  raised  for  the 
common  defense,  and  of  appropriating  and  applying  the  same  for 
defraying  the  public  expenses ;  and  yet,  rendering  that  power,  so 
essential  to  the  existence  of  the  Union,  nugatory,  by  withholding 
from  them  all  control  over  either  the  imposition,  or  the  collection 
of  the  taxes  for  raising  the  sums  required ;  whence  it  happens 
that  the  inclinations,  not  the  liabilities  of  the  respective  States, 
are,  in  fact,  the  criteria  of  their  contributions  to  the  common 
expense,  and  the  public  burden  has  fallen,  and  will  continue  to 
fall,  with  very  unequal  weight. 

"  Fifth.  In  fixing  a  rule  for  determining  the  proportion  of  each 
State  toward  the  common  expense,  which,  if  practicable  at  all, 
must,  in  the  execution,  be  attended  with  great  expense,  inequality, 
uncertainty,  and  difficulty. 

"  Sixth.  In  authorizing  Congress  (to  borrow  money  or  emit  bills 
on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  ;  without  the  power  of  establish 
ing  funds  for  the  repayment  of  the  money,  or  the  redemption  of 
the  bills  emitted,  from  which  must  result  one  of  these  evils, — 
either  a  want  of  sufficient  credit  in  the  first  instance,  to  borrow 
or  to  circulate  the  bills  emitted,  whereby  in  great  national  exi 
gencies,  the  public  safety  may  be  endangered ;  or,  in  the  second 
instance,  frequent  infractions  of  the  public  engagements,  disap 
pointments  to  lenders,  repetitions  of  the  calamities  of  depreciating 
paper,  a  continuance  of  the  injustice  and  mischiefs  of  an  un 
funded  debt,  and  first  or  last,  the  annihilation  of  public  credit 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  195 

"  Seventh.  In  not  making  proper  or  competent  provision  for 
interior  or  exterior  defense ;  for  interior  defense,  by  leaving  it  to 
the  individual  States  to  appoint  all  regimental  officers  of  the  land 
forces,  to  raise  the  men  in  their  own  way,  to  clothe,  arm,  and  equip 
them  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States ;  for  exterior  defense,  in 
authorizing  Congress  to  build  and  equip  a  navy,  without  provid 
ing  any  means  of  manning  it. 

"  Eighth.  In  not  vesting  in  the  United  States  A  GENERAL  SUPER 
INTENDENCE  OF  TRADE,  equally  necessary  in  the  views  of  revenue, 
and  regulation. 

"  Ninth.  In  defeating  essential  powers  by  provisoes  and  limi 
tations,  inconsistent  with  their  nature,  as  the  power  of  making 
treaties  with  foreign  nations,  provided  that  no  treaty  of  commerce 
shall  be  made,  whereby  the  legislative  power  of  the  respective 
States  shall  be  restrained  from  imposing  such  imposts  and  duties 
on  foreigners,  as  their  own  people  are  subjected  to,  or  from  pro 
hibiting  the  importation  or  exportation  of  any  species  of  goods  or 
commodities,  whatever ;  as  also  the  power  of  regulating  the  trade, 
and  managing  all  affairs  with  the  Indians,  not  members  of  any 
States,  provided  that  the  legislative  right  of  any  State,  within  its 
own  limits,  be  not  infringed,  or  violated ;  and  others  of  a  like 
nature. 

"Tenth.  In  granting  to  the  United  States  the  sole  power  of 
4  regulating  the  alloy  and  value  of  coin  struck  by  their  own  author 
ity  or  by  that  of  their  respective  States,'  without  the  power  of 
regulating  foreign  coin  in  circulation. 

"  Eleventh.  In  requiring  the  assent  of  nine  States  to  matters 
of  principal  importance,  and  of  seven  to  all  others,  except  adjourn 
ments  from  day  to  day ;  a  rule  destructive  of  vigor,  consistency 
or  expedition  in  the  administration  of  affairs, — tending  to  subject 
the  sense  of  the  majority  to  that  of  the  minority,  by  putting  it  in 
the  power  of  a  small  combination  to  retard  and  even  to  frustrate 
the  most  necessary  measures,  and  to  oblige  the  greater  number, 
in  cases  which  require  speedy  determinations,  as  happens  in  the 
most  interesting  concerns  of  the  community,  to  come  into  the 
views  of  the  smaller. 

"  Twelfth.     In  vesting  in  the  federal  government  the  sole  direc 
tion  of  the  interests  of  the  United  States,  in  their  intercourse  with  ^ 
foreign  nations,  without  empowering  it  to  pass  ALL  GENERAL  LAWS 
in  aid  and  support  of  the  laws  of  nations ;  for  the  want  of  which 


196  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

the  faith  of  the  United  States  may  be  broken,  their  reputation  sul 
lied,  and  their  peace  interrupted  by  the  negligence  or  misconcep 
tion  of  any  particular  State." 

After  the  enumeration  of  governmental  defects,  he  continued, 
explaining  their  mischievous  tendencies,  and  says :  "  Therefore, 
resolved,  THAT  IT  BE  EARNESTLY  RECOMMENDED  TO  THE  SEVERAL 

STATES  TO  APPOINT  A  CONVENTION  to  meet  at ,  on  the day 

of ,  with  full  powers  to  revise  the  confederation,  and  to  adopt 

and  propose  such  alterations  as  to  them  shall  appear  necessary, — 
to  be  finally  approved  or  rejected  by  the  States  respectively, — and 

that  a  committee  of be  appointed  to  prepare  an  address  upon 

the  subject."  These  reasons,  as  they  may  be  termed,  for  the  call 
of  a  convention,  and  the  resolution  following,  he  designed  sub 
mitting  to  Congress ;  but  seeing  that  body  unprepared  for  it,  he 
abandoned  the  idea,  and  soon  after  closed  his  Congressional 
career. 

The  manner  in  which  this  comparatively  youthful  politician 
scanned  the  surface  of  affairs,  penetrated  the  national  system, 
detected  its  cancerous  ulcers,  and  prepared  the  remedy  adapted 
to  the  part  infected,1  shows  clearly  a  vigor  of  mind,  boldness  of 
thought,  acuteness  of  perception,  and  soundness  of  judgment  un 
surpassed  by  older  heads.  If  the  displays  of  mental  power,  as 
exhibited  in  his  sphere  of  action,  induced  Erskine  to  say  of  Mans 
field,  that  he  was  born  for  the  judgeship,  the  student  of  our  legis 
lative  annals,  as  he  follows  the  light  of  HAMILTON'S  genius, — now 
silencing  competition  by  its  elegance,  now  illumining  the  confused 
darkness  of  chaotic  confederacies  with  the  beauty  of  its  symmetry 
and  proportion, — now  by  keen  analysis  disjoining  the  fractured 
pivot  from  the  government  structure,  and  placing  a  sound  one  in 
its  place,  and  anon  irradiating  other  spheres  with  its  brilliancy,  he 
must  conclude  he  was  born  for  the  theater  of  American  politics. 

Buoyed  with  a  hope  of  domestic  felicity,  after  the  close  of  his 
labors  in  Congress,  he  thus  wrote  his  wife :  "  I  give  you  joy  on 
the  happy  conclusion  of  this  important  work,  in  which  our  coun 
try  has  been  engaged.  Now,  in  a  very  short  time,  I  hope  we 
shall  be  happily  settled  in  New  York.  My  love  to  your  father. 
Kiss  my  boy  a  thousand  times.  A  thousand  loves  to  yourself/ 
Keunited  with  those  he  loved,  the  correspondence  of  various  dis 
tinguished  friends  attested  his  valued  services.  "  Were  you  teL 
years  older,"  wrote  M'Henry,  "  and  twenty  thousand  pounds  richer, 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  197 

there  is  no  doubt  but  that  you  might  obtain  the  suffrages  of  Con 
gress  for  the  highest  office  in  their  gift.  In  a  word, 
if  you  were  to  spend  a  lifetime  in  dissecting  a  fly,  you  would  be, 
in  their  opinion,  one  of  the  greatest  men  in  the  world.  Bold 
designs, — measures  calculated  for  their  rapid  execution, — a  wis 
dom  that  would  convince  from  its  own  weight, — a  project  that 
would  surprise  the  people  into  greater  happiness  without  giving 
them  an  opportunity  to  view  and  reject  it,  are  not  adapted  to  a 
council  composed  of  discordant  materials,  or  to  a  people  which 
have  thirteen  heads,  each  of  which  pays  superstitious  adoration 
to  inferior  divinities."  "  You  were  always  of  the  number  of  those 
I  esteemed,  and  your  correspondence  would  be  both  interesting 
and  agreeable,"  wrote  Jay  from  Passy,  France. 

He  now  retired  to  private  life,  and  commenced  the  practice  of 
law,  in  which,  from  the  exhibitions  of  talent  hitherto  manifest,  it 
is  almost  needless  to  say,  he  was  eminently  successful.  In  many 
cases  of  importance  he  was  the  advocate,  and  proved  the  efficiency 
of  his  power,  at  the  bar,  with  equal  conspicuity  he  had  done  else 
where.  As  a  lawyer,  he  possessed  the  main  attributes  to  success. 
His  arguments  of  cases  evinced  depth  of  thought,  discriminating 
logic,  and  were  based  upon  legal  principles  of  which  he  was  a 
master.  Their  delivery  was  marked  with  fluency  of  language, 
elegance  of  diction  and  clearness  of  style.  His  attitude  was  ora 
torical,  classic,  and  commanding ;  upon  the  whole,  his  speeches 
were  persuasively  eloquent  and  very  convincing. 

While  in  the  pursuit  of  his  vocation,  an  occurrence  transpired 
that  called  his  fearless  pen  into  action.  Never,  perhaps,  did 
politics  assume  a  more  turbulent  aspect  than  in  the  State  of  New 
York,  at  this  time.  The  wily  Burr,  the  shrewd  Clinton,  the  bold 
HAMILTON,  the  popular  Jay  labored  for  the  ascendency  of  their 
respective  parties.  The  prescription  of  an  oath  upon  electors,  to 
the  effect  that  they  had  perpetrated  no  former  offenses,  as  a  requi 
site  to  their  positions,  was  one  measure  incident  to  the  excitement 
of  the  times.  HAMILTON  regarded  this  as  an  interference  with  the 
freedom  of  conscience,  and  warmly  opposed  it :  "  for,"  said  he,  "  a 
share  in  the  sovereignty  of  the  State,  which  is  exercised  by  the 
citizens  at  large,  and  voting  at  elections,  is  one  of  the  most  impor 
tant  rights  of  the  subject,  and,  in  a  republic,  ought  to  stand  fore 
most  in  the  estimation  of  the  law." 

Under  the  much-abused  name  of  liberty,  other  measures,  for  the 


198  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

subservience  of  party  purposes,  followed,  no  less  repugnant  to  his 
feelings.  To  counteract  their  progress,  and  enlighten  the  people 
upon  the  motives  originating  these  intolerant  provisions,  under 
the  specious  mask  of  freedom,  HAMILTON  wrote  his  " Pliocion" 
letters,  which  took  the  mask  off  and  exposed,  instead  of  liberty  in 
its  impartial  purity,  demagogisin  in  its  most  hideous  deformities. 
u  How  easy,"  says  he,  in  one  of  these  letters,  written  in  reply  to 
one  against  one  of  his  former  pieces,  uis  it  for  men  to  change  their 
principles  with  their  situations, — to  be  zealous  advocates  for  the 
rights  of  the  citizens  when  they  are  invaded  by  others,  and  as  soon 
as  they  have  it  in  their  power,  to  become  the  invaders  them 
selves, — to  resist  the  encroachments  of  power  when  it  is  in  the 
hands  of  others,  and  the  moment  they  get  it  into  their  own  to 
make  bolder  strides  than  those  they  have  resisted !  Are  such 
men  to  be  sanctified  by  the  hallowed  name  of  patriots  ?  Are  they 
not  rather  to  be  branded  as  men  who  make  their  passions,  preju 
dices,  and  interests,  the  sole  measure  of  their  own,  and  others 
rights  ?  The  history  of  mankind  is  too  full  of  these  melancholy 
contradictions."  *  "  Those  who  are  at  present  in 

trusted  with  power,  in  all  these  infant  republics,  hold  the  most 
sacred  deposit  that  was  ever  confided  to  human  hands.  It  is  with 
governments  as  with  individuals,  first  impressions  and  early 
habits  give  a  lasting  bias  to  the  temper  and  character.  Our  gov 
ernment,  hitherto,  has  had  no  habits.  How  important  to  the  hap 
piness,  not  of  America  alone,  but  of  mankind,  that  they  should 
acquire  good  ones !  If  we  set  out  with  justice,  moderation  and 
liberality,  and  a  scrupulous  regard  to  the  Constitution,  the  govern 
ment  will  acquire  a  spirit  and  tone  productive  of  permanent  bles 
sings  to  the  country.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  public  councils 
are  guided  by  human  passion  and  prejudice, — if  from  resentment 
to  individuals  or  a  dread  of  partial  inconveniences  the  Constitu 
tion  is  slighted  or  explained  away  upon  every  frivolous  pretext, — 
the  future  spirit  of  the  government  will  be  feeble,  distracted,  and 
arbitrary.  The  rights  of  the  subject  will  be  the  sport  of  every 
vicissitude.  There  will  be  no  settled  rule  of  conduct,  but  every 
thing  will  fluctuate  with  the  alternate  prevalency  of  contending 
factions. 

"The  world  has  its  eye  upon  America.  The  noble  struggle  we 
have  made  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  has  occasioned  a  kind  of  revo 
lution  in  human  sentiment.  The  influence  of  our  example  has 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  199 

penetrated  the  gloomy  regions  of  despotism,  and  has  pointed  the 
way  to  inquiry,  which  may  shake  its  deepest  foundations.  *  * 
To  ripen  inquiry  into  action,  it  remains  for  us  to  justify  the  Revo 
lution  by  its  fruits.  If  the  consequences  prove  we  have  really 
asserted  the  cause  of  human  happiness,  what  may  not  be  expected 
from  so  illustrious  an  example  ?  In  a  greater  or  less  degree,  the 
world  will  bless  and  imitate.  But  if  experience,  in  this  instance, 
verifies  the  lesson  long  taught  by  the  enemies  of  liberty,  that  the 
bulk  of  mankind  are  not  capable  of  self-govenment,  that  they  must 
have  a  master,  and  were  only  made  for  the  rein  and  the  spur,  we 
shall  then  see  the  final  triumph  of  despotism  over  liberty.  The 
advocates  of  the  latter  must  then  acknowledge  it  to  be  an  ignis 
fatuus,  and  abandon  the  pursuit.  With  the  greatest  advantages 
for  promoting  it  a  people  ever  had,  we  shall  have  betrayed  the, 
cause  of  human  nature  /" 

In  this  extract  upon  political  subjects,  is  seen  the  boldness  of 
his  nature,  equally  conspicuous  with  its  gentleness  in  the  social 
relations  of  life,  whence  he  always  disjoined  feelings  of  party 
rivalry. 

Soon  after,  we  find  him  a  member  of  a  society  whose  purpose 
was  the  manumission  of  slaves, — selected  chairman  of  a  committee 
appointed  for  the  furtherance  of  this  object, — drawing  up  a  reso 
lution  regulative  of  it,  requiring  each  member  to  set  the  example 
by  manumitting  his  own.  Individually,  he  owned  none. 

Though  unsuccessful  in  his  aims  at  calling  a  general  conven 
tion,  for  the  remodeling  of  the  government,  he  never  lost  sight  of 
its  importance,  and  continued  to  urge  it,  hoping  that  the  progress 
of  events  would  ultimately  convince  his  countrymen  of  its  imper 
ative  necessity.  In  this  hope  he  was  not  doomed  to  disappoint 
ment.  In  1786  he  took  his  seat  in  the  New  York  legislature. 
The  vesting  in  Congress  the  power  of  establishing  a  national  reve 
nue  by  a  levy  upon  imposts,  was  then  the  exciting  question  of 
State  politics  ;  to  effect  a  grant  of  this  power  by  New  York,  was 
one  of  the  favorite  measures  of  HAMILTON.  It  came  formally 
before  the  House,  he  its  unflinching  friend.  Its  policy  was  dis 
cussed  lengthily  and  ably,  but  by  none  more  so  than  himself. 
The  subject  involved  the  delegation  of  general  powers  upon  Con 
gress  ;  for  the  concession  of  a  right  to  levy  an  impost,  would  be 
equivalent  to  a  grant  of  jurisdiction  upon  other  measures  of  like 
national  character.  The  enemies  to  such  grants  of  power  affirmed 


200  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

that  it  would  be  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  States.  HAMIL 
TON  made  an  eloquent  argumentative  speech  in  its  behalf.  He 
said :  "  The  subversion  of  the  liberties  of  these  States  cannot  be 
the  business  of  a  day.  It  would  at  least  require  time,  premedi 
tation  and  concert ;  he  supposed  that  the  members  of  a  body  so 
constituted,  would  be  unanimous  in  a  scheme  of  usurpation.  If 
they  were  not,  would  it  not  be  discovered  and  disclosed  ?  If  we 
even  could  suppose  this  unanimity  among  one  set  of  men,  can  we 
believe  that  all  the  new  members  who  are  yearly  sent  from  one 
State  to  another,  would  instantly  enter  into  the  same  views  ? 
Would  there  not  be  one  honest  man  found  to  warn  his  country  of 
the  danger  ?  Suppose  the  worst :  suppose  the  combination  entered 
into  and  continued ;  the  execution  would  at  least  announce  the 
design,  and  the  means  of  defense  be  easy.  Consider  the  separate 
power  of  several  of  these  States,  and  the  situation  of  them  all. 
Consider  the  extent,  populousness  and  resources  of  Massachusetts, 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and,  I  might  add,  New  York,  Connecti 
cut,  and  other  States.  Where  could  Congress  find  means  suffi 
cient  to  subvert  the  government  and  liberties  of  either  of  these 
States  ?  or,  rather,  where  find  means  sufficient  to  effect  the  con 
quest  of  all  ?  If  an  attempt  were  made  upon  one,  the  others,  from 
a  sense  of  common  danger,  would  make  common  cause,  and  they 
could  immediately  unite  and  provide  for  their  joint  defense."  * 
*  "  The  Romans,  in  their  progress  to  universal  dominion, 
when  they  conceived  the  project  of  subduing  the  refractory  spirit 
of  the  Grecian  republics  which  composed  the  famous  Achean 
League,  began  by  sowing  dissensions  among  them,  and  instilling 
jealousies  of  each  other,  and  of  the  common  head  ;  and  finished 
by  making  them  a  province  of  the  Roman  empire.  The  applica 
tion  is  easy.  If  there  are  any  foreign  enemies, — if  there  are  any 
domestic  foes  to  this  country,  all  their  arts,  all  their  artifices  will 
be  employed  to  eifect  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  This  cannot  be 
better  done  than  by  sowing  jealousies  of  the  federal  head." 

Notwithstanding  his  able  advocacy  of  this  vestment  of  Congres 
sional  power,  the  bill  recommending  it  was  defeated.  It  came 
before  the  Assembly  for  final  action,  and  was  lost  by  a  majority 
of  fifteen  against  it  on  the  first  ballot.  New  York,  from  the  out 
set,  though  the  members  of  the  opposition  failed  to  refute  the  clear 
reasonings  of  HAMILTON,  manifested  a  decided  unwillingness,  to 
vest  Congress  with  which  was  then  considered  extraordinary 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  201 

powers,  the  exercise  of  which  she  averred  might  prove  inimical  to 
the  union  of  the  States,  and  subversive  of  the  liberties  of  the 
people.  This  subject  formed,  at  that  time,  one  of  the  principal 
party  dividing  lines.  The  negation  of  this  bill  to  levy  an  impost, 
accelerated  the  assemblage  of  the  general  convention.  Virginia 
took  the  lead  by  the  legislative  appointment  of  delegates,  and  was 
immediately  followed  by  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey.  Massa 
chusetts  seemed  reluctant,  while  in  New  York  there  existed  a 
strong  adverse  party.  HAMILTON,  it  is  needless  to  say,  hailed 
with  delight  the  favorable  manifestations  of  Virginia  and  Penn 
sylvania,  to  a  convention,  and  labored  zealously  to  create  the  same 
spirit  in  his  own  State:  in  these  efforts  he  encountered  stern 
opponents,  foremost  among  whom  was  Clinton. 

In  February  IT,  1787,  a  motion  was  made  in  the  Assembly  to 
instruct  that  body  to  recommend  the  call  of  a  convention  for  the 
purpose  "  of  revising  the  articles  of  confederation  and  perpetual 
union,  by  such  alterations  and  amendments  as  a  majority  of  the 
representatives  shall  judge  proper  and  necessary  to  render  them 
adequate  to  the  preservation  and  government  of  the  union ;" 
which,  after  some  modification,  passed.  It  was  opposed  violently 
by  Yates  and  Lansing,  and  advocated  by  General  Schuyler.  After 
considerable  debate  and  wrangling,  it  passed  by  a  majority  of  one 
vote.  HAMILTON,  soon  after,  proposed  to  the  Assembly  the  ap 
pointment  of  five  delegates  to  the  proposed  convention,  with 
instructions  similar  to  those  before  mentioned  ;  which  was  agreed 
to ;  but  on  its  submission  to  the  Senate,  the  number  of  delegates 
was  reduced  to  three,  and  a  proviso  placed  upon  it,  to  the  effect 
that  no  change  in  the  government  should  be  made  by  the  conven 
tion  "  repugnant  to  or  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution  of  this 
State."  In  this  shape  it  passed.  To  the  convention,  as  dele 
gates,  were  appointed  HAMILTON,  Yates,  and  Lansing;  the  views 
of  the  latter  being  antagonistic  to  his  own,  HAMILTON  insisted 
upon  the  appointment  of  two  additional  delegates,  and  recom 
mended  Livingston  and  Jay ;  this  would  place  his  two  colleagues 
in  the  same  position  he  himself  then  was,  in  the  minority,  in  case 
of  a  necessity  to  vote  by  States,  a  contingency  against  which  he 
wished  to  provide.  His  proposition  was  defeated,  after  concur 
rence  by  the  House,  by  a  vote  of  the  Senate. 

In  measures  of  reform,  some  political  sage  is  always  ready  to  say, 
they  are  against  the  Constitution,  and  appeal  to  its  sacredness  in 


202  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

support  of  conservatism,  until  others  catch  the  solemn  warning  and 
unconstitutionally  becomes  the  cry  of  demagogues  and  notoriety 
seekers  over  the  land,  who  are  wholly  ignorant  of  constitutional 
law,  in  both  letter  and  spirit.  This  was  the  argument  against  the 
call  of  a  convention  to  revise  the  federal  government, — against 
the  constitution  to  form  a  Constitution  !  Heedless,  however,  of 
this  consideration,  upon  a  matter  of  such  vital  importance,  many 
States,  among  which  were  Georgia,  Carolina,  and  Delaware,  fol 
lowed  the  example  set  by  Virginia,  and  appointed  delegates. 

The  New  York  Assembly,  subsequently,  increased  the  number 
of  delegates  from  that  State  to  five.  Thus  the  preliminaries  were 
arranged  to  another  bold  stride  in  the  onward  march  of  democracy. 
Feebly  developing  itself  from  its  first  foothold  upon  congenial 
soil,  by  progressive  gradations  it  had  risen  from  embryo  incipi- 
ency,  modeled  and  remodeled  by  master  hands,  as  emergencies 
required,  until,  by  the  power  of  unchained  intellect,  it  was  ready 
to  make  a  leap  beyond  all  precedent,  and  plant  its  banners  high 
over  the  grim  battlements  of  tyranny  and  despotisms.  Its  retro 
spect,  though  it  developed  a  series  of  struggles,  was  replete  with 
triumphs.  These  struggles,  both  civil  and  military,  were  a  war 
of  opinion, — an  assertion  of  inherent  right  over  might.  Trans 
ferred  from  a  land  of  oppressive  vassalage  to  the  bleak  crags  of 
Plymouth,  floated  first  the  standard  of  religious  freedom,  vocal 
music  of  the  wilderness  for  its  peans,  and  the  smoke  of  savage 
huts,  curling  to  the  heavens,  for  its  incense. 

No  interest  but  the  common  weal,  the  New  England  pioneers 
convened  in  1743,  and  entered  into  a  colonial  league  for  mutual 
protection,  each  colony  represented  by  two  delegates,  to  a  Congress 
whose  enactments  controlled  the  whole ;  subject,  however,  to 
foreign  prerogative.  Again,  in  1754,  in  view  of  French  and 
Indian  hostilities,  ere  a  severance  from  the  mother  country  had 
been  thought  of,  they  convened,  insisted  upon  the  political  union 
of  all  the  colonies,  controlled  by  a  general  Congress,  under  the 
supervision  of  a  general  president  appointed  by  England,  with 
powers  to  enact  laws  and  provide  for  the  common  defense.  In 
1765,  to  resist  the  tyrannous  assertions  of  Parliamentary  power, 
they  met  in  general  Congress, — adopted  measures  of  defense, — 
prepared  a  bill  of  rights, — vested  levying  power  in  the  colonial 
assemblies,  and  gave  Congress  power,  though  much  restricted,  to 
enlist  troops,  build  fortifications,  etc.  In  1774,  startled  by  the 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  203 

alarms  of  active  warfare,  and  cut  off  from  all  hopes  of  maternal 
clemency,  they  again  convened,  for  the  purpose  of  considering 
means  of  se/y-protection,  and  finally  declared  the  colonies  free 
and  independent ;  having  declared  themselves  so,  isolated  them 
from  the  national  brotherhood,  upon  their  own  tottering  resources, 
and  created  the  necessity  of  forcing  its  compliance  and  mainte 
nance.  Through  a  seven  years'  war,  under  a  government,  vested 
with  no  general  powers,  impelled  by  the  unity  of  a  common  cause, 
they  vindicated  their  declaration,  and  by  the  thunder-peal  of  their 
arms,  upheaved  the  ministerial  cabinet,  and  forced  the  signet  from 
England's  reluctant  hand.  United  by  a  common  tie,  they  had 
thus  far  acted  in  concert,  without  the  firm  establishment  of  the 
federal  sovereignty ;  the  zeal  of  the  States,  through  the  Revo 
lution,  rendered  its  necessity  less  obvious,  than  in  the  inactivity  of 
peace.  The  delicate  points  of  all  republican  governments, — the 
proper  arrangement  of  federal  and  State  rights, — had  now  to  be 
settled.  America  had  conquered  a  peace.  Upon  the  threshold  ' 
of  her  civic  temple,  she  stood  without  a  government,  the  frag 
ments  of  her  day -formed  regulations  in  the  back  ground,  the 
broad  arena  of  political  destiny  looming  before  her.  Was  an 
excessive  spirit  of  State  rights  to  check  the  power  of  the  federal 
sovereignty,  so  as  to  prevent  a  national  influence  essential  to 
advancement ;  or,  were  the  assertions  of  federal  power  to  infringe 
upon  the  rights  of  the  States,  to  an  extent,  dangerous  to  their 
liberties  ?  Both  of  these  questions  were  to  be  negatively  answered, 
and  the  medium  arrived  at.  This  was  the  fearful  strait  through 

o 

which  our  national  pilots  had  to  guide  the  ship  of  State,  before 
launching  upon  the  open  sea  of  tranquillity. 

Happily  for  human  destiny,  virtue  shone  in  America's  political 
sky,  and  above  the  discordant  elements  of  party  faction,  patriotism 
kindled  a  vestal  blaze.  Happily  too,  that  at  this  critical  con 
juncture,  the  exponents  of  unrestricted  liberty,  met  a  check  in  the 
champions  of  federal  sovereignty.  Jefferson  and  his  friends 
threw  their  stern  talents  into  the  scale  of  the  broadest  democratic 
freedom.  HAMILTON  and  his  bold  coadjutors  checked  its  too  un 
bounded  manifestations,  by  maintaining  the  supremacy  of  the 
federal  power,  while  Washington,  unbiased,  save  by  a  love  of 
country,  stood  between  them,  holding  the  balance  with  an  even  Is 
hand,  curtailing  the  excesses  of  the  one,  and  enlarging  the  policy 
of  the  other.  Thus  guarded,  the  government  exhibited  the  patriot-  ./ 


204  ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

ism  of  Washington ;  and  as  year  after  year  has  passed  on,  the 
republican  principles  of  Jefferson  have  deepened  and  widened, 
as  we  continue  to  develop  the  grandeur  of  unfettered  democracy, 
while  protected  by  the  aegis  of  national  law,  we  approach  continu- 
;j  ously,  HAMILTON'S  idea  of  a  perfect  federal  government.  Under 
this  mutual  protection  of  federal  and  State  rights,  America  has 
continued  to  progress,  extending  her  potent  influence  over  every 
land,  until  from  her  lofty  hight,  she  shakes  her  banner  in  the  face 
of  nations,  while  despots  cower  down,  and  leave 

"Her  name  without  a  parallel." 

The  convention  met, — met,  a  second  Amphictyonic  council. 
HAMILTON  was  placed  on  the  committee  to  adopt  rules  of  the  con 
vention,  one  of  which  was,  that  nothing  said  or  done  in  the  body 
should  be  made  public  without  its  consent.  The  first  step  of  im 
portance,  was  the  submission  of  propositions  relative  to  the 
government,  by  Randolph  of  Virginia ;  next,  Charles  Pinckney 
presented  a  plan  of  confederacy.  Much  time  was  consumed  in  the 
discussion  of  Randolph's  propositions,  after  which,  the  necessity 
of  "a  national  government,  consisting  of  a  supreme  legislative 
judiciary  and  executive,"  was  asserted  by  general  vote,  HAMILTON 
voting  affirmatively.  Afterward  came  the  New  Jersey  plan. 
Alike  in  but  two  points,  were  these  several  plans,  with  assur 
ances  to  "guarantee  to  each  State  a  republican  constitution  and 
its  existing  laws,"  and  fixing  the  supreme  judicial  term,  during 
good  behavior. 

Randolph's  plan  insisted  upon  unbounded  legislative  powers, — 
a  plural  executive, — and  a  revisionary  State  council,  with  coercive 
powers.  Pinckney's  plan  asserted  a  single  executive, — gave  the 
legislature  the  power  of  levying  imposts,  commercial  superinten 
dence,  and  military  jurisdiction, — powers  equal  to  those  of  Con 
gress.  The  Jersey  plan  gave  nearly  all  powers  to  the  States,— 
advocated  a  plural  executive,  subject  to  a  majority  of  State  gover 
nors,  and  left  the  judiciary,  singularly  enough,  defective.  One  of 
the  main  questions  of  debate  was,  "  whether  the  right  of  suffrage 
in  the  national  legislature  ought  to  be  proportioned  to  the  quotas 
of  contribution,  or  to  the  number  of  free  inhabitants."  HAMILTON 
favored  the  latter. 

While  these  plans  were  being  submitted  and  discussed,  HAMIL 
TON  prepared  a  general  plan,  whose  analysis  exhibits  neither  an 
aristocratic,  republican,  nor  a  monarchical  form  of  government, 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON  205 

but  recognizing  the  right  of  popular  suffrage,  it  indicates  a  ten 
dency  to  blend  the  attributes  of  the  two  latter  into  the  American 
Constitution.  After  its  maturity,  he  submitted  it  in  a  set  speech 
of  six  hours'  length,  and  marked  ability.  His  speech  was  highly 
eulogized. 

This  plan  was  prepared  by  sections,  ten  in  number,  and  though 
it  was  not  adopted,  it  embodied  many  principles  which  were  incor 
porated  into  the  Constitution.  In  that  instrument,  the  reflex  of  no 
one  man's  mind  is  seen  so  prominently,  as  is  that  of  HAMILTON. 
The  first  section  vested  "  the  legislative  power  in  an  Assembly 
and  Senate, — the  executive  in  a  President,  with  a  negative  power," 
and  regulated  a  supreme  judiciary.  The  second  section  regulated 
the  franchise,  declaring  every  free  male  citizen  a  legal  voter  at 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  the  number  of  representatives  to  be  dis 
tributed  according  to  the  population  of  the  several  States.  Sec 
tion  third,  required  that  the  Senate  should  be  selected  by  district 
electors,  who  had  to  be  land-holders,  and  provided  farther  Sena 
torial  regulation.  The  fourth  section  specified  the  election  of 
President  by  electoral  votes, — the  people  of  each  State  to  select 
as  many  electors  as  they  had  senators  and  representatives ;  in 
relation  to  this  too,  was  recommended  a  property  qualification. 
This  section  also  prescribed  the  executive  oath,  and  specified  his 
duties,  but  fixed  his  term  during  good  behavior.  He  was  to  be 
commander-in-chief  of  the  army, — have  power  to  call  the  legis 
latures  at  will, — empowered  with  a  negative, — the  right  of  ap 
pointment,  etc.  Section  fifth  related  to  the  judiciary.  Judges  of 
the  supreme  court  were  to  hold  office  during  good  behavior, — to 
have  national  jurisdiction, — to  hear  cases  between  States,  or  one 
State,  and  the  United  States  ;  it  also  guaranteed  trial  by  jury,  and 
recommended  an  impeachment  court,  to  which  all  officers,  for  a 
term  of  good  behavior,  were  to  be  amenable.  The  sixth  section 
created  a  kind  of  tribunal  of  arbitrament,  composed  of  disinter 
ested  persons,  to  settle  territorial  disputes  between  States.  The 
seventh  section  affirmed  that  "the  legislature  of  the  United 
States,  should  have  power  to  pass  all  laws  which  they  judged 
necessary  to  the  common  defense,  and  general  welfare  of  the 
Union  ;  for,  he  said,  u  that  a  government  ought  to  contain,  within 
itself,  every  power  requisite  to  the  full  accomplishment  of  the 
objects  committed  to  its  care,  and  to  the  complete  execution  of 
the  trusts  for  which  it  is  responsible ;  free  from  every  other  control, 


206         ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

but  a  regard  for  the  public  good,  and  to  the  sense  of  the  people."1' 
Again,  he  affirmed  "that  every  power  ought  to  be  commensurate 
with  its  object ;  that  there  ought  to  be  no  limitation  of  a  power 
destined  to  effect  a  purpose  which,  is  of  itself,  incapable  of  limi 
tation.  The  eighth  section  declared  that  State  executives  should 
be  appointed  by  the  United  States,  and  vested  with  a  negative 
upon  their  respective  legislatures.  The  ninth  section  required 
the  President  "  to  be  then  a  citizen  of  one  of  the  States,  or  here 
after  to  be  born  a  citizen  of  the  United  States."  The  tenth,  and 
last  section,  provided  the  submission  of  the  Constitution  to  subor 
dinate  conventions  of  the  several  States,  for  ratification. 

This  is  the  principal  substance  of  HAMILTON'S  plan  of  a  federa 
tive  government ;  though  it  certainly  guards  the  federal  power, 
and  is  very  jealous  of  state  rights,  we  see  nothing  iii  it  to  justify 
the  charge  that  he  was  a  monarchist. 

On  the  submission  of  these  several  plans  of  government,  much 
discussion  ensued ;  and  though  neither  of  them  was  adopted,  the 
final  arrangement  partook  more  of  HAMILTON'S  genius,  than  of 
any  other  member  of  the  convention. 

While  he  asserted  that  "  real  liberty  was  neither  found  in  des 
potism,  nor  in  the  extremes  of  democracy,  ~but  in  moderate  gov- 
ernments"  and  wished  to  combine  the  advantages  of  monarchy 
and  republicanism,  others,  jealous  of  state  rights,  rejected  the  idea 
of  supreme  prerogative,  and  insisted  upon  the  unrestricted  exer 
cise  of  popular  rights.  The  difficulty  was  finally  obviated  by  the 
introduction  of  a  compromise  by  which  the  advocates  of  each 
principle  were  forced  into  some  concessions,  and  the  articles  of 
confederation,  though  not  entirely  satisfactory,  were  agreed  to. 

HAMILTON  signed  the  Constitution,  and  though  not  fully  accord 
ant  with  his  views,  as  the  best  that  could  be  procured,  urged  its 
general  adoption.  The  Constitution  being  formed  of  compara 
tively  an  infant  republic,  its  efficiency  remained  to  be  tested ;  its 
final  establishment  he  regarded  as  "A  PKODIGY,"  to  whose  full 
completion  he  "looked  forward  with  trembling  anxiety."  A 
prodigy,  truly,  that  Constitution!  the  proudest  monument  to  the 
intellect  and  energy  of  man,  it  will  last  forever!  "Like  one 
of  those  wondrous  rocking  stones,  reared  by  the  Druids,  which 
the  finger  of  a  child  may  vibrate  to  the  center,  yet  the  might  of  an 
army  could  not  move  from  its  place  ;  our  Constitution  is  so  nicely 
poised  and  balanced,  that  it  seems  to  sway  with  every  breath  of 


ALEXANDER     HAMILTON.  £07 

opinion,  yet  so  firmly  rooted  in  the  hearts  and  affections  of  the 
people,  that  the  wildest  storms  of  treason  and  fanaticism  break 
over  it  in  vain."* 

As  a  member  of  the  New  York  subordinate  convention,  which 
met  in  1788,  HAMILTON  labored  heroically  in  behalf  of  the  federal 
Constitution,  and  aided  much  in  securing  its  adoption  by  that 
State.  The  Constitution  being  adopted  by  the  States,  the  first 
Presidential  election  took  place  in  1789.  On  his  election,  "Wash 
ington,  well  knowing  that  at  that  time  of  embarrassed  finances, 
and  general  derangement,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  the 
most  important  post  in  the  government,  with  unerring  judgment, 
characteristic  of  him,  selected  HAMILTON  to  fill  it.  As  secretary 
of  a  bankrupt  treasury,  he  had  to  so  form  and  arrange  the  avenues 
of  prosperity,  that  it  would  become  a  reservoir  of  national  wealth. 

The  acknowledged  head  of  the  Federal  party,  he  assisted  Wash 
ington  in  carrying  out  the  measures  of  his  administration,  with  a 
sternness  of  purpose,  and  devotion  to  principle,  equaled  only  by 
the  mighty  powers  of  his  mind,  as  displayed  in  their  execution. 
Quite  enough,  it  is  presumed,  has  been  said,  at  least,  space  will 
allow  no  more,  upon  the  various  causes  of  party  division,  that 
sprang  up  almost  at  the  commencement  of  Washington's  first 
administration.  Further  remarks  upon  the  political  measures  of 
that  time,  will  here  be  made  historically,  and,  as  being;  connected 
with  our  subject. 

HAMILTON  was  thirty -two  years  of  age,  when  he  entered  upon 
his  duties  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Soon  after  the  assem 
blage  of  Congress,  he  made  a  report  to  that  body,  embracing  a 
system  for  the  promotion  of  public  prosperity.  He  adverted  to 
the  debts  contracted  by  foreign  loan,  and  those  existing  in  the 
States,  insisting  upon  the  equal  necessity  of  prompt  liquidation  of 
both.  He  also  said,  that  those  who  held  originally  the  public 
securities,  should  be  placed  on  the  same  footing  with  those  who 
obtained  them  by  subsequent  purchase ;  also,  that  those  indebted 
to  the  Union,  and  those  to  any  of  the  States,  should  be  regarded  in 
the  same  light.  This  report  embodied  his  principle  of  assuming 
the  State  debts,  by  the  federal  head,  that  embroiled  him  and  Jeffer 
son  in  antagonism ;  also,  the  imposition  of  a  tax  on  liquors,  and 
other  luxurious  importations.  The  report  was  one  of  marked 

*  Winthrop. 


208  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

ability, — some  praised,  others  censured  it.  The  finest  commen 
tary  upon  it,  was  the  subsequent  adoption  of  so  much  as  was 
recommended.  Just  after  this,  an  expedition  was  set  on  foot 
against  the  Indians  on  the  western  frontier.  Additional  expenses 
were  to  be  incurred.  Where  were  the  funds  to  come  from?  Gov 
ernment  had  none, — neither  had  the  committee  on  finance.  HAM 
ILTON  made  another  report,  suggesting  higher  duties.  This  was 
lost  in  the  House  by  one  vote.  In  1790,  the  party  bickerings 
between  HAMILTON  and  Jefferson,  reached  such  a  hight,  as  that 
reconciliation  between  them  was  despaired  of.  Both  bold  and 

Yintrepid, — each  at  the  head  of  rival  parties, — each  ambitious, 
talented,  and  powerful, — envious  too,  doubtless,  of  the   other's 

*  fame, — to  harmonize  them  was  impossible. 

Congress  again  assembled,  November,  1790.  Among  the  first 
measures  of  consideration  was  the  reduction  of  the  public  debt. 
HAMILTON  suggested  increased  taxation,  especially  upon  articles 
of  luxury,  to  effect  this  end.  Shortly  after,  he  elaborately  gave 
his  views  to  Congress  upon  a  United  States  bank.  No  subject 
has  cut  a  greater  figure,  or  exerted  wider  influence  upon  the 
destinies  of  political  parties  in  our  country,  than  this;  yet,  when 
remarks,  deductions,  and  opinions,  even  of  most  sagacious  states 
men  and  political  economists,  are  sifted  thoroughly,  it  will  be 
tbund  that  all  they  have  said  is  substantially  the  same,  in  prin 
ciple,  as  given  by  HAMILTON  at  this  time.* 

The  opponents,  chief  among  whom  was  Madison,  held  that  the 
creation  of  a  United  States  bank,  was  beyond  the  power  of  federal 
jurisdiction.  The  measure,  however,  finally  passed.  With  a 
limitation  of  twenty  years,  and  a  basis  of  twenty  millions  of  dol 
lars,  the  United  States  bank  went  into  operation.  Its  stock  com 
manded  a  high  premium.  The  parent  institution  at  Philadelphia, 
with  various  branches  at  other  important  points,  it  proved  a  valu 
able  medium  for  the  promotion  of  general  wealth  and  national 
advancement.  Heated  discussions  arose  upon  this  measure,  and 
party  divisions  were  widened.  As  leaders  of  two  rival  parties, 
HAMILTON  and  Jefferson  wrote  their  opinions  to  Washington  on 
the  subject.  Never,  perhaps,  upon  any  measure,  did  two  great 

•Hitherto,  extracts  have  been  given  from  HAMILTON'S  writings  to  show  his  views 
upon  the  several  great  questions  of  his  day.  Having  thus  given,  it  is  hoped,  pretty 
clearly,  his  principles  in  regard  to  the  most  important  issues,  an  analysis  of  what  he 
did,  and  thought  of  various  measures,  henceforth,  will  be  all  we  shall  attempt. 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  209 

statesmen  differ  more  widely.  The  President,  in  his  views  upon 
its  constitutionality,  coincided  with  HAMILTON.  Here  again,  the 
great  national  wrestlers, — Federal  and  State  sovereignty,  came 
afresh  to  combat.  Indeed,  the  hostile  organization  of  parties  was 
now  effectually  consummated.  The  provision  for  the  payment  of 
the  interest  of  the  national  debt  had,  to  many,  been  very  advan 
tageous  ;  these  opposed  the  bank  measures,  while  those  who  had 
not  been  immediate  recipients  of  the  funding  benefits  were 
strongly  opposed.  The  stern  advocate  of  the  bank  and  the  fund 
ing  system,  HAMILTON'S  antagonism  to  Jefferson,  who  was  equally 
stern  in  his  opposition,  was  deep-rooted  and  inflexible. 

On  the  re-assemblage  of  Congress,  in  1791,  the  apportionment 
measure  afforded  fresh  source  of  party  strife,  and  each  day 
added  to  its  fierceness.  The  provisions  for  liquidating  the  national 
debt,  it  was  argued  by  some,  tended  to  make  the  rich  richer,  and 
the  poor  poorer,  by  the  imposition  of  onerous  taxation.  Men 
then,  as  now,  seemed  to  forget  the  fact  that,  in  paying  taxes,  the 
burden  falls  on  the  rich, — not  the  poor.  It  was  also  alleged  that 
each  State  should  pay  the  amount  of  its  individual  indebtedness. 
It  is  true,  however,  that  in  the  various  measures  proposed  at  this 
time,  there  often  existed  two  extremes, — to  steer  clear  of  each, 
required  the  abilities  of  profound  minds.  In  the  elaboration  of 
national  projects,  close  soever  as  may  be  the  adherence  to  political 
correctness,  and  well  calculated  as  they  may  be  to  give  potency  to 
government,  the  wishes,  opinions,  and  judgment  of  the  hardy  com 
moners,  whose  condition,  though  not  servile,  precludes  the  possi 
bility  of  familiarity  with  political  science  and  abstractions,  should 
be  respected  with  paternal  solicitude.  The  sentiments  of  the 
opposition  to  these  measures,  are  so  clearly  expressed  by  Chief 
Justice  Marshall,  at  this  time,  that  we  insert  his  remarks  in  lieu 
of  comment. 

Of  the  opposition,  he  says :  they  affirmed  that  "the  banishment 
of  coin  would  be  completed  by  ten  millions  of  paper  money  in 
the  form  of  bank  bills,  which  were  then  issuing  into  circulation. 
Nor  would  this  be  the  only  mischief  resulting  from  the  institution 
of  the  bank.  The  ten  or  twelve  per  cent,  annual  profit  paid  to 
the  lenders  of  this  paper  medium,  would  be  taken  out  of  the 
pockets  of  the  people,  who  would  have  had,  without  interest,  the 
coin  it  was  banishing ;  that  all  the  capital  employed  in  paper 
circulation  is  barren  and  useless,  producing  like  that  on  a  gam- 


210  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

bling  table,  no  accession  to  itself,  and  is  withdrawn  from  commerce 
and  agriculture,  where  it  would  have  produced  addition  to  the 
common  mass.  The  wealth,  therefore,  heaped  upon  individuals 
by  the  funding  and  banking  systems  would  be  productive  of  general 
poverty  and  distress ;  and  that,  in  addition  to  the  encouragement 
these  measures  gave  to  vice  and  idleness,  they  had  furnished 
effectual  means  of  corrupting  such  a  portion  of  the  legislature  as 
turned  the  balance  between  the  honest  voters.  This  corrupt 
sqiiadron  deciding  the  voice  of  the  legislature,  had  manifested 
their  dispositions  to  get  rid  of  the  limitations  by  the  Constitution ; 
limitations  on  the  faith  of  which  the  States  acceded  to  that  instru 
ment.  They  were  proceeding  rapidly  in  their  plan  of  absorbing 
all  power,  invading  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  converting  the 
federal,  into  a  consolidated,  government. 

"  That  the  ultimate  object  of  all  this  was  to  prepare  the  way  for 
a  change  from  the  present  republican  form  of  government  to  that 
of  a  monarchy,  of  which  the  English  constitution  was  to  be  the 
model.  So  many  of  the  friends  of  monarchy  were  in  the  legis 
lature,  that,  aided  by  the  corrupt  squad  of  paper  dealers  who  were 
at  their  devotion,  they  had  a  majority  in  both  Houses.  The 
Republican  party,  even  when  united  with  the  Anti-federalists, 
continued  a  minority." 

HAMILTON,  of  course,  was  the  main  object  against  whom  the 
foregoing  was  directed. 

The  variance  of  his  secretaries  was  very  mortifying  to  Wash 
ington,  who  wrote  about  this  time  an  able  letter  upon  the  subject 
of  external  and  internal  difficulties, — regretting  that  "  external 
dissensions  should  be  harrowing  and  tearing  our  vitals."  The 
success  of  the  United  States  Bank  was  for  a  time  beyond  example. 
Poor  himself,  HAMILTON  was  accused  of  patronizing  the  rich  and 
the  aristocratic.  As  the  leader  of  one  party,  never  was  man  more 
beloved  by  a  party,— as  the  opponent  of  another,  never  was  man 
more  abused, — extremes  could  not  have  been  wider. 

By  Congressional  enactment,  Washington  was  empowered  to 
negotiate  a  loan,  not  exceeding  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  to  liqui 
date  State  and  national  debts.  The  duty  devolved  on  HAMILTON. 
Two  loans  were  accordingly  effected,  and  applied  as  indicated. 
The  manner  and  appliance  of  these  negotiations  became,  afterward, 
matters  of  Congressional  consideration.  It  was  averred  in  Con 
gress,  that  a  part  of  the  funds  were  not  satisfactorily  invested. 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  211 

HAMILTON  was  called  on  for  information  in  regard  to  the  subject. 
He  gave  such  a  clear  and  triumphant  vindication  of  his  course  in 
the  premises,  that  his  accusers  were  ashamed  of  themselves. 
On  Washington's  re-election,  HAMILTON  was  re-appointed  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  the  duties  of  which  office  he  continued  to  exer 
cise  as  none  but  he,  in  this  country,  could  have  done. 

In  the  fall  of  1787,  HAMILTON  began  the  publication  of  the 
Federalist.  No  publication  of  this  country  has  ever  exerted 
wider  influence,  or  become  more  lastingly  identified  with  our 
national  literature.  Though  Madison  and  Jay  contributed  some 
to  it,  the  real  merits  attaching  to  it  are  the  offspring  of  HAMILTON. 
The  powerful  speeches  of  more  recent  great  men,  in  Constitutional 
defense,  are  frequently  but  elaborations  of  HAMILTON'S  Federal 
ist.  Profound  in  logic,  elastic,  bold  and  concise  in  finish,  and 
harmonious  in  design  and  arrangement,  it  attracted  the  attention 
of  all  parties,  and  did  much  toward  the  adoption  of  the  Consti 
tution.  At  its  commencement,  he  tells  in  the  following  words,  the 
objects  in  view :  "  I  propose  to  discuss  the  following  interesting 
particulars :  The  utility  of  the  Union  to  your  political  prosperity : 
the  insufficiency  of  the  present  confederation  to  preserve  that 
Union  :  the  necessity  of  a  government  at  least  equally  energetic 
with  the  one  proposed,  to  the  attainment  of  this  object:  the  con 
formity  of  the  proposed  Constitution  to  the  true  principles  of  re 
publican  government :  its  analogy  to  your  own  State  constitution  : 
and  lastly,  the  additional  security  which  its  adoption  will  afford 
to  the  preservation  of  that  species  of  government,  to  liberty  and 
to  prosperity." 

The  above  was  the  range  and  scope  of  the  Federalist.  Never 
were  "particulars"  more  ably,  clearly,  and  analytically  discussed. 
As  a  writer,  HAMILTON  combined  chasteness  of  diction  with  bold 
originality, — the  beauties  of  a  finished  classic,  with  powers  of  con 
densation,  and  with  profound  reasoning,  the  most  lucid  clearness. 
Let  any  one  read  the  twenty-first  number  of  the  Federalist;  where 
will  he  find  a  happier  blending  of  the  essential  attributes  of  a 
writer?  It  commences  thus:  uln  disquisitions  of  every  kind, 
there  are  certain  primary  truths,  or  first  principles,  upon  which 
all  subsequent  reasonings  must  depend.  These  contain  an  in 
ternal  evidence,  which,  antecedent  to  all  reflection  or  combination, 
commands  the  assent  of  the  mind.  Where  it  produces  not  this 
effect,  it  must  proceed  either  from  some  disorder  in  the  organs  of 


212  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

perception,  or  from  the  influence  of  some  strong  interest,  or  pas 
sion,  or  prejudice.  Of  this  nature  are  the  maxims  in  geometry, 
that  the  whole  is  greater  than  its  parts ;  that  things  equal  to  the 
same,  are  equal  to  one  another ;  that  two  straight  lines  can  not 
inclose  a  space  ;  and  that  all  right  angles  are  equal  to  each  other. 
Of  the  same  nature  are  these  other  maxims  in  ethics  and  politics, 
that  there  can  not  be  an  effect  without  a  cause ;  that  the  means 
ought  to  be  proportioned  to  the  end  ;  that  every  power  ought  to  be 
commensurate  with  its  object ;  that  there  ought  to  be  no  limitation 
of  a  power  destined  to  effect  a  purpose  which  is  itself  incapable  of 
limitation.  And  there  are  other  truths  in  the  two  latter  sciences, 
which,  if  they  can  not  pretend  to  rank  in  the  class  of  axioms,  are 
such  direct  inferences  from  them  and  so  obvious  in  themselves, 
and  so  agreeable  to  the  natural  and  unsophisticated  dictates  of 
common  sense,  that  they  challenge  the  assent  of  a  sound  and 
unbiased  mind,  with  a  degree  of  force  and  conviction  almost 
equally  irresistible." 

The  influence  exerted  by  the  Federalist,  in  moulding  the  minds 
of  men,  and  giving  shape  to  conflicting  opinions,  has  not  been 
confined  to  the  land  of  his  nativity.  In  the  capitals  of  France, 
through  the  cities  of  England,  among  the  glaciers  of  Switzerland, — 
wherever,  indeed,  language  is  known  or  ability  appreciated,  its 
doctrines  have  found  way  to  honored  consideration.  In  regard  to 
his  sentiments  as  embodied  in  the  Federalist,  and  the  principles 
he  wished  to  incorporate  into  the  Constitution,  HAMILTON  has 
been  charged  with  inconsistency.  While  the  Federalist  is,  doubt 
less,  the  best  mirror  of  his  mind,  wherein  is  reflected  more  clearly 
its  power  and  aims,  than  in  any  other  portion  of  his  writings,  we 
give  place  to  the  following  letter  to  a  friend,  as  a  refutation  of 
the  charge  that  he  favored  an  American  monarchy,  and  as  afford 
ing  additional  insight  to  his  position  upon  some  of  the  great 
questions  of  the  day : 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  16, 1803. 

"Mr  DEAR  SIR: — 

"I  will  make  no  apology  for  my  delay  in  answering  your  inquiry, 
some  time  since  made,  because  I  could  offer  none  which  would 
satisfy  myself.  I  pray  you  only  to  believe  that  it  proceeded  from 
any  thing  rather  than  from  want  of  respect  or  regard.  I  shall 
now  comply  with  your  request. 


ALEXANDER  HAMILTON.          213 

"The  highest  toned  propositions  which  I  made  in  the  con 
vention,  were  for  a  President,  Senate,  and  judges,  during  good 
behavior ;  a  House  of  Eepresentatives  for  three  years.  Though 
I  would  have  enlarged  the  legislative  power  of  the  general  govern 
ment,  yet  I  never  contemplated  the  abolition  of  the  Sate  govern 
ment;  but,  on  the  contrary,  they  were,  in  some  particulars, 
constituent  parts  of  my  plan. 

"  This  plan  was,  in  my  conception,  conformable  with  the  strict 
theory  of  a  government  purely  republican ;  the  essential  criteria 
of  which  are,  that  the  principal  organs  of  the  executive  and  legis 
lative  departments  be  elected  by  the  people,  and  hold  the  office  by 
a  responsible  and  temporary  or  defeasible  nature. 

"  A  vote  was  taken  on  the  proposition  respecting  the  executive. 
Five  States  were  in  favor  of  it, — among  these  Virginia ;  and 
though,  from  the  manner  of  voting  by  delegations,  individuals 
were  not  distinguished,  it,  was  morally  certain,  from  the  known 
situation  of  the  Virginia  members  (six  in  number,  two  of  them, 
Mason  and  Randolph,  professing  popular  doctrines),  that  Madison 
must  have  concurred  in  the  vote  of  Virginia.  Thus,  if  I  sinned 
against  republicanism,  Mr.  Madison  is  not  less  guilty. 

"  I  may  truly,  then,  say,  that  I  never  proposed  either  a  President 
or  Senate  for  life ;  and  that  I  neither  recommended  nor  meditated 
the  annihilation  of  the  State  governments. 

"  And  I  may  add  that,  in  a  course  of  the  discussions  in  the 
convention,  neither  the  propositions  thrown  out  for  debate,  nor 
even  those  who  voted  in  the  earlier  stages  of  deliberation,  were 
considered  as  evidence  of  a  definitive  opinion  in  the  proppser  or 
voter.  It  appeared  to  be  in  some  sort  understood  that,  with  a 
view  to  free  investigation,  experimental  propositions  might  be 
made,  which  were  to  be  received  merely  as  suggestions  for  con 
sideration.  Accordingly,  it  is  a  fact  that  my  final  opinion  was 
against  an  executive  during  good  behavior,  on  account  of  the 
increased  danger  to  the  public  tranquillity  incident  to  the  election 
of  a  magistrate  of  his  degree  of  permanency.  In  the  plan  of  a 
Constitution  which  I  drew  up  while  the  convention  was  sitting, 
and  which  I  communicated  to  Mr.  Madison  about  the  close  of  it, 
perhaps  a  day  or  two  after,  the  office  of  President  has  no  longer 
duration  than  for  three  years. 

"This  plan  was  predicated  upon  these  bases:  1.  That  the 
political  principles  of  the  people  of  this  country,  would  endure' 


214  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

nothing  but  a  republican  government.  2.  That  in  the  actual 
situation  of  the  country  it  was  itself  right  and  proper  that  the 
republican  theory  should  have  a  full  and  fair  trial.  3.  That  to 
such  a  trial  it  was  essential  that  the  government  should  be  so 
constructed  as  to  give  it  all  the  energy  and  the  stability  recon 
cilable  with  the  principles  of  that  theory.  These  were  the  genu 
ine  sentiments  of  my  heart,  and  upon  them  I  then  acted. 

"  I  sincerely  hope  that  it  may  not  hereafter  be  discovered  that, 
through  want  of  sufficient  attention  to  the  last  idea,  the  experi 
ment  of  republican  government,  even  in  this  country,  has  not 
been  as  complete,  as  satisfactory,  and  as  decisive  as  could  be 
wished. 

"  Very  truly,  dear  sir,  your  friend  and  servant, 

"  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON." 

In  1793,  Genet,  the  French  minister,  arrived  in  this  country. 
In  testimony  of  services  rendered  by  his  country  through  the 
Revolution,  the  American  people  extended  to  him  every  con 
sideration  of  regard.  Hot-headed,  inflated  and  ambitious,  he 
drank  the  cup  of  adulation  till  his  brain  grew  dizzy.  In  his 
overzealous  efforts  to  enlist  our  people  in  the  cause  of  his  coun 
try,  he  stultified  himself;  widened  the  breach  between  political 
parties ;  came  near  bringing  about  a  rupture  between  the  two 
nations,  and  finally  subjected  himself  to  the  disgrace  of  a  recall. 
To  the  neutrality  proclamation  issued  by  Washington,  HAMILTON 
was  a  stern  and  devoted  friend.  When  Genet  refused  to  detain 
a  vessel  bound  on  a  privateering  cruise  in  the  Philadelphia  harbor, 
till  difficulties  were  settled,  HAMILTON  insisted  upon  its  forcible 
detention.  He  also  wrote  his  famous  " Pacificus"  letter,  in  de 
fense  of  neutrality,  which  was  an  able  and  masterly  defense  of  the 
administration. 

The  liquidation,  or  at  least  the  diminution  of  the  public  debt 
was  with  HAMILTON  a  favorite  measure.  Among  his  last  acts,  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was  the  elaboration  of  a  scheme  for 
this  purpose,  and  a  general  report  to  Congress  upon  the  subject 
of  finance.  The  history  of  financial  operations,  through  their 
development  and  progress  from  Genoa,  Hamburgh  and  Amster 
dam,  to  the  present  time,  affords  no  better  evidences  of  a  complete 
master  of  the  subject  than  does  this  report  of  HAMILTON.  It  is 
somewhat  lengthy,  but  vigorous,  deep  and  clear.  It  will  be  found 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  215 

in  the  third  volume  of  his  posthumous  works.  lie  also  in  a 
report,  of  characteristic  ability  to  Congress,  recommended  the 
establishment  of  a  mint.  Several  reports  upon  subjects  of  vital 
interest  followed  ;  among  others,  was  one  on  manufactures,  made 
in  1701 ;  one  on  excise,  made  1792,  and  another  on  loans,  made 
in  1793.  In  spirit,  power,  profundity,  style  and  research,  these 
several  reports  were  purely  HAMILTONIAN.  They  will  each  be 
found  in  the  volume  of  his  works  before  referred  to.  These  labors, 
closed  his  connection  with  the  administration.  To  pay  off  the 
national  debt,  he  was  very  anxious  so  to  fix  the  sinking  fund  that 
it  would  be  sufficient  for  that  purpose ;  indeed,  he  was  desirous  of 
establishing  that  fund  upon  such  a  basis,  as  precluded  the  possi 
bility  of  its  diversion  from  the  legitimate  object  of  its  creation. 

In  closing  HAMILTON'S  connection  with  the  administration  of 
Washington,  a  few  words  in  regard  to  that  relationship  may  not 
be  amiss.  While  too  high  an  appreciation  of  HAMILTON'S  virtue, 
patriotism  and  talents,  could  not  well  be  entertained,  we  discard 
utterly,  and  in  toto,  the  idea  that  he  was,  in  any  sense,  the  dictator 
of  the  first  President.  The  idea  that  he,  great  as  he  was,  could 
sway  George  "Washington,  is  preposterous  in  the  extreme.  That 
the  intimacy  between  Washington  and  himself  was  warm  and 
disinterested, — that  each  had  unlimited  confidence  in  the  other, 
no  one  will  pretend  to  deny ;  but,  that  he  was  the  motive  power 
of  the  first  two  administrations  of  this  government, — that  he,  so 
to  speak,  was  the  entire  legislative,  and  Washington  the  executive 
power  of  the  country,  is  most  emphatically  untrue.  True,  he  was 
the  "confidential  friend  and  adviser"  of  that  great  man,  but, 
neither  his,  nor  any  other  man's  friendship  or  advice  swayed  him 
in  the  least,  unless  his  own  judgment  approved.  Recreant,  indeed, 
to  the  memory,  talent  and  genius  of  his  mighty  father,  is  the  course 
of  J.  C.  Hamilton,  when  he  attempts,  through  the  Revolution,  and 
afterward,  to  make  the  leader  of  the  subordinate.  The  attempt 
will  be,  and  should  be,  futile.  Washington,  is  our  man, — all 
efforts  to  build  a  statue  higher  than  his,  for  other  men,  only  detract 
from  the  merits  of  those,  to  the  perpetuity  of  whose  fame  such 
efforts  are  directed,  and  show  a  want  of  discrimination  and 
judgment  on  the  part  of  those  who  make  the  attempt. 

Having  retired  from  the  arena  of  political  affairs,  he  devoted 
himself  to  the  practice  of  law.  It  is  almost  needless  to  say,  that 
lie  was  eminently  successful.  He  at  once  entered  upon  a  legal 


216  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

career,  dazzlingly  splendid  and  lucrative.  Soon  after,  however, 
as  vindicator  of  Washington's  fame,  he  again  became  involved  in 
the  controversial  excitements  of  the  times.  So  heated  had  be 
come  party  animosities,  that  even  Washington  was  an  object  of 
abuse  and  detraction.  As  chief  supporter  of  both  his  adminis 
trations,  HAMILTON  boldly  and  triumphantly  vindicated  him  from 
the  aspersions  of  malignant  faction. 

It  was  during  Washington's  second  administration,  that  HAMIL 
TON  was  charged  with  fraud  and  improper  use  of  the  public  funds. 
Soon  after  he  left  the  Cabinet,  the  same  charges  were  preferred 
with  renewed  force  and  vehemence.  No  doubt,  they  were  false. 
The  vindication  of  HAMILTON  himself,  from  the  charges,  was 
complete  and  satisfactory.  Here,  however,  great  and  deserved  as 
may,  and  should  be,  our  admiration  of  HAMILTON,  he  committed 
an  error,  a  fault  of  which  no  extenuation  will  be  attempted. 

In  1791,  he  became  involved  in  an  intrigue  with  Maria  Rey 
nolds  of  Philadelphia.  Such  an  occurrence  may  be  called  unfortu 
nate, — may  be  called  a  weakness, — that,  however,  would  be  to  pass 
it  by  without  censure  ;  fortune  is  too  apt  to  be  laden,  pack-horse 
like,  with  the  sins  of  men.  Young  men  are  already  too  prone,  as 
they  ponder  the  careers  of  the  illustrious, — of  those  who,  like 
HAMILTON,  justly  identify  their  names  with  greatness  through  all 
time, — to  regard  departures  from  moral  principle  as  peculiarities 
incident  to  great  minds.  But  actions,  great  or  small,  perpetrated 
by  whomsoever,  partake  of  the  same  virtues,  the  same  vices,  and 
should  be  praised  or  condemned  alike  in  the  high  and  the  low. 
HAMILTON,  it  must  be  remembered,  had  a  lovely  wife, — a  beaute 
ous  boy ;  notwithstanding  he  was  the  leader  of  a  great  party,  the 
occupant  of  exalted  position,  high  in  the  world's  good-will,  these 
relations  condemn  the  act,  as  not  comporting  with  that  stern  vir 
tue,  high  principle,  and  true  nobility,  exemplifications  of  which  ' 
should  be  expected  in  such  men  as  HAMILTON.  Men,  to  be  truly 
great,  must  be  good. 

The  intrigue  originated  in  this  way.  Maria  Keynolds,  who,  no 
doubt,  was  nothing  more  than  a  fascinating  courtesan,  obtruded 
herself  upon  HAMILTON.  She  represented  that  she  was  the  wife 
of  a  James  Reynolds,  by  whom  she  had  been  abandoned  and  left 
in  destitution.  She  said  she  wished  to  go  to  her  home  in  New 
York,  but  had  no  means.  HAMILTON  filled  her  purse.  He  after 
ward  visited  her  lodgings  :  an  intimacy  sprang  up  between  them. 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  217 

His  visits  were  continued  until  the  appearance  of  the  reputed  hus 
band,  James  Reynolds.  It  was  now  clear  that  HAMILTON  had 
been  duped  by  an  artful  woman.  The  woman,  it  has  been  said, 
and  no  doubt,  with  truth,  was  not  the  wife  of  Reynolds.  The 
whole  scheme  was  concocted  between  the  two,  for  the  purpose 
of  extorting  funds  from  HAMILTON.  To  avoid  their  persecution 
and  exposure,  HAMILTON  paid,  in  all,  over  a  thousand  dollars. 
Reynolds,  in  fact,  became  so  impudent,  that  he  applied  to  HAMIL 
TON  for  an  important  place  in  the  Treasury  department.  Here  the 
great  sun  of  HAMILTON'S  nobility  shone  brightly  enough :  that  was 
public  business.  Notwithstanding  the  threatened  exposure,  the 
secretary  refused  promptly  any  accession  to  his  request.  Unpleas 
ant  difficulties  grew  out  of  this  affair.  Having  done  all  they 
could  in  the  way  of  extortion,  Reynolds  and  his  wife  turned  their 
efforts  to  the  defamation  of  his  character.  Finally,  Congress 
heard  of  the  matter :  exaggerated  reports  of  the  amount  of  money 
spent  to  clear  it  up,  had  reached  that  body.  Like  a  true  man  as 
he  was,  he  explained  fully  and  clearly  the  whole  thing,  and  gave 
such  satisfactory  assurances  and  proofs  that  it  was  an  individual 
affair,  having  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  his  public  functions, 
that  they  regretted  having  made  the  application.  Though  the 
transaction  passed  generally  from  memory,  it  afforded  ever  after 
pretexts  for  HAMILTON'S  enemies  to  attack  him.  It  was,  indeed, 
the  first  pretext  used  by  Aaron  Burr  against  him.  Seemingly 
trifling  as  it  may  appear,  in  a  general  view,  this  affair  should 
point  to  all  young  men,  in  solemn  warning,  the  danger  of  one 
false  step.  To  establish  a  character  without  influential  prompt 
ings,  is  hard  indeed,  but  for  one  to  stain  his  own  reputation,  how 
very  easy ! 

This  regretful  affair,  though  it  paved  the  way  to  a  series  of 
charges  against  him,  by  his  enemies,  terminated,  finally,  without 
serious  injury  to  his  high  character.  The  manliness  with  which 
he  met  each  charge, — the  bold  manner  in  which  he  insisted  upon 
a  full  investigation  of  the  whole,  proved,  at  least,  that  he  possessed 
the  soul  of  a  lofty  gentleman. 

On  the  submission  of  the  Jay  treaty,  as  already  stated,  great 
excitement  ensued.  The  severest  party  prejudices  and  divisions 
were  produced  by  it ;  the  administration  was  vigorously  assailed. 
It  was  in  defense  of  that  treaty  that  HAMILTON  wrote  his  famous 
"  Camillus  "  letters ;  which  will  be  found  in  his  works,  and  worthy 


218  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

the  careful  study  of  every  political  student.  These  letters,  and 
the  influence  of  their  author,  did  much  to  quell  the  excitements 
incident  to  the  ratification  of  the  treaty.  On  the  dismissal  of  our 
ministers  from  the  court  of  Versailles,  and  the  assumption  of  so 
warlike  an  attitude  by  the  French  nation  toward  us,  after  the 
departure  of  Genet,  Washington  was  called  to  the  command.  It 
is  no  small  eulogy  upon  HAMILTON,  that,  on  Washington's  accept 
ance,  he  was  called  to  the  post  of  Inspector-General.  This  ac 
counts  for  his  being  called  General  HAMILTON.  He  indicated  no 
desire  to  turn  from  duties  the  discharge  of  which  his  country 
deemed  incumbent  upon  him.  He  accepted  the  position ;  and 
while  hostile  signs  were  pending  strongest,  wrote  his  "  Titus 
Manlius  "  letters.  He  also  wrote  some  pieces  over  the  signature 
of  "  The  Stand"  for  the  purpose  of  stirring  up  the  people  to  a 
point  of  resistance  and  maintenance  of  the  national  dignity.  He 
held  his  appointment  until  after  the  death  of  Washington  and  the 
formal  disbandment  of  the  soldiers. 

Before  Washington's  retirement,  he  delivered  that  immortal 
farewell  address,  which  is  so  well  known.  In  the  preparation  of 
this  work,  the  smallest  departure  from  truth  has  been  carefully 
guarded  against:  to  do  every  one  justice,  is  our  main  object. 
When  we  deny  the  agency  ascribed  to  HAMILTON  by  his  admirers, 
in  the  farewell  address  of  Washington,  no  injustice  is  felt  to  have 
been  done.  While  Washington  was  contemplating  the  perform 
ance  of  that  crowning  duty  of  his  mighty  life,  "  Distrusting^ 
says  one,  "  Ms  own  abilities  as  a  writer,  impaired  as  they  were 
by  age  and  infirmity,  to  do  full  justice  to  his  own  thoughts  (the 
italics  are  ours)  and  feelings,  he  looked  around  him  for  a  coadju 
tor  among  the  statesmen  of  the  land,  to  whose  talents,  prudence, 
'  and  patriotism  he  could  intrust  the  first  draft  of  so  important  an 
instrument."  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  "  distrusting  his  own  abili 
ties  "  to  give  "his  own  thoughts"  or  even  his  "feelings!"  An 
intelligent  school-boy  would  not  believe  it.  The  result  of  his 
having  "  looked  around  "  for  one  competent  to  write  his  own  fare 
well  address,  was,  it  is  said,  the  selection  of  HAMILTON.  No  man's 
admiration  of  HAMILTON  transcends  our  own,  but  he  never  wrote 
Washington's  farewell  address — never.  That  document  is  Wash 
ington  in  style,  Washington  in  thought,  conception  and  feeling ; 
there  is  nothing  HAMILTONIAN  about  it.  It  reads  like  Washing 
ton's  other  writings,  evincing  the  same  chaste,  clear  style,  the 


ALEXANDER     HAMILTON.  219 

same  love  of  country,  the  same  devotion  to,  and  solicitude  for,  the 
people.  On  the  contrary,  compare  it  with  the  writings  of  HAMIL 
TON,  and  a  direct  departure,  in  every  sense,  from  the  elements  of 
composition  characteristic  of  that  distinguished  writer  and  states 
man,  is  clearly  visible.  The  truth  is,  Washington  always  advised 
with  confidential  friends,  upon  matters  of  importance,  not  through 
any  ''distrust  of  his  own  ability,"  but  from  a  high  sense  of  his 
obligations  to  the  country,  and  a  just  appreciation  of  the  judgment 
of  others.  When  he  wrote  his  farewell  address,  he  submitted  it 
as  a  friend,  to  the  inspection  of  HAMILTON  and  Jay.  They  pe 
rused,  and  approved  it,  but  returned  it  to  him  WITHOUT  ALTERA 
TION.  That  address  could  have  been  written  by  no  man  but 
Washington  ;  HAMILTON,  great  as  were  his  powers  of  composition, 
ingenious  and  dextrous  as  was  his  diamond  pen,  was  not  suffi 
ciently  adroit  to  effect  a  disguise  of  himself,  so  perfect  and  com 
plete  as  seen  in  the  farewell  address.  ,  HAMILTON  could  not,  we 
think,  improve  on  him,  in  whose  creation,  Divinity  seemed  to  have 
placed,  in  every  part,  elements  of  perfection  beyond  the  reach  of 
further  improvement. 

We  now  commence  a  new  era  in  the  life  of  HAMILTON.  On  the 
death  of  Washington,  and  the  elevation  of  the  elder  Adams  to  the 
presidency,  the  Federal  party  experienced  a  visible  decline.  The 
Democratic  party,  also,  split  to  pieces.  Three  factions,  led  by  the 
Livingstons,  Clintons,  and  Aaron  Burr,  struggled  each  for  ascen 
dency.  Burr,  in  1800,  conceived  the  idea  of  harmonizing  them 
into  a  consolidated  party.  He  partially  succeeded,  and  for  the 
Assembly  elections,  in  the  spring  of  1800,  had  united  them  upon 
a  ticket  composed  of  some  of  the  ablest  men  of  the  State.  Xcver 
was  political  contest  more  heated.  HAMILTON,  as  the  leader  of 
the  Federal  party,  battled  manfully  against  his  talented  and  wily 
antagonist,  Aaron  Burr.  They  came  frequently  in  contact  in 
warm  discussion.  At  the  election,  the  Federalists  were  beaten. 
This  led  to  the  efforts,  elsewhere  mentioned,  to  induce  Jay,  then 
governor  of  the  State,  to  convene  the  legislature,  to  so  alter  the 
manner  of  electoral  choice,  that  it  would  be  done  by  districts,  the 
Federalists  then  having  legislative  majorities.  Jay  refused  to 
lend  sanction  to  such  a  measure.  Adams'  administration  closed 
in  1800.  A  new  president  and  vice-president  were  to  be  elected  : 
party  heat  ran  high.  Jefferson  and  Burr  were  the  Republican 
candidates,  Adams  and  Pinckney  were  the  Federal.  The  canvass 
15 


220         ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

was  intensely  exciting.  HAMILTON  entered  the  strife  with  usual 
zeal  and  effect.  He  wrote  several  letters  on  the  Adams'  adminis 
tration  ;  it  was  said,  to  secure  more  votes  for  Pinckney  than 
Adams, — the  rule  then  being  that  he  who  got  the  highest  number 
of  votes,  was  president,  and  the  one  who  received  the  next  highest 
number  was  vice-president.  Burr  seized  upon  these  letters,  and 
with  a  dextrous  sagacity  unsurpassed  by  any  American  statesman, 
published  those  portions  of  them  reflecting  somewhat  upon  Adams, 
to  produce  a  breach  in  the  Federal  party.  This  course  had  the 
desired  effect.  The  Federal  party  were  shattered  to  pieces  ;  the 
democratic  candidates,  Jefferson  and  Burr,  were  elected  by  tre 
mendous  majorities.  The  two  having  received  the  same  number 
of  votes,  produced  the  famous  and  excited  election  in  the  House, 
that  created  such  a  profound  sensation.  Jefferson  and  Burr  were 
each  accused  of  impropriety,  during  this  contest.  Burr,  it  was 
said,  courted  the  favor  of  the  Federal  party.  To  this  HAMILTON, 
notwithstanding  the  hostility  engendered  between  the  two  by  re 
cent  developments,  with  characteristic  magnanimity  wrote  a  reply, 
fully  exonerating  Burr  from  any  charge  of  that  sort. 

From  this  contest  may  be  dated  the  waning  fortunes  of  Aaron 
Burr.  HAMILTON  became,  on  the  defeat  of  the  Federal  party,  the 
subject  of  severe  animadversions.  The  old  charge,  that  he  favored 
monarchy,  was  revived.  It  is  sad  to  think  that,  at  this  time,  some 
of  his  former  friends  failed  to  stand  by  him.  The  charge  of  mon 
archy  was  made  in  the  public  prints,  and  was  repeated  publicly 
by  a  man  named  Eacker.  This  led  to  a  challenge  from  HAMIL 
TON'S  eldest  son,  Philip.  The  challenge  was  accepted.  The  parties 
met.  Philip  Hamilton  fell,  his  blood  staining  the  same  ground 
which  was  soon  to  drink  that  of  his  illustrious  father.  The  Federal 
'  party  was  now  in  the  minority.  Party  excitements  reached  a 
pitch  beyond  all  precedent.  Burr  thought  he  could  be  elected 
governor  of  New  York.  He  ran  for  that  office  in  1804.  Every 
effort  was  made  to  defeat  him.  His  opponent,  though  a  Demo 
crat,  drew  to  him  the  larger  number  of  Federal  votes.  Burr  was 
abused  and  traduced.  The  papers  of  the  State  came  from  the 
press  reeking  with  slanders  against  both  his  public  and  private 
character ;  and  before  the  ink  had  dried  that  blazoned  them  to  the 
world,  others  were  originated.  In  this  HAMILTON  had  no  hand, 
though  his  opposition  to  Burr,  in  the  canvass,  was  strong,  influen 
tial,  and  incessant.  The  election  was  held  and  Burr  was  beaten ; 


ALEXANDER     HAMILTON.  221 

HAMILTON  was  mainly  instrumental  in  his  defeat;  but  for  him 
Burr,  no  doubt,  would  have  been  elected. 

During  the  heated  canvass,  though  HAMILTON  exerted  all  his 
powers,  he  did  nothing  that  would  bring  a  blush  to  the  true  man's 
cheek.  That  he  disliked  Burr,  is  evident ;  but  that  he  departed 
from  the  legitimate  course  of  political  electioneering,  is  untrue. 
He  labored  with  all  the  zeal  and  ability  of  his  ardent  soul,  fired 
fully  up  to  the  important  necessity  of  putting  forth  every  effort. 
The  hostility  between  HAMILTON  and  Burr  now  assumed  a  despe 
rate  shape.  On  his  defeat  for  governor,  Burr  knew  that  his  poli 
tical  star  had  gone  down.  Chafing  under  the  lash  of  disappointed 
ambition,  and  smarting  at  the  idea  of  the  ascendency  the  result 
gave  HAMILTON  over  himself,  it  was  not  singular  that  feelings  of 
enmity  should  be  entertained  toward  one  whom  he  looked  upon 
as  the  chief  author  of  his  fallen  fortunes.  HAMILTON,  during  the 
canvass,  had,  no  doubt,  imbibed  some  of  the  sentiments  so  pro 
fusely  circulated  prejudicial  to  Burr ;  but  that  he  said  or  did  any 
thing  worthy  of  provoking  a  challenge  from  the  latter,  cannot  be 
asserted.  Among  others  who  had  figured  in  the  political  excite 
ments  of  the  times,  was  a  Dr.  Cooper.  That  gentleman  published 
a  lengthy  letter  in  which,  after  dwelling  upon  HAMILTON'S  course 
toward  Burr,  in  the  canvass,  he  says :  "I  could  detail  to  you  a 
still  more  despicable  opinion,  which  General  HAMILTON  has 
expressed  of  Mr.  Burr"  In  the  summer  of  1804,  Burr  called  the 
attention  of  his  friend,  Judge  Yan  Ness,  to  this  particular  clause, 
informing  him,  at  the  same  time,  that  he  intended  demanding 
satisfaction  of  HAMILTON  for  its  utterance.  According  to  request 
Yan  Ness  carried  the  following  note  to  HAMILTON  from  Burr: 

"  You  must  perceive,  sir,  the  necessity  of  a  prompt  and  an  un 
qualified  acknowledgment  or  denial  of  the  use  of  any  expressions 
which  would  warrant  the  assertions  of  Dr.  Cooper. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  obedient  servant,  etc. 

AAKON  BURR. 

He  means  here,  by  "  assertions  of  Dr.  Cooper,"  the  same  objec 
tionable  clause  before  named.  HAMILTON  read  the  note,  and  ex 
amined  closely  the  clause  to  which  it  had  reference."  He  then 
wrote  the  following  reply : 

"NEW  YORK,  June  20,  1804. 

"SiR: — I  have  maturely  reflected  on  the  subject  of  your  letter 
of  the  18th  inst.,  and  the  more  I  have  reflected,  the  more  I  have 


NL 

w 


222  ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

become  convinced  that  I  could  not,  without  manifest  impropriety, 
make  the  avowal  or  disavowal  which  you  seem  to  think  necessary. 
The  clause  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Van  Ness  is  in  these  terms :  '  I 
could  detail  to  you  a  still  more  despicable  opinion  which  General 
HAMILTON  has  expressed  of  Mr.  Burr.'  To  endeavor  to  discover 
the  meaning  of  this  declaration,  I  was  obliged  to  seek,  in  the  ante 
cedent  part  of  this  letter,  for  the  opinion  to  which  it  referred  as 
having  been  already  disclosed.  I  found  it  in  these  words  :  c  Gen 
eral  HAMILTON  and  Judge  Kent  have  declared,  in  substance,  that 
they  looked  upon  Mr.  Burr  to  be  a  dangerous  man,  and  one 
Jio  ought  not  to  ~be  trusted  with  the  reins  of  government.'' 
"The  language  of  Doctor  Cooper  plainly  implies  that  he  con 
sidered  this  opinion  of  you,  which  he  attributes  to  me,  as  a  despi 
cable  one  ;  but  he  affirms  that  I  have  expressed  some  other  more 
despicable,  without,  however,  mentioning  to  whom,  when,  or 
where.  'Tis  evident  that  the  phrase  'still  more  despicable'  admits 
of  infinite  shades,  from  very  light  to  very  dark.  How  am  I  to 
judge  of  the  degree  intended  ?  or  how  shall  I  annex  any  pre 
cise  idea  to  language  so  indefinite  ? 

O          O 

"Between  gentlemen,  despicable  and  more  despicable  are  not 
worth  the  pains  of  distinction  ;  when,  therefore,  you  do  not  inter 
rogate  me  as  to  the  opinion  which  is  specifically  ascribed  to  me,  I 
must  conclude  that  you  view  it  as  within  the  limits  to  which  the 
animadversions  of  political  opponents  upon  each  other  may  justi 
fiably  extend,  and,  consequently,  as  not  warranting  the  idea  which 
Doctor  Cooper  appears  to  entertain.  If  so,  what  precise  inference 
could  you  draw  as  a  guide  for  your  conduct,  were  I  to  acknowl 
edge  that  I  had  expressed  an  opinion  of  you  still  more  despicable 
than  the  one  which  is  particularized?  How  could  you  be  sure 
that  even  this  opinion  had  exceeded  the  bounds  which  you  would 
yourself  deem  admissible  between  political  opponents  ? 

"  But  I  forbear  further  comment  on  the  embarrassment  to  which 
the  requisition  you  have  made  naturally  leads.  The  occasion 
forbids  a  more  ample  illustration,  though  nothing  could  be  more 
easy  than  to  pursue  it. 

"Repeating  that  I  can  not  reconcile  it  with  propriety  to  make 
the  acknowledgment  or  denial  you  desire,  I  will  add  that  I  deem 
it  inadmissible,  on  principle,  to  consent  to  be  interrogated  as  to 
the  justice  of  the  inferences  which  may  be  drawn  by  others  from 
whatever  I  have  said  of  a  political  opponent  in  the  course  of 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  223 

fifteen  years'  competition.  If  there  were  no  other  objection  to  it, 
this  is  sufficient,  that  it  would  tend  to  expose  my  sincerity  and 
delicacy  to  injurious  imputations  from  every  person  who  may  at 
any  time  have  conceived  the  import  of  my  expressions  differently 
from  what  I  may  then  have  intended  or  may  afterward  recollect. 
I  stand  ready  to  avow  or  disavow  promptly  and  explicitly  any 
precise  or  definite  opinion  which  I  may  be  charged  with  having 
declared  of  any  gentleman.  More  than  this  can  not  fitly  be  ex 
pected  from  me ;  and,  especially,  it  can  not  be  reasonably  expected 
that  I  shall  enter  into  any  explanation  upon  a  basis  so  vague  as 
that  you  have  adopted.  I  trust,  on  more  reflection,  you  will  see 
the  matter  in  the  same  light  with  me.  If  not,  I  can  only  regret 
the  circumstance,  and  must  abide  the  consequences. 

uThe  publication  of  Doctor  Cooper  was  never  seen  by  me  till 
after  the  receipt  of  your  letter.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc. 

"  ALEX.  HAMILTON." 

To  this  reply,  which  it  seems  should  have  been  satisfactory, 
Burr  rejoined,  saying  that  "  the  common  sense  of  mankind  affixed 
to  the  epithets  adopted  by  Dr.  Cooper,  the  idea  of  dishonor,"  that 
the  reply  contained  nothing  desired,  and  still  insisted  upon  satis 
faction. 

On  the  reception  of  Burr's  second  note,  HAMILTON  told  Yan 
Ness,  that  the  charge  was  not  sufficiently  specific  to  admit  of 
defense  or  acknowledgment,  and  that  the  last  note  from  his  friend 
was  too  offensive  to  allow  further  correspondence.  He  also  told 
him,  that  he  might  withdraw  Burr's  second  note,  to  pave  the  way 
to  pacification,  but  until  it  was  withdrawn,  no  further  communi 
cation  could  be  had.  The  next  day  Yan  Ness  was  the  bearer  of 
another  note  to  HAMILTON;  this,  however,  was  not  delivered  at  the 
time  in  consequence  of  his  absence  from  home.  HAMILTON  sent 
Yan  Ness  a  note,  informing  him  that  he  would  be  at  home  the 
next  Monday  morning. 

On  the  22d  of  June,  HAMILTON  had  an  interview  with  hie 
friend,  Mr.  Pendleton,  upon  the  subject,  telling  him  that  a  duel 
would  perhaps  be  the  result ;  that  he  could  have  no  further  com 
munication  with  Burr,  until  the  second  offensive  letter  was  with 
drawn  ;  which  he  refused  to  do.  Still  manifesting  a  desire  to 
adjust  the  matter,  he  gave  Mr.  Pendleton  the  following  note  for 
Yan  Ness : 


224  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

"New  YORK,  June  22.,  1804. 

"SiR: — Your  first  letter,  in  a  style  too  peremptory,  made  a 
demand,  in  my  opinion,  unprecedented  and  unwarrantable.  My 
answer,  pointing  out  the  embarrassment,  gave  you  an  opportunity 
to  take  a  less  exceptionable  course.  You  have  not  chosen  to  do 
it ;  but,  by  your  last  letter,  received  this  day,  containing  expres 
sions  indecorous  and  improper,  you  have  increased  the  difficulties 
to  an  explanation  intrinsically  incident  to  the  nature  of  your 
application. 

"'If  by  a  '  definite  reply '  you  mean  the  direct  avowal  or  dis 
avowal  required  in  your  first  letter,  I  have  no  other  answer  to 
give  than  that  which  has  already  been  given.  If  you  mean  any 
thing  different,  admitting  of  greater  latitude,  it  is  requisite  you 
should  explain. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"ALEX.  HAMILTON." 

The  next  Monday,  Van  Ness  called  on  HAMILTON  according  to 
appointment,  intending  to  deliver  a  formal  challenge.  HAMILTON 
told  him  that  he  had  given  a  note  to  Pendleton  for  Burr,  that 
might  open  the  way  to  reconciliation.  Yan  Ness  remarked,  that 
he  had  understood  that  no  further  correspondence  would  be  had, 
unless  the  objectionable  note  was  withdrawn,  but  that,  if  such 
were  not  the  case,  he  would  gladly  await  further  results.  Van 
Ness  immediately  called  on  Pendleton,  and  took  the  note  just 
referred  to,  to  Burr.  The  seconds  soon  after  met  again.  The 
note  had  no  effect  upon  the  haughty  Burr.  Yan  Ness  gave 
Pendleton  to  understand,  that  nothing  short  of  an  unquali 
fied  disavowal  by  HAMILTON,  of  ever  having  said  or  intended  to 
say,  any  thing  disreputable  of  Burr,  at  any  time  or  place,  or  under 
any  circumstances,  would  be  satisfactory.  This,  HAMILTON  de 
clined  peremptorily.  HAMILTON,  however,  disavowed  ever  hav 
ing  made  remarks  against  Burr  as  a  private  man ;  that  what  he 
had  said  had  reference  to  his  political  opinions  and  views  entirely. 
Burr  certainly  was  determined  to  bully  HAMILTON  into  disgrace, 
or  fight  him  on  the  field.  To  his  honorable  concessions  and  dis 
avowal,  Burr  gave  no  heed.  He  seemed,  indeed,  to  become  more 
insolent  in  each  message.  HAMILTON  received  another  note, 
through  his  friend  Pendleton,  which  reaffirmed  that  nothing  but 
the  unequivocal  denial  alluded  to,  would  be  satisfactory.  That  a 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  225 

meeting  could  not  be  avoided, — that  Burr  was  determined  that  it 
should  not,  became  now  clearly  manifest.  Other  communications 
passed  between  the  seconds,  substantially  a  reiteration  of  the  pre 
ceding  ones.  Soon  after  their  last  interview,  Yan  Ness  formally 
delivered  to  Peudleton  the  challenge  of  Burr  ;  which  was  accepted. 
Hard  fate, — young,  gifted  and  great,  he  goes  to  meet  a  death, 
whose  pangs  are  not  even  soothed  with  Christian  consolation, — a 
sacrifice  to  the  demon  of  disappointed  ambition.  On  the  accept 
ance  of  the  challenge,  Pendelton  offered  to  give  Yan  Ness  HAM 
ILTON'S  written  views  upon  the  subject  and  his  reasons  for  agree 
ing  to  the  meeting.  Yan  Ness  said,  that  its  acceptance  precluded 
further  communication,  and  would  not  receive  them.  The  Circuit 
Court  was  then  in  session;  HAMILTON  was  counsel  in  several 
weighty  and  highly  important  cases.  For  this  reason,  Pendle- 
ton  requested  that  the  meeting  should  be  put  off  until  the  court 
adjourned,  to  enable  HAMILTON  to  complete  his  cases.  This  was 
agreed  to,  and  Pendleton  stipulated  that  as  soon  as  leisure 
would  justify,  his  friend  would  meet  Burr  on  the  field.  Nothing 
now  remained  but  to  fight.  During  the  session  of  court,  HAMIL 
TON  discharged  the  duties  of  counsel  in  several  very  important 
and  difficult  cases,  with  the  same  energy,  talent  and  method,  that 
always  characterized  him.  He  also  made  his  will,  and  wrote  a 
letter  to  his  wife.  These  transactions  being  completed,  on  the  6th 
of  July,  the  seconds  had  an  interview  and  arranged  for  the  final 
meeting.  The  meeting  took  place  on  the  morning  of  the  llth  of 
July,  at  Weehawken  on  the  Jersey  side.  Burr  was  first  on  the 
ground, — HAMILTON  arrived  soon  after.  They  bowed  to  each  other, 
and  concluded  the  arrangements.  They  fought  at  ten  paces ; 
the  choice  of  position,  and  the  right  to  give  the  word,  fell,  by  lot,  on 
HAMILTON.  The  parties  took  their  stands, — ten  paces  between 
HAMILTON  and  death !  Burr  was  a  man  of  powerful  nerve,  and  an 
expert  in  the  use  of  the  pistol.  HAMILTON  lacked  not  nerve,  when 
aroused  to  effort  by  great  actions  ;  but,  no  doubt,  he  felt  on  this 
occasion  with  the  sensbility  of  true  honor,  that  his  position  was 
unworthy  of  him.  He  was  not  as  expert  in  the  use  of  weapons 
as  Burr.  It  was  so  arranged,  that  the  second  who  gave  the  word, 
should  ask  if  each  were  ready.  If  they  were,  he  then  said  Pre 
sent,  and  the  parties  were  to  fire  at  their  own  discretion.  Pendle 
ton  asked,  "Are  you  ready?"  being  affirmatively  answered,  he  said, 
PEESENT!  Burr  fired  in  an  instant,  and  HAMILTON  fell.  Pendle 


226  ALEXANDER     HAMILTON. 

ton  always  averred  that  HAMILTON  did  not  fire  at  his  opponent. 
Yan  Ness  said,  however,  that  he  did  fire,  and  that  he  fired  first. 
HAMILTON,  it  is  contended  made  a  statement,  prior  to  the  meeting, 
to  the  effect  that  he  would  not  fire  at  Burr.  It  is  presumed,  how 
ever,  that  he  would  hardly  have  placed  himself  within  ten  paces 
of  such  a  pistol  shot  as  Aaron  Burr,  without  intention  of  defend 
ing  himself.  Such  a  course  would  have  been  suicidal.  Burr 
was  not  hurt,  at  all  events.  When  HAMILTON  fell,  Burr  started 
hastily  toward  him,  in  a  manner  that  indicated  a  desire  of  speaking. 
This  interview,  however,  was  unhappily  prevented  by  the  interpo 
sition  of  Van  Ness.  It  is  a  source  of  regret.  The  world  can 
never  know  what  he  would  have  said  to  the  dying  statesman  on 
that  occasion. 

A  few  words  in  regard  to  Aaron  Burr,  and  he  will  be  dismissed 
altogether.  Few  men,  especially  active  political  leaders,  ever 
receive  from  the  people  the  exact  meed  of  praise  or  censure  to 
which  their  merits  or  demerits  entitle  them.  There  is  a  certain 
position  in  the  world's  esteem,  which,  when  attained,  creates  a 
disposition  to  elevate  the  occupant  far  above  the  mark  of  his  true 
deserts.  You  may  get  almost  to  that  position,  but  a  failure  to 
attain  it,  produces  a  proneness  to  sink  you  below  the  mark  of 
merits  really  possessed.  We  do  not  intend  to  become  eulogist  of 
Aaron  Burr;  he  was,  no  doubt,  in 'some  respects,  a  bad  man, — 
,  Washington  regarded  him  as  such,  and  he  never  failed  to  judge 
A  correctly.  If  any  thing  can  be  more  unjust  or  untrue,  than  the 
assertion  that  he  was  worse  than  Benedict  Arnold,  it  is  the  recent 
attempt  to  make  him  "  a  greater  man  and  a  better  man  "  than 
HAMILTON.  Neither  is  true.  Burr  commenced  his  career  with 
M;he  most  splendid  prospects.  Descended  from  ancestry  of  the  first 
eminence,  and  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  most  influential 
counselors ;  with  a  mind  of  great  strength  and  depth,  cultivated 
at  the  first  schools,  ambitious  and  ardent,  he  entered  the  list  in 
the  struggle  for  fame  with  a  zeal  and  enthusiasm  that  seemed  to 
insure  success.  He  went  into  the  Revolution  with  a  bold  and 
fearless  determination  to  share  its  hardships  with  the  patriots. 
He  was  connected  with  Arnold's  Kennebec  expedition,  and  was 
sent  as  messenger  to  General  Montgomery.  Disguised  as  a  priest, 
with  the  greatest  address,  bravery,  and  fortitude,  after  many  dan 
gers  he  discharged  that  duty.  Montgomery  was  won  by  his  cour- 
.  age  and  fascinating  qualities,  and  gave  him  a  place  in  his  staff. 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  227 

He  was  with  the  general  when  he  fell  at  Quebec,  and  always  said 
that,  if  the  soldiers  had  pushed  ahead,  they  would  have  carried 
the  place.  Washington  thought,  at  one  time,  after  this,  of  placing 
him  on  his  staff;  but,  on  investigating  some  traits  of  his  charac 
ter,  refused  to  do  so,  on  the  grounds  that  he  wanted  good  men  for 
officers.  After  the  close  of  the  war,  by  his  superior  address  and 
powers  as  a  politician,  he  rose  rapidly  to  the  highest  honors.  He 
was  a  Senator  from  New  York,  and  was  also  attorney-general. 
He  finally  reached  the  second  office  in  the  gift  of  the  people,  and 
was,  at  one  time,  the  most  popular  aspirant  in  the  Republican 
party  for  the  first.  The  protracted  contest  in  the  House,  between 
Jefferson  and  himself,  changed  the  tide  of  his  affairs.  His  efforts 
to  supplant  Jefferson,  drew  against  him  the  weight  of  his  ponder 
ous  influence.  He  saw  now  the  first  honors  of  the  nation,  to 
procure  which  he  doubtless  made  all  else  subordinate,  fade  from 
his  too  eager  grasp.  So  far  as  his  intentions  against  Mexico  were 
concerned,  or  his  aims  at  dismembering  the  confederacy,  for  which 
he  was  tried,  the  best  evidences  that  the  whole  proceeding  was 
more  the  result  of  ill-will,  than  the  existence  of  any  real  causes 
of  alarm,  was  his  acquittal,  in  an  ably  conducted  trial  in  the  Su 
preme  Court,  over  which  presided  the  venerable  Chief  Justice 
Marshall. 

As  regards  the  causes  resulting  in  the  unfortunate  duel  with 
HAMILTON,  it  is  difficult  to  arrive  at  the  exact  state  of  the  case. 
HAMILTON  had,  no  doubt,  animadverted  with  severity  upon  him 
during  the  heated  canvass  in  which  he  was  beaten  for  governor. 
A  knowledge  of  this,  coupled  with  the  smart  of  defeat,  in  which 
HAMILTON  had  been  chiefly  instrumental,  in  a  soul  like  his,  of 
daring  ambition,  proud,  haughty,  uncompromising,  produced  an 
enmity  against  his  rival,  which,  though  wholly  injustifiable,  can 
not  be  denounced  as  that  of  a  murderer  or  an  assassin.  On  the 
death  of  HAMILTON,  Burr  became  overwhelmed  with  torrents  of 
popular  odium.  All  his  faults  and  wrongs  were  exaggerated  in  a 
thousand  forms.  After  breasting  the  abuse  for  a  while, — wrecked 
in  prospects, — crushed  in  hope  and  fortune,  he  went  to  Europe  a 
ruined  man.  Never  was  the  fall  of  man  from  lofty  position  to 
abject  poverty,  more  complete. 

"While  in  Paris,  the  following  entries  in  his  diary  show  his  state 
of  utter  destitution : 

"November  23d,  1810.     Nothing  from  America,  and  really  I 


228  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

shall  starve.  Borrowed  three  francs  to-day.  Four  or  five  little 
debts  keep  me  in  constant  alarm  ;  altogether  about  two  louis. 

"  December  1st,  1810.  Mr.  -  came  in  upon  me  this  morn 
ing,  just  as  I  was  out  of  bed,  for  twenty-seven  livres.  Paid  him, 
which  took  literally  my  last  sous.  When  at  Damon's,  thought  I 
might  as  well  go  to  Pelasgie  ;  set  off,  but  recollected  that  I  owed 
the  woman  who  sits  in  the  passage  two  sous  for  a  cigar,  so  turned 
about  to  pursue  my  way  by  the  Pont  des  Arts,  which  was  fifteen 
paces  ;  remembered  I  had  not  wherewith  to  pay  the  toll,  being 
one  sous  ;  had  to  go  all  the  way  round  by  Pont  Royal,  more  than 
half  a  mile." 

The  death  of  his  idolized  and  lovely  daughter,  Theodosia, 
that  occurred  afterward,  hightened  the  pains  of  his  situation. 
Whatever  may  be  said  of  Aaron  Burr,  his  love  and  affection  for 
his  family,  form  a  bright  spot  in  his  character,  that  prejudice  can 
never  dim,  nor  the  finger  of  time  efface.  There  was  no  kinder 
husband,  —  a  more  devoted  parent.  "  I  would  rather  not  live  than 
not  be  the  daughter  of  such  a  father,"  wrote  Theodosia  to  him 
before  her  death.  Burr,  on  his  return  to  the  laud  he  left  in  mourn 
ing,  for  the  ornament  he  had  snatched  from  her  councils,  was 
compelled  to  resume  his  profession  for  a  support.  Thirty  long 
gloomy  years  rolled  over  him,  like  unfriendly  night,  with  few  stars 
to  light  his  cheerless  path. 

He  reached  his  81st  year,  and  finally  died  in  New  York,  on  the 
13th  of  September,  1836.  The  following  letter  having  reference 
to  his  death-bed  scene,  from  Rev.  Doctor  Yanpelt,  gives  account 
of  his  last  moments,  and  affords  some  knowledge  of  his  religious 
sentiments  : 


,  Hammond  St.,  Thursday,  December  13,  1855. 

"  In  the  summer,  about  the  20th  of  June,  1836,  Colonel  A.  Burr 
came  to  Port  Richmond  Hotel,  Staten  Island,  where  he  took  board, 
near  which  I  then  resided,  as  also  did  the  relative  and  friend  of 
Colonel  Burr,  Judge  Ogden  Edwards.  The  Colonel  (Burr)  being 
a  valetudinarian,  in  feeble  health,  Judge  Edwards  solicited  me, 
as  often  as  I  conveniently  could,  to  visit  him,  and  administer  the 
consolation  of  religion  to  him,  which,  he  said,  was  desired  by 
Colonel  Burr,  and  would  be  agreeable  to  him. 

"Accordingly,  from  that  time  till  the  13th  of  September,  1836, 
the  day  on  which  he  died  at  the  said  Port  Richmond  House,  I 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  229 

visited  him  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  once  or  twice  a  week. 
At  these  consecutive  interviews  I  was  uniformly  received  by  him 
with  his  accustomed  politeness  and  urbanity  of  manner.  The 
time  spent  with  him  at  each  interview, — which  was  an  hour,  more 
or  less, — was  chiefly  employed  in  religious  conversations,  adapt 
ing  to  his  declining  health,  his  feeble  state  of  body,  and  his  ad 
vanced  age,  concluding  by  prayer  to  Almighty  God  for  the  exer 
cise  of  his  great  mercy,  the  influence  of  his  Holy  Spirit  and  divine 
blessing.  In  all  which  he  appeared  to  take  an  interest  and  be 
pleased,  and  particularly  would  thank  me  for  the  prayers  I  offered 
up  in  his  behalf,  for  my  kind  offices,  and  the  interest  I  took  in  his 
spiritual  welfare,  saying  it  gave  him  pleasure  to  see  me  and  hear 
my  voice.  And  when  I  reminded  him  of  the  advantages  he  had 
enjoyed,  of  his  honored  and  pious  ancestry,  viz:  his  father  a 
minister  of  the  Gospel,  and  president  of  the  college  at  Princeton, 
New  Jersey,  and  his  mother  a  descendant  of  the  celebrated  divine, 
Jonathan  Edwards ;  and  that  doubtless  many  prayers  had  gone  up 
to  Heaven  from  the  hearts  of  his  parents  for  his  well-being  and 
happiness,  it  seemed  to  affect  him.  And  when  I  asked  him  as  to 
his  views  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  he  responded. — '  They  are  the 
most  perfect  system  of  truth  the  world  has  ever  seen.'  So  that 
judging  from  his  own  declaration  and  behavior  to  me,  as  his 
spiritual  adviser,  he  was  not  an  atheist  nor  a  deist. 

"I  did  not  administer  the  holy  sacrament  to  him,  nor  did  he 
suggest  and  request  me  to  do  it. 

"In  regard  to  other  topics,  in  the  course  of  repeated  conver 
sations,  he  remarked  he  was  near  General  Montgomery  when  he 
fell  at  Quebec ;  and  that  notwithstanding  that  disaster,  if  the  army 
had  pushed  on,  they  would  have  succeeded.  In  reference  to  the 
affair  and  death  of  General  HAMILTON  but  little  was  said.  He 
intimated,  however,  that  he  was  provoked  to  that  encounter. 

"  At  my  last  interview  with  him,  about  12  o'clock  at  noon,  the 
day  he  departed  this  life,  about  2  o'clock,  p.  M.,  as  aforesaid, 
September  13,  1836,  I  found  him  as  usual,  pleased  to  see  me, 
tranquil  in  mind,  and  not  disturbed  by  bodily  pain. 

"  Observing  a  paleness  and  change  in  his  countenance,  and  his 
pulse  tremulous,  fluttering  and  erratic,  I  asked  him  how  he  felt. 
He  replied,  not  so  well  as  when  I  saw  him  last.  I  then  said, 
'  Colonel,  I  do  not  wish  to  alarm  you,  but  judging  from  the  state 
of  your  pulse,  your  time  with  us  is  short.'  He  replied,  clam 


230  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

aware  of  it.'  It  was  then  near  1  o'clock,  P.  M.,  and  his  mind  and 
memory  seemed  perfect.  I  said  to  him,  '  In  this  solemn  hour  of 
your  apparent  dissolution,  believing  as  you  do,  in  the  sacred 
Scriptures,  your  accountability  to  God,  let  me  ask  you  how  you 
feel  in  view  of  approaching  eternity ;  whether  you  have  good 
hope,  through  grace,  that  all  your  sins  will  be  pardoned,  and  God 
will,  in  mercy,  pardon  you,  for  the  sake  of  the  merits  and  righte 
ousness  of  his  beloved  son,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  in  love 
suffered  and  died  for  us  the  agonizing,  bitter  death  of  the  cross, 
by  whom  alone  we  can  have  the  only  sure  hope  of  salvation  ?'  To 
which  he  said,  with  deep  arid  evident  emotion,  c  On  that  subject 
I  am  coy;'  by  which  I  understood  him  to  mean,  that  on  a  subject 
of  much  magnitude  and  momentous  interest,  touching  the  assur 
ance  of  his  salvation,  he  felt  coy,  cautious  (as  the  word  denotes) 
to  express  himself  in  full  confidence. 

"With  his  usual  cordial  concurrence  and  manifest  desire  we 
kneeled  in  prayer  before  the  throne  of  heavenly  grace, — implor 
ing  God's  mercy  and  blessing.  He  turned  in  his  bed,  and  put 
himself  in  an  humble  devotional  posture,  and  seemed  deeply 
engaged  in  the  religious  service,  thanking  me,  as  usual,  for  the 
prayer  made  for  him. 

"  Calm  and  composed,  I  recommended  him  to  the  mercy  of  God 
and  to  the  word  of  his  grace,  with  a  last  farewell.  At  about  two 
o'clock,  p.  M  ,  without  a  groan  or  a  struggle,  he  breathed  his  last. 
His  death  was  easy  and  gentle  as  a  taper  in  the  socket,  and  as  the 
summer's  wave  that  dies  upon  the  shore.  Thus  died  Colonel 
Aaron  Burr. 

"His  first  funeral  service  was  performed  by  me  in  the  Port 
Richmond  House,  where  he  died.  Thence  we  took  his  remains 
to  the  chapel  of  Princeton  College,  New  Jersey,  where  Dr.  Carna- 
hau,  the  president,  and  myself,  performed  his  last  funeral  service 
before  the  students,  the  faculty,  the  military,  and  a  numerous 
assemblage,  and  he  was  buried,  as  he  requested,  in  the  sepulcher 
of  his  ancestors. 

"With  respect,  P.  J.  YANPELT." 

Thus  died  Aaron  Burr.  With  a  powerful  and  vigorous  intel 
lect,  he  combined  the  most  dextrous  skill  in  furthering  his 
measures,  and  was  among  the  ablest  politicians  of  his  day.  Pos 
sessing  an  iron  will,  and  a  sanguine  temperament,  with  .acutest 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  231 

perception  he  formed  his  schemes  and  devoted  himself  to  their 
execution  with  indomitable  energy.  Bold  and  intrepid,  wily  and 
artful  as  a  Talleyrand,  he  prosecuted  his  designs  with  vigilance, 
method  and  system,  and  was  at  one  time  feared  even  by  Jefferson 
himself.  Courteous,  bland  and  affable,  fascinating  in  conversation, 
he  was  welcome  in  the  social  circle,  and  drew  men  toward  him  by 
the  suavity  of  his  manners.  He  was  ambitious, — but,  whether  his 
ambition  was  of  that  lofty  mold  that  looked  to  the  amelioration  of 
his  country  and  his  kind,  or  of  that  sordid  cast  of  selfishness  that 
aimed  at  his  own  exclusive  elevation,  and  made  principle  subser 
vient  to  policy,  is  a  question  that  would  seern  easy  of  solution. 
It  was  evidently  of  the  latter  nature.  His  career  forms  a  fruitful 
source  of  study  for  the  student  and  the  statesman.  Youth  can 
look  to  his  rise  and  fall,  and  see,  at  least,  an  example  of  the 
futility  of  talent,  genius,  energy  and  ambition,  when  not  sustained 
by  the  basis  of  high  principle  and  moral  worth.  X 

We  now  return  to  HAMILTON,  where  we  left  him  bleeding  to 
death  at  Weehawken.  Burr's  ball  broke  one  of  his  ribs,  pene 
trated  the  liver,  and  lodged  in  the  vertebrae.  As  he  fell,  he  re 
marked  to  his  surgeon,  that  the  wound  would  prove  fatal.  He 
was  immediately  overcome  with  a  stupor,  that  indicated  speedy 
death.  On  reaching  the  boat,  he  slowly  opened  his  eyes  exclaim 
ing:  "My  vision  is  indistinct."  He  then  looked  at  his  pistols, 
saying :  "  Pendleton  knows  I  did  not  intend  to  fire."  HAMILTON 
did  say,  before  going  to  the  field,  that  he  should  not  fire.  On  being 
hit  by  Burr,  with  a  spasmodic  effort,  he  raised  himself  up,  and 
simultaneous  with  the  movement,  his  pistol  fired.  After  launching 
the  boat,  his  limbs  became  paralyzed.  On  reaching  the  shore,  he 
requested  that  his  wife  should  be  sent  for  immediately.  He  was 
now  conveyed  to  the  residence  of  Mr.  Bayard.  He  continued  to 
sink  through  the  day,  enduring  the  inteusest  pain  with  great  forti 
tude  and  equanimity.  During  the  day,  he  requested  that  the 
Lord's  supper  should  be  administered  to  him.  Prayer  was  had 
in  his  room,  and  every  comfort  given  him  that  circumstances 
would  permit.  HAMILTON  gave,  before  his  death,  an  unqualified 
disapproval  of  the  infamous  practice  of  dueling.  A  little  before 
he  died,  Rev.  Bishop  Moore  asked  him  these  questions :  "  Do 
you  sincerely  repent  of  your  sins  ?  Have  you  a  lively  faith  in 
God's  mercy  through  Christ,  with  a  thankful  remembrance  of  the 
death  of  Christ  ?  Are  you  disposed  to  live  in  love  and  charity 


232  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

with  all  men  ?"  To  which,  HAMILTON  thus  faintly  but  clearly  re 
plied:  "With  utmost  sincerity  of  heart,  I  can  answer  those 
questions  in  the  affirmative.  I  have  no  ill- will  against  Colonel 
Burr.  I  met  him  with  a  fixed  resolution  to  do  him  no  harm.  I 
forgive  all  that  happened."  A  solemn  scene  was  that  death- 
chamber.  Weeping  friends  gathered  round,  while  heart-throbs  of 
woe  filled  every  bosom.  The  agony  of  his  lovely  wife  knew  no 
bounds.  She  was  almost  crushed  under  the  weight  of  misery. 
HAMILTON  turned  to  her,  and  exclaimed  :  "  You  must  remember, 
my  Eliza,  you  are  a  Christian."  Having  folded  her  to  his  bosom 
for  the  last  time,  and  given  her  a  look  of  deepest  tenderness,  he 
fell  back  and  expired.  He  died,  July  12th,  1804,  about  two 
o'clock  P.  M.,  the  day  after  he  received  his  wound.  He  was 
buried  Saturday,  July  14th,  with  all  the  respect  due  to  so 
honored  a  man.  All  day  the  bells  tolled  mournful  peals.  He 
was  accompanied  to  the  grave  by  an  immense  concourse  of  mourn 
ing  citizens, — including  the  order  of  the  Cincinnati,  the  military, 
members  of  the  bar,  and  students.  All,  by  common  consent, 
joined  in  sad  homage  to  the  illustrious  dead ;  Governeur  Morris 
delivered  a  solemn  and  appropriate  address  on  the  occasion. 
Thus  closed  the  mortal  career  of  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON.  Well 
might  Mason  exclaim :  "  Washington  died,  but  left  us  HAMILTON  ; 
HAMILTON  fell,  but  left  us  no  Washington.  Bereaved  America!" 


JOHN  ADAMS. 


JOHN   ADAMS. 


IT  was  said  of  the  great  Athenian,  Aristides,  that 

To  be,  and  not  to  seem,  is  this  man's  maxim ; 
His  mind  reposes  on  its  proper  wisdom.. 
And  wants  no  other  praise.* 

The  application  of  these  lines  to  the  second  President  of  the  United 
States,  whatever  may  have  been  his  faults,  is  certainly  not  very 
unjust.  The  firmness,  wisdom,  and  patriotism  of  JOHN  ADAMS, 
taken  in  connection  with  his  labors  at  an  early  period  of  the  Re 
public,  and  protracted  through  a  long  life  of  usefulness  and  honor, 
entitle  him  to  a  place  in  the  first  ranks  of  our  illustrious  men. 
The  pain  incident  to  a  conscious  inability  to  do  full  justice  to  this 
great  man,  is  somewhat  relieved  by  the  pleasure  derived  from  an 
attempt  to  delineate  those  high  moral  and  virtuous  qualities,  that 
will  forever  remain  identified  with  his  name,  and  adorn  his 
career. 

JOHN  ADAMS  was  born  October  19,  1735.  His  mother's  name, 
before  marriage,  was  Boylston,  daughter  of  Peter  Boylston  of 
Brookline.  His  father's  name,  as  was  also  that  of  his  grandfather, 
was  John  Adams.  His  ancestry  can  be  traced  back,  it  is  claimed, 
to  1629,  the  year  in  which  the  first  Charles  granted  the  Massa 
chusetts  charter.  Among  those,  indeed,  to  whom  the  charter 
was  given,  was  a  John  Adams,  from  whom,  it  is  asserted,  our 
subject  sprang.  His  forefathers  were  not  very  wealthy,  but  had 
means  enough  for  purposes  of  comfort  and  convenience.  His 
father  received  a  collegiate  education,  and,  in  turn,  conferred  on 

*  JEschylus. 
16  (233) 


234  JOHN    ADAMS. 

his  son  the  benefits  of  Harvard  College.  His  grandfather,  in 
fact,  it  is  said,  had  twelve  children,  to  each  of  whom  he  gave,  as 
unfailing  legacies,  collegiate  educations.  The  whole  stock  seems 
to  have  had  a  correct  appreciation  of  learning,  and  strong  de 
sires  of  reaping  its  advantages.  Hence,  JOHN  ADAMS,  who  was 
placed  at  college  when  quite  a  boy,  bent  himself  with  alacrity  to 
his  studies,  and  soon  ranked  among  the  best  scholars  in  his  class. 
In  his  class  were  several  students  who  afterward  reached  distinc 
tion  in  various  spheres.  His  career,  at  college,  was  marked  by 
habits  of  study,  strict  sobriety,  punctuality,  and  kind  and  affable 
manners.  His  amusements  and  recreations  were  more  of  that 
quiet  sort, indicative  of  a  meditative  mind,  than  of  the  rollicking, 
gay  diversions,  characteristic  of  a  restless,  adventurous  spirit. 
After  having  graduated,  which  he  did  with  much  credit,  in  1755, 
he  opened  a  grammar  school  in  the  town  of  "Worcester,  Massa 
chusetts.  Teaching  was  not,  to  him,  a  very  congenial  voca 
tion,  yet  it  afforded  excellent  avenues  for  training  his  mind,  and 
giving  him  some  experience  of  men  and  things  about  him.  Its 
irksomeness  tended  also  to  produce  a  desire  to  rise  to  a  position  in 
which  he  would  not  be  necessitated  to  resort  to  the  "  rule  and  rod '" 
lor  his  maintenance. 

Much  of  his  spare  time  was  occupied  in  writing  letters  to  his 
friends.  Some  of  these  were  preserved,  and  reappeared  nearly  a 
half  century  afterward.  We  shall  insert  but  one  of  these,  as 
showing  the  turn  of  his  mind  when  in  his  twentieth  year.  It  was 
written  to  a  young  friend,  as  follows : 

"WORCESTER,  October  12,  1755. 

"  All  that  part  of  creation  which  lies  within  our  observation,  is 
liable  to  change.  Even  mighty  states  and  kingdoms  are  not 
exempted.  If  we  look  into  history,  we  shall  find  some  nations 
rising  from  contemptible  beginnings,  and  spreading  their  influ 
ence  till  the  whole  globe  is  subjected  to  their  sway.  When  they 
have  reached  the  summit  of  grandeur,  some  minute  and  unsus 
pected  cause  commonly  effects  their  ruin,  and  the  empire  of  the 
world  is  transferred  to  some  other  place.  Immortal  Rome  was, 
at  first,  but  an  insignificant  village,  inhabited  only  by  a  few  aban 
doned  ruffians  ;  but,  by  degrees,  it  rose  to  a  stupendous  hight,  and 
excelled  in  arts  and  arms,  all  the  nations  that  preceded  her.  But 
the  demolition  of  Carthage  (what  one  should  think  would  have 


JOHN    ADAMS.  235 

established  her  in  supreme  dominion),  by  removing  all  danger, 
suffered  her  to  sink  into  debauchery,  and  made  her,  at  length,  an 
easy  prey  to  barbarians.  England,  immediately  upon  this,  began 
to  increase  (the  particular  and  minute  causes  of  which  I  am  not 
historian  enough  to  trace)  in  power  and  magnificence,  and  is  now 
the  greatest  power  upon  the  globe.  Soon  after  the  Reformation, 
a  few  people  came  over  into  this  New  World  for  conscience'  sake. 
Perhaps  this  apparently  trivial  incident  may  transfer  the  seat  of 
empire  into  America. 

"  It  looks  likely  to  me ;  for  if  we  can  remove  the  turbulent  Gal 
lics,  our  people,  according  to  the  exactest  computations,  will, 
in  another  century,  become  more  numerous  than  England  itself. 
Should  this  be  the  case,  since  we  have,  I  may  say,  all  the  naval 
stores  in  the  nation  in  our  hands,  it  will  be  easy  to  obtain  mastery 
of  the  seas ;  and  then  the  united  forces  of  all  Europe  will  not  be 
able  to  subdue  us.  The  only  way  to  keep  us  from  setting  up  for 
ourselves,  is  to  disunite  us.  Divide  et  impera.  Keep  us  in 
distinct  colonies,  and  then  some  great  men  in  each  colony,  desir 
ing  the  monarchy  of  the  whole,  they  will  destroy  each  other's 
influence,  and  keep  the  country  in  equilibria. 

"Be  not  surprised  that  I  am  turned  politician.  This  whole 
town  is  immersed  in  politics.  The  interests  of  nations,  and  all  the 
dirce  of  war,  make  the  subject  of  every  conversation.  I  sit  and 
hear,  and  after  having  been  led  through  a  maze  of  sage  observa 
tions,  I  sometimes  retire,  and,  by  laying  things  together,  form 
some  pleasing  reflections  to  myself.  The  produce  of  one  of  these 
reveries  you  have  read  above.  Different  thoughts  and  different 
objects  may  have  drawn  your  thoughts  other  ways.  I  shall  think 
myself  happy  if,  in  your  turn,  you  communicate  your  lucubrations 
to  me.  I  wrote  you  some  time  since,  and  have  waited  with  im 
patience  for  an  answer,  but  have  been  disappointed.  I  hope 
that  the  lady  at  Barnstable  has  not  made  you  forget  your  friend. 
Friendship,  I  take  it,  is  one  of  the  distinguishing  glories  of  man, 
and  the  creature  that  is  insensible  of  its  charms,  though  he  may 
wear  the  shape  of  man,  is  unworthy  of  the  character.  In  this, 
perhaps,  we  bear  a  nearer  resemblance  to  unembodied  intelli 
gences  than  in  any  thing  else.  From  this  I  expect  to  receive  the 
chief  happiness  of  my  future  life ;  and  am  sorry  that  fortune  has 
thrown  me  at  such  a  distance  from  those  of  my  friends  who  have 
the  highest  place  in  my  affections.  But  thus  it  is,  and  I  must 


236  JOHN    ADAMS. 

submit.  But  I  hope  erelong  to  return,  and  live  in  that  familiarity 
that  has,  from  earliest  infancy,  subsisted  between  yourself  and 
affectionate  friend,  UJOHN  ADAMS." 

It  is  pleasing  to  peruse  these  letters,  written  during  the  youth 
of  our  great  men ;  besides,  they  form  an  index  to  qualities,  capa 
cities,  and  the  early  bent  of  dispositions  and  aspirations  that  were 
to  make  them  distinguished. 

Fruitful  themes  there  were  then,  for  political  discussion.  It  was 
the  year  of  Braddock's  defeat,  and  in  the  midst  of  hostilities  be 
tween  England  and  France.  No  wonder  the  future  statesman 
"  turned  politician,"  and  from  the  various  speeches  and  assemblies 
directed  his  mind  to  the  formation  of  "  reflections  pleasing  to 
himself."  The  conclusions  to  which  he  came,  in  regard  to  future 
American  greatness,  were  exceedingly  just.  Though  as  a  literary 
effort  there  is  nothing  extraordinary  in  it,  its  penetration  into  the 
depths  of  the  future  evinces  a  strong  meditative  capacity.  He 
saw  unmistakable  signs,  in  the  convulsions  which  were  tearing 
Europe  to  pieces,  of  the  mighty  spirit  of  popular  will,  that,  from 
the  fragments  of  broken  kingdoms  and  despotisms  was  to  take  its 
chosen  abode  in  America,  as  the  seat  of  empire.  Up  to  the  time 
this  letter  was  written,  he  had  not  settled  upon  what  profession 
he  would  embark  in.  Some  of  his  friends  urged  him  to  the  clergy. 
For  this  vocation  he  had  no  decided  taste.  He  shortly  after  wrote 
his  friend  Cranch  the  following,  which  shows  a  dislike  to  his  situ 
ation  as  a  village  schoolmaster.  #  •  *  #  «  When  the  nim 
ble  hours  have  tackled  Apollo's  coursers,  and  the  gay  deity  mounts 
the  eastern  sky,  the  gloomy  pedagogue  arises  frowning  and  lower 
ing  like  a  black  cloud  begrimed  with  uncommon  wrath,  to  blast 
a  devoted  land.  When  the  destined  time  arrives,  he  enters  upon 
action,  and,  as  a  haughty  monarch  ascends  his  throne,  the  peda 
gogue  mounts  his  awful  great  chair,  and  dispenses  right  and 
justice  through  his  whole  empire.  His  obsequious  subjects  exe 
cute  the  imperial  mandates  with  cheerfulness,  and  think  it  their 
high  happiness  to  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the  emperor. 
Sometimes  paper,  sometimes  penknife,  now  birch,  now  arithme 
tic,  now  a  ferule,  the  A,  B,  c,  then  scolding,  then  flattering,  then 
thwacking,  calls  for  the  pedagogue's  attention.  At  length,  his 
spirits  all  exhausted,  down  comes  pedagogue  from  his  throne,  and 
walks  out  in  awful  solemnity  through  a  cringing  multitude.  In 


JOHN    ADAMS.  237 

the  afternoon,  he  passes  through  the  same  dreadful  scenes,  smokes 
his  pipe  and  goes  to  bed."       *  v     * 

It  was  October,  1756,  before  he  had  decided  upon  his  future 
course  of  life.  The  intermediate  time  had  been  chiefly  devoted  to 
the  duties  of  his  village  school.  His  prospects  were  rather  gloomy 
and  uncertain.  Master  of  no  profession,  without  means  or  friends, 
except  what  he  had  contracted  at  college  or  during  his  school,  he 
had  to  look  about  him  for  the  stepping-stone  to  that  fame  for 
which  he  thirsted.  When  did  energy  and  perseverance,  backed 
by  medium  talents  and  correct  principle,  fail  to  overcome  every 
obstruction  ?  Never  !  He  at  length  determined  to  study  law,  a 
profession  for  which  a  vigorous  physical  constitution,  strong  vocal 
organs,  ready  perceptive  faculties,  industry,  and  more  than  ordi 
nary  attainments,  eminently  qualified  him.  After  he  concluded 
to  read  law,  he  devoted  himself  to  it  with  unwearied  application. 
He  had  to  maintain  himself,  however,  in  the  meantime ;  six  hours 
of  each  day  were  devoted  to  teaching,  and  the  residue  with  com 
mentators  and  writers  on  jurisprudence.  He  made  a  practice 
during  this  time,  of  keeping  a  diary,  in  which  he  entered  the 
various  occurrences  and  incidents  of  the  day,  observations  on  the 
weather,  the  manner  in  which  he  passed  the  day,  etc. 

ADAMS  was  fond  of  reading,  and  read  with  as  candid  and  un 
prejudiced  spirit  as  man  ever  did.  He  took  a  strong  dislike  to 
Calvin,  "  frigid  Calvin,"  as  he  termed  him.  It  has  been  said  that 
the  bigotry  and  intolerance  ascribed  to  Calvin  wras  the  main  thing 
that  induced  in  Adams  a  repugnance  to  the  ministry.  He  read 
Bolingbroke,  and  though  it  had  no  influence,  in  an  infidel  point 
of  view,  he  became  one  of  his  favorite  authors,  whom  he  reperused, 
long  years  after,  with  great  pleasure.  Though  he  denounces 
Bolingbroke's  religion  as  " pompous  folly,"  he  says  "his  style  is 
original  and  inimitable,  resembling  more  the  oratory  of  the 
ancients,  than  any  writings  or  speeches  I  ever  read  in  English. " 
He  also  confesses,  notwithstanding  "Burke  once  asked,  who  ever 
read  him  through  ?"  to  have  perused  his  entire  works  no  less  than 
three  times. 

In  1758,  he  obtained  license  and  commenced  industriously  the 
prosecution  of  his  profession.  For  sometime  after  he  obtained 
his  license,  he  lived  with  his  father  in  the  town  of  Braintree. 
Many  things  tended  to  cast  a  gloom  over  his  feelings.  He  was 
poor  and  in  comparative  obscurity.  Whether  his  efforts  in  his 


238  JOHN     ADAMS. 

profession  would  be  a  failure,  was  a  consideration  of  deepest 
solicitude.  When  not  engaged  in  legal  matters  or  studies,  he 
prepared  some  rules  for  practicable  compliance.  The  following 
are  examples  of  this  species  of  his  labors : 

u  Which,  dear  youth,  will  you  prefer, — a  life  of  effeminacy, 
indolence  and  obscurity,  or  a  life  of  industry,  temperance  and 
honor  ?  Take  my  advice ;  rise  and  mount  your  horse  by  the 
morning's  dawn,  and  shake  away,  amidst  the  great  and  beautiful 
scenes  of  nature  that  appear  at  that  time  of  the  day,  all  the  cru 
dities  that  are  lefi  in  your  stomach,  and  all  the  obstructions  that 
are  left  in  your  brain.  Then  return  to  your  studies  and  bend 
your  whole  soul  to  the  institutes  of  the  law  and  the  reports  of 
cases  that  have  been  adjusted  by  the  rules  in  the  institutes.  Let 
no  trifling  diversions,  or  amusement,  or  company,  decoy  you  from 
your  books :  i.  e.,  no  girl,  no  gun,  no  cards,  no  dress,  no  flutes,  no 
violins,  no  tobacco,  no  laziness. 

"Labor  to  get  distinct  ideas  of  law,  right,  wrong,  justice, 
equity;  search  for  them  in  your  own  mind,  in  Roman,  Grecian, 
French  and  English  treatises  of  natural,  civil,  common  and 
statute  law.  Aim  at  an  exact  knowledge  of  the  nature,  end,  and 
means  of  civil  government.  Study  Seneca,  Cicero,  and  all  other 
good  moral  writers.  Study  Montesquieu,  Bolingbroke,  Vinnius, 
and  all  other  good  civil  writers."  Immediately  after  this,  comes 
the  following :  *  *  *  "I  have  insensibly  fallen  into  the 
habit  of  affecting  wit  and  humor,  of  shrugging  my  shoulders,  and 
moving,  distorting  the  muscles  of  my  face.  My  motions  are 
stiff  and  uneasy,  ungraceful,  and  my  attention  is  unsteady  and 
irregular. 

"These  are  reflections  on  myself  that  I  make.  They  are  faults, 
defects,  fopperies,  follies  and  disadvantages.  Can  I  mend  these 
faults,  and  supply  these  defects?" 

The  disagreeable  feelings  incident  to  his  position,  while  teach 
ing  at  Worcester,  were  sometimes  gladdened  by  the  companion 
ship  of  Mr.  Sewell,  who  had  resolved  also  to  read  law,  and  who 
eventually  attained  some  popularity.  Between  them,  quite  an  inti 
macy  sprang  up.  When  they  were  separated,  quite  a  lengthy  cor 
respondence  ensued,  of  a  very  interesting  nature,  as  exhibiting, 
not  only  their  qualities  of  heart,  but  their  views  confidentially  given 
to  each  other  upon  matters  of  importance,  then  claiming  public 
attention. 


.    JOHN    ADAMS.  239 

"By  the  statutes  of  Charles  the  2d,  and  William  the  3d,  the 
governors  of  the  Court  of  Exchequer,  in  England,  passed  the 
power  to  issue  "writs  of  assistance,"  granting  the  right  of  search 
ing  trunks,  boxes  and  chests,  for  concealed  and  smuggled  valu 
ables.  Governor  Shirly  undertook  to  apply  the  same  process  in 
this  country ;  but,  instead  of  deriving  his  writs  from  the  proper 
source,  he  issued  them  himself.  He  was  remonstrated  with,  upon 
their  illegality.  Application  was  made  to  the  Superior  Court, 
for  its  sanction  to  process.  ADAMS  had  just  begun  to  practice  in 
the  Superior  Court ;  but,  as  yet,  had  but  few  cases.  The  principle 
embodied  in  the  application  was  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  times, 
and  was,  in  one.  sense,  similar  to  those  which  brought  about  the 
Revolution.  Among  the  able  and  eloquent  barristers  attending 
court  at  that  time,  was  James  Otis.  He  managed  the  case  against 
the  application.  Seldom  has  orator  been  more  thoroughly  worked 
up  to  his  theme.  He  made  one  of  those  thrilling  and  rousing 
efforts,  characteristic  of  the  provincial  speakers  of  the  time,  that 
had  such  telling  effect  in  urging  the  colonies  to  revolution. 
ADAMS  listened  to  the  speech  with  profound  attention.  From 
that  day,  his  love  for  his  country  and  opposition  to  foreign  usur 
pation,  was  ardent  and  deep. 

During  the  first  'few  years  of  ADAMS'  legal  career,  he  got  but 
little  business  to  attend  to ;  he  was  careful,  however,  to  devote  his 
hours  of  leisure  to  acquirement  of  some  knowledge  that  would  be 
useful  to  him.  He  was  a  close  and  attentive  reader,  and  obtained 
a  vast  amount  of  information.  In  1761,  he  lost  his  father,  who 
died  of  a  fever.  The  first  office  to  which  Adams  was  ever  elected, 
was  that  of  surveyor  of  the  highway, — a  post  which  had  been 
filled  by  his  father,  grandfather,  and  great  grandfather.  He  de 
voted  himself  now  to  the  study  of  law  with  a  zeal  and  ardor  that 
evinced  a  determination  to  make  himself  thoroughly  master  of  the 
profession.  In  1764,  ADAMS  married  Abigail  Smith,  of  the  town 
of  Weymouth,  a  lady  of  beauty  and  accomplishment.  This  mar 
riage  was  very  happy.  ADAMS  was  immediately  placed  in 
relationship  with  influential  personages,  and  in  the  midst  of  a 
good  practice.  About  this  time,  he  was  made  overseer  of  the 
poor,  and  town  assessor.  An  intimacy,  at  this  time,  sprang  up 
between  ADAMS  and  Dr.  Joseph  Warren.  Warren  was,  indeed, 
his  family  physician,  up  to  the  time  his  martyr  blood  flowed  at 
Bunker  Hill.  ADAMS  continued  the  discharge  of  his  various 


240  JOHN    ADAMS. 

duties  as  attorney,  etc.,  with  devotion  and  fidelity,  without  how 
ever,  gaining  any  great  reputation,  until  the  commencement  of 
troublous  excitements  growing  out  of  the  Stamp  Act.  That 
odious  measure  had  just  fairly  been  originated,  when  he  appealed 
to  the  citizens,  through  a  petition,  to  maintain  their  true  principles 
in  resistance  to  it.  He  drafted  the  instructions  to  their  represen 
tative,  which  were  approved  by  the  citizens,  and  were  afterward 
adopted  by  many  other  places  for  similar  objects.  ADAMS  became 
a  member  of  a  law  club, — a  species  of  legal  association  formed 
for  the  mutual  improvement  of  the  members.  Of  this  society,  he 
was  long  a  member,  and  communicated  to  it  some  able  and  elab 
orately  written  dissertations  upon  law  and  jurisprudence.  From 
the  time  of  the  final  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act,  by  the  British 
Parliament,  in  1765,  ADAMS  became  closely  allied  with  the  friends 
of  colonial  right,  and  intimately  identified  with  the  history  of  his 
country.  The  Stamps  designed  for  the  colony  of  Massachusetts, 
reached  Boston  in  September ;  the  Act  was  to  be  in  full  force  on 
the  1st  of  November.  We  doubt  whether  there  ever  existed 
greater  excitements,  or  more  justifying  causes  for  them.  Boston 
seemed  to  be  the  central  point  of  the  colonial  outbursts.  A  large 
meeting  was  held  in  the  city,  composed  of  the  first  citizens,  fired 
by  the  harangues  of  most  popular  speakers.  This  meeting 
decided  upon  immediate  presentation  of  memorials  to  the  gover 
nor,  denouncing  his  course  in  the  interdiction  of  their  courts, 
which  had  been  done,  because  the  judges  refused  the  use  of  the 
Stamps. 

The  day  after  this  meeting,  ADAMS,  in  connection  with  Otis  and 
Gridley,  was  selected  to  urge  the  memorials.  He  was  gloomy 
enough  under  the  influence  of  surrounding  prospects.  The  very 
state,  of  things  that  was  to  bring  him  upon  the  proper  theater  for 
the  display  of  his  powers,  and  lift  him  into  fame,  he  deplored,  as 
prefiguring  the  destruction  of  all  his  hopes  of  honor  and  distinc 
tion  in  the  legal  profession. 

The  following  entry  was  made  in  his  diary  at  this  time,  showing 
how  he  felt: 

"December  18th,  I  was  but  just  getting  into  my  gears,— just 
getting  under  sail,  and  an  embargo  is  laid  upon  the  ship.  Thirty 
years  of  my  life  have  passed  in  preparation  for  business.  I  have 
had  poverty  to  struggle  with  ;  envy  and  jealousy,  and  malice  of 
enemies  to  encounter ;  no  friends,  or  but  few  to  assist  me ;  BO 


JOHN    ADAMS.  241 

that  I  have  groped  in  dark  obscurity,  till  of  late,  and  had  but  just 
become  known ;  and  gained  a  small  degree  of  reputation,  when 
this  execrable  project  was  set  on  foot  for  my  ruin,  as  well  as  that  of 
America  in  general,  and  of  Great  Britain." 

On  learning  his  selection  to  present  the  memorial,  he  lost  much 
of  his  despondency.  He  seemed  roused  to  a  new  species  of 
ambition  and  duty,  and  resolved  to  plant  himself  firmly  against 
tyranny  and  exactions.  No  time  was  lost  in  preparation  and 
soliloquy.  They  presented  the  petition  in  council,  that  sat  with 
doors  closed.  ADAMS  opened  the  argument  in  a  very  clear,  able, 
and  elaborate  manner.  Though  his  remarks  did  not  partake  of 
the  fire  and  zeal  of  an  Otis,  or  a  Henry,  they  were  of  more 
methodical  depth,  and  were  of  perfect  clearness.  These  efforts, 
however,  effected  nothing  of  importance.  Upon  the  ground  that 
it  was  a  judicial  matter,  it  was  decided  that  the  council  had 
nothing  to  do  with  it.  After  considerable  interruption,  the  courts 
gradually  recommenced  transactions,  while  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act  followed. 

In  those  times  of  turbulent  excitements,  men  frequently  forgot 
their  nobler  attributes  and  natures,  and  gave  way  to  the  worst 
passions.  ADAMS,  ever  meditative,  as  at  his  Worcester  school, 
had  ample  opportunity  of  studying  men  and  things,  and  forming 
conclusions  and  "  reflections  pleasing  to  himself."  In  view  of  the 
social  disorder,  incident  to  the  disturbed  condition  of  the  country, 
he  made,  during  his  argument  in  a  law  case  of  some  importance, 
the  following  remarks :  "  Party  strife  seemed  to  have  wrought  an 
entire  metamorphosis  of  the  human  character ;  it  destroyed  all 
sense  and  understanding;  all  equity  and  humanity;  all  memory 
and  regard  to  truth ;  all  virtue,  honor,  decorum  and  veracity." 

Upon  the  failure  to  accomplish  any  thing  with  the  council  and 
governor,  upon  the  subject  of  the  courts  being  closed,  ADAMS  and 
his  associates  made  to  a  town  meeting,  a  report  of  their  proceedings. 
ADAMS  also  delivered  a  brief  address,  in  which  judicious  hints 
were  thrown  out,  in  reference  to  prompt  and  vigorous  measures. 
The  vote  of  the  meeting,  upon  the  unsatisfactory  reception  of  their 
committee,  was  entirely  unanimous.  The  unbounded  joy  that  pre 
vailed  throughout  the  colonies,  on  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act, 
was  of  short  duration.  The  other  measures  embodying  the  same 
principles,  that  immediately  followed,  were  no  less  intolerable. 

During  all  contests  that  attended  the  development  of  a  series 


242  JOHN    ADAMS. 

of  oppressions  toward  the  colonists,  ADAMS  sided  with  the  resist 
ing  party.  Most  of  his  time  was  devoted  to  his  profession  and 
the  duties  of  a  heavy  and  increasing  practice;  though,  when 
called  upon  to  take  part  in  political  matters  he  complied.  In 
1768,  he  removed  to  Boston,  his  home  being  hitherto  at  Brain- 
tree.  On  his  arrival  in  Boston,  the  office  of  Advocate-General  in 
the  Admiralty  Court,  was  tendered  him  by  Governor  Bernard. 
This  he  declined  accepting.  He  soon  became  immersed  in  lucra 
tive  business.  During  attendance  to  his  professional  duties,  the 
revolutionary  spirit  of  the  colonies,  was  being  fanned  by  perse 
cution  into  a  blaze  that  was  soon  to  burst  over  the  whole  Conti 
nent.  While  the  venerable  Chatham  was  endeavoring  to  quell  the 
war  spirit  in  Parliament,  ADAMS  was  preparing  himself  to  act  a 
great  civic  part  through  the  approaching  period  of  storm.  ADAMS' 
business  of  a  legal  nature,  called  him  to  points  at  some  distance. 
His  practice  embraced  a  circuit  of  many  miles.  During  his 
absence  on  a  professional  tour,  great  changes  were  going  on  in 
Boston.  Governor  and  council  were  clamorous  against  each 
other ;  resistance  was  loudly  called  for ;  a%  convention  met,  and 
took  steps  to  resist  further  aggressions.  He  returned  to  see  his 
adopted  city  menaced  by  warrior  Britons,  while  revolution  was 
opening  its  first  red  page  of  blood.  To  ADAMS,  this  quartering 
of  hostile  troops  in  the  city  of  his  adoption,  was  intensely  mortify 
ing.  In  all  the  controversies  between  the  governor  and  council, 
the  people  and  the  courts,  he  had  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  latter.  We  have  seen  that,  in  the  first  instruction  from  his 
native  town,  to  their  representative,  he  expressed  himself  unequiv 
ocally  on  the  side  of  the  people.  To  Governor  Hutchinson,  who 
had  created,  all  the  time,  great  difficulties,  he  became  an  object 
of  considerable  antipathy ;  with  the  people,  he  was  now  among 
the  most  prominent  men  in  Boston, — he  and  Josiah  Quincy  being 
regarded  somewhat  as  leaders  in  the  popular  movement.  In  the 
Boston  riots,  that  occurred  just  previous,  several  persons  were 
killed,  others  dangerously  wounded.  Men,  against  whom  the 
allegation  of  being  the  perpetrators,  were  taken  prisoners,  and 
subjected  to  trial.  ADAMS  and  Quincy  were  employed  as  counsel 
in  their  defense. 

On  the  6th  of  June,  only  a  short  time  after  the  riots,  ADAMS 
was  elected  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  from  Boston.  This  is 
the  true  starting-point  of  his  rising  fortunes.  He  felt  grateful 


JOHN    ADAMS.  243 

at  the  manifestation  of  confidence,  on  the  part  of  the  people,  con 
veyed  in  his  selection.  He  had,  thus  far,  fought  his  way  through 
cloud  and  gloom,  through  poverty  and  hardship,  from  obscurity 
to  respectable  station  ;  he  now  enjoyed  a  good  business,  and  pos 
sessed  the  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens.  His  star  was  evidently 
in  the  ascendant.  On  the  convention  of  the  next  General  Court, 
ceaseless  causes  of  irritation  immediately  sprang  up.  Most  of 
these  were  intrinsically  of  no  interest  in  themselves,  farther  than 
that  they  tended  to  accelerate  the  great  event  every  one  foresaw 
must  take  place.  ADAMS,  whose  ambition  had  hitherto  been  to 
succeed  in  his  profession,  though  for  the  first  time  a  member,  had 
posted  himself  fully  upon  the  history  and  subjects  of  the  times. 
He  participated  largely  in  the  various  discussions.  His  firmness, 
prudence  and  caution,  gave  him  great  weight  in  the  House.  He 
was  placed  on  several  important  committees,  among  others,  one 
for  the  promotion  of  arts,  manufactures,  agriculture  and  commerce. 
He  was  also  made  one  of  the  committee  on  correspondence,  insti 
tuted  for  the  purpose  of  mutual  protection  and  defense. 

ADAMS  now  left  the  House  to  defend  Captain  Preston,  one  of 
the  principal  men  accused  of  bringing  on  the  Boston  riot.  The 
defense  was  ably  conducted  upon  strictly  legitimate  and  correct 
principles.  As  a  lawyer,  ADAMS'  strength  did  not  consist  in 
powers  of  speech.  As  a  speaker,  he  was  never  gifted  in  any 
sense.  Nor  did  it  consist  in  a  shrewd,  penetrative  acuteness,  that 
drew  out  every  fact,  and  turned  it  to  advantage.  He  had  great 
weight  of  character,  that  threw  influence  upon  his  side  of  cases. 
He  also  had  a  plain,  clear,  and  very  dignified  matter-of-fact 
manner  of  doing  business  and  arguing  cases,  that  gave  him  much 
force  in  all  trials.  This  case  he  conducted  with  considerable 
ability,  and  contrary  to  general  expectation,  procured  a  verdict  of 
acquittal  for  his  client.  Considerable  odium  attached  to  Preston, 
for  the  part  alleged  against  him  in  the  riots,  and  ADAMS'  friends 
urged  him  not  to  undertake  the  case  at  first,  lest  such  a  course 
would  detract  from  his  rising  reputation.  ADAMS  promptly  told 
them  that,  as  a  lawyer,  he  felt  at  liberty  to  enter  upon  the  defense 
of  any  man,  who,  under  the  circumstances,  as  a  client,  might  wish 
to  avail  himself  of  his  services. 

At  the  close  of  these  legal  and  representative  labors,  his  health 
becoming  somewhat  impaired,  he  resolved  to  return  to  his  old 
town,  Braintree,  and  divert  his  mind  from  politics.  He  had, 


244  JOHN    ADAMS. 

however,  so  endeared  himself  to  the  people,  during  the  brief  period 
he  had  been  their  public  servant,  that  though  to  him,  it  was  a 
matter  of  no  small  personal  regret,  to  withdraw  from  them,  was  a 
matter  of  weighty  consideration.  The  succeeding  two  years  of 
his  life,  devoted  to  private  pursuits,  were  full  of  painful  anxieties 
in  regard  to  the  troublous  state  of  affairs. 

John  Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams  were  now  at  variance, 
produced  by  the  obstinacy  of  Hutchinson,  in  the  disputes  in  regard 
to  changing  the  place  of  holding  the  General  Court  sessions  at 
Cambridge.  Differences  between  these  two  leaders  produced  feel 
ings  of  discord  among  their  respective  friends.  While  the  gover 
nor  was  rejoicing  at  this  breach,  through  which  he  expected  eventu 
ally  to  push  all  his  schemes,  ADAMS  was  confident  in  their  ultimate 
failure.  He  was  right.  The  mask  fell  at  length  from  Hutchinson, 
disclosing  him  in  his  true  light.  His  secret  and  confidential  letters 
were  found.  They  showed  plainly  that  he  was  scheming  for  the 
destruction  and  transfer  of  all  colonial  right  to  the  crown.* 

Hutchinson's  machinations,  it  would  seem,  were  now  at  an  end. 
Not  quite  so,  however.  Many  persons  began  to  talk  of  placing 
the  judges  of  the  courts  under  the  control  of  the  king.  This 
would  be  a  virtual  surrender  of  the  patriotic  side  of  the  question. 
Some  men  of  note,  indeed,  advocated  it.  A  man  by  the  name 
6*f  Brattle,  made  himself  particularly  conspicuous  in  the  part 
he  took ;  he  also  favored  the  Stamp  Act.  He  advocated  it  finally, 
in  a  manner  of  great  publicity,  concluding  with  a  challenge  to 
JOHN  ADAMS  to  take  up  the  other  side.  ADAMS  did  take  up  the 
other  side.  In  a  series  of  excellent  articles,  abounding  with 
patriotism,  research  and  depth,  published  in  the  Boston  Gazette, 
1773,  he  refuted  every  argument  of  Brattle,  and  hushed  him  up 
effectually.  On  the  perusal  of  this  reply,  Hutchinson,  exasperated 
by  the  boldness  of  Samuel  and  JOHN  ADAMS,  went  in  person  to  the 
General  Court  of  repreeentatives,  and  advocated  English  authority 
to  regulate  colonial  matters.  This  argument  was  conceded  to  be 
one  of  ability,  and  vastly  superior  to  any  thing  the  governor  had 
ever  before  accomplished.  In  fact,  answers  to  it  were  attempted  by 
able  whigs,  in  England,  which  were  pronounced  almost  failures. 
It  was  a  general  review  of  the  whole  excitements,  going  back  to 
the  grants  of  charters,  with  seemingly  plausible  proofs  to  show  that, 

*See  Life  and  works  of  JOHN  ADAMS. 


JOHN    ADAMS.  245 

from  the  very  charters,  the  mother  country  had  the  exclusive  right 
to  control  her  offspring,  even  though  it  be  with  a  rod  of  iron. 

It  is  said  that  Lord  Campbell  confessed  his  inability  to  reply  to 
this  famous 'document.  On  its  issue,  the  governor  thinking  it 
unanswerable,  conceived  that  the  contended  authority  was  forever 
and  firmly  established.  JOHN  ADAMS  now  entered  upon  the  task 
of  penning  an  answer  to  his  assertions.  No  man  in  the  colony  was 
better  calculated  than  he.  He  refuted  every  argument,  and  came 
off  more  victorious  in  the  last,  than  in  the  first  discussion.  He 
too  went  back  to  the  origin  of  the  colonies, — traced  their  history, 
rise  and  progress,  through  untold  difficulties,  neglect  and  oppres 
sion.  He  showed  clearly  that  the  very  rights  guaranteed  by  the 
charters  were  infringed.  Historically,  he  proved  the  colonies  had 
risen  to  consideration  through  their  own  tremendous  efforts. 
Constitutionally,  he  proved  that  from  the  charters  to  the  grantees, 
colonization  through  its  different  and  delicate  stages,  should  have 
been  protected  by  their  provisions,  and  that  under  those  very  pro 
visions,  could  be  claimed  the  aid  of  those  who  were  first  to  attack 
and  trample  upon  chartered  rights  ;  legally,  he  demonstrated  that 
from  all  law,  divine,  natural,  or  civil,  home,  or  international, 
the  assertions  of  the  crown,  backed  by  Hutchinson,  were  an  in 
fringement  of  colonial  rights,  and  a  violation  of  every  obligation 
expressed  or  implied  in  the  charters. 

The  following  is  the  close  of  this  able  and  searching  production : 
u  The  question  appears  to  us  to  be  no  other  than,  whether  we 
are  the  subjects  of  absolute  unlimited  power,  or  of  a  free  govern 
ment,  formed  on  the  principles  of  the  English  constitution.  If 
your  excellency's  doctrine  be  true,  the  people  of  this  province  hold 
their  lands  of  the  crown  and  the  people  of  England ;  and  their 
lives,  liberties  and  properties,  are  at  their  disposal,  and  that  even 
by  compact  and  their  own  consent,  they  were  subject  to  the 
king,  as  the  head,  alterius  populi,  of  another  people,  in  whose 
legislature  they  have  no  voice  or  interest.  They  are,  indeed,  said 
to  have  a  constitution  and  a  legislature  of  their  own ;  but  your 
excellency  has  explained  it  into  a  mere  phantom,  limited,  controlled, 
superseded  and  nullified,  at  the  will  of  another.  Is  this  the 
constitution  which  so  charmed  our  ancestors,  that,  as  your  excel 
lency  has  informed  us,  they  kept  a  day  of  solemn  thanksgiving  to 
Almighty  God,  when  they  received  it  ?  And  were  they  men  of 
so  little  discernment,  such  children  in  understanding,  as  to  please 


246  JOHN    ADAMS. 

themselves  with  the  imagination  that  they  were  blessed  with  the 
same  rights  and  liberties  which  natural  born  subjects  in  England 
enjoyed,  when,  at  the  same  time,  they  had  fully  consented  to  be 
ruled  and  ordered  by  a  legislature  a  thousand  leagues  from  them, 
which  can  not  be  supposed  to  be  sufficiently  acquainted  with  their 
circumstances,  if  concerned  for  their  interests,  and  in  which  they 
can  not  be  in  any  sense  represented?" 

This  was  a  most  excellent  expose  of  Hutchinson's  fallacious 
reasoning  in  support  of  the  crown,  which  attracted  great  attention, 
especially  from  the  patriotic  party.  Samuel  Adams  and  Mr. 
Hawley,  were  said  to  have  been  concerned  in  the  preparation  of 
the  document, — but  its  merits  have  been  ascribed,  and  we  think 
justly,  to  JOHN  ADAMS.  Hutchinson,  who  had  vaunted  himself 
highly  on  his  argument,  now  saw  his  ephemeral  honors  crumble 
from  his  brow,  before  the  superior  wisdom,  sagacity  and  powers 
of  his  antagonist.  Hutchinson's  prospects  failed,  and  all  his 
schemes  toppled  to  pieces  a  short  time  after  this.  Through  the 
agency  of  Franklin,  a  package  of  letters, — secret,  mischievous 
letters,  was  sent  from  England  to  JOHN  ADAMS.  Among  these 
were  some  from  Hutchinson,  placing,  beyond  all  doubt  or  cavil, 
that  though  colonial  governor,  he  was,  and  had  long  been  con 
niving  to  reduce  the  provinces  to  entire  British  prerogative.  This 
stroke  stretched  him  low,  and  forever,  to  the  scorn  and  contempt 
of  the  people.  ADAMS,  at  the  time,  noted  it  thus,  in  his  diary : 
k*  These  cool  projectors  and  speculators  in  politics,  will  ruin  this 
country.  Bone  of  our  bone,  born  and  educated  among  us ;  Mr. 
Hancock  is  deeply  affected ;  is  determined,  in  conjunction  with 
Major  Hawley,  to  watch  the  wily  serpent,  and  his  deputy  serpent, 
Brattle.  The  subtlety  of  this  serpent  is  equal  to  that  of  the  old 
one." 

The  strong  grounds  taken  by  Adams,  for  the  people,  and 
triumphant  maintenance  of  their  rights,  now  determined  them  to 
place  him  in  a  legislative  capacity.  Just  before  the  election, 
which  took  place,  May  25th,  1773,  he  made  the  following  entry 
in  his  diary,  which  shows,  at  least,  a  heart  above  the  dictates  of 
selfish  motives,  and  a  patriotism  beyond  the  reach  of  faction : 

"May  24,  1773.  To-morrow  is  our  general  election.  The 
plots,  plans,  schemes  and  machinations  of  this  evening  and  night, 
will  be  very  numerous.  By  the  number  of  ministerial,  govern 
mental  people  returned,  and  by  the  secrecy  of  the  friends  of 


JOHN    ADAMS.  247 

liberty,  relating  to  the  grand  discovery  of  the  complete  evidence 
of  the  -whole  mystery  of  iniquity.  I  much  fear  the  election  will 
go  unhappily.  For  myself,  I  own  I  tremble  at  the  thought  of  an 
election.  What  will  be  expected  of  me  ?  "What  will  be  required 
of  me  ?  What  duties  and  obligations  will  result  to  me  from  an 
election?  What  duties  to  my  God,  my  king,  my  country,  my 
family,  my  friends,  myself?  What  perplexities,  intricasies  and 
difficulties  shall  I  be  exposed  to  ?  What  snares  and  temptations 
will  be  thrown  in  my  way  ?  What  self-denials  and  mortifications 
shall  I  be  obliged  to  bear  ? 

"  If  I  should  be  called,  in  the  course  of  Providence,  to  take  a 
part  in  public  life,  I  shall  take  a  fearless,  intrepid,  undaunted  part 
at  all  hazards ;  though  it  shall  be  my  endeavor,  likewise,  to  act  a 
prudent,  cautious,  and  considerate  part.  But,  if  I  should  be  ex 
cused  by  a  non-election,  or  by  the  exertions  of  prerogative,  from 
engaging  in  public  business,  I  shall  enjoy  a  sweet  tranquillity  in 
the  pursuit  of  my  private  business,  in  the  education  of  my  chil 
dren,  and  in  a  constant  attention  to  the  preservation  of  my  health. 
This  last  is  the  most  selfish  and  pleasant  system ;  the  first,  the 
more  generous,  though  arduous  and  disagreeable." 

The  exertions  of  prerogative  did  interfere  with  the  performance 
of  these  public  cares,  from  which  he  expressed  a  more  than  willing 
ness  to  be  exempt.  The  secret  letters,  before-named,  of  Hutchin- 
son,  were  made  the  instrument  of  his  final  removal  from  a  position, 
his  occupancy  of  which,  had  brought  innumerable  difficulties 
to  the  province.  Being  made  generally  known,  the  king  and 
Parliament  were  petitioned  for  his  removal.  He  went  to  England 
to  vindicate  himself,  thinking,  no  doubt,  to  return  again  and 
re-establish  his  unpopular  authority.  He  never  returned,  nor  did 
the  province  lose  much  by  his  absence.  His  withdrawal,  however, 
did  not  settle  the  difficulties  between  the  judges,  courts,  and 
people:  not  long  after  his  departure,  one  of  the  judges,  it  was 
ascertained,  had  accepted  agreements  from  the  crown,  regulative 
of  his  office.  This  created  quite  a  sensation,  and  produced  great 
dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  the  people.  Nothing  now  but  a  bold 
movement  could  put  a  stop  to  the  growing  disposition  on  the  part 
of  public  functionaries,  to  root  out  the  last  remains  of  cherished 
rights ;  no  man  was  better  calculated  to  take  initiatory  steps  to 
that  movement  than  JOHN  ADAMS.  On  his  own  responsibility, 
he  suggested  the  impeachment  of  the  judge,  who  had  thus  set 


248  JOHN    ADAMS. 

colonial  regulations  at  defiance.  The  idea  struck  even  the  patriots 
with  surprise, — they  had  not  thought  of  an  expedient  so  high 
handed  as  that.  After  being  thoroughly  canvassed,  and  all  the  cir 
cumstances  duly  weighed,  it  was  acted  upon.  The  chief  justice 
of  the  Superior  Court,  Oliver,  was  impeached  for  crimes  against 
the  colonies.  On  submission  to  the  representatives,  it  was  sus 
tained  almost  with  unanimity.  Oliver  saw  nothing  could  turn 
the  tide  that  was  washing  his  foundation  away  in  fragments.  He 
convened  the  court,  but  no  business  could  be  transacted.  Every 
body  said  that  hi?  authority  was  at  an  end  until  an  investigation 
of  the  charges.  No  further  attempts  were  made  by  him  to  open 
a  court,  nor  was  it  opened  for  some  time.  This  was  among  the 
boldest  steps  yet  taken  in  the  march  to  revolution.  It  ended 
effectually,  and  forever,  the  career  and  influence  of  Hutchinson 
and  his  coadjutors  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts. 

These  events  were  followed  by  still  greater  excitements.  Gen 
eral  Gage  was  placed  in  higher  authority, — his  jurisdiction  was 
extended,  and  his  army  increased.  Next  came  more  overt  acts 
of  hostility, — and  then  the  famous  Boston  Tea  Party.  We  were 
now  precipitated  into  an  actual  war, — a  national  life  or  death 
grapple.  ADAMS  had  now  for  some  time  been  in  a  state  of  depres 
sion.  Out  of  business,  because  the  courts  were  close.d, — warmly 
devoted  to  a  profession  he  could  not  follow,  because  barred  from  its 
pursuits  by  the  turbulence  of  the  times,  and  not  being  over-confi 
dent  of  success  in  the  contest,  which  had  in  reality  commenced, 
he  sometimes  gave  way  to  forebodings,  which,  if  they  were  not 
gloomy,  were  certainly  not  hopeful  or  buoyant.  He  had,  all  along, 
sided  with  the  people  in  every  instance  where  their  rights  came  to 
be  disputed,  or  assailed  by  the  prerogative, — and  there  he  was 
certain  to  remain.  A  letter  written  from  Boston  about  this  time, 
to  his  wife,  shows  the  state  of  his  feelings : 

"BOSTON,  May  12,  1774. 

"  My  own  infirmities,  the  account  of  the  return  of  yours,  and 
the  public  news,  coming  all  together,  have  put  my  philosopy  to 
the  test.  We  live,  my  dear  soul,  in  an  age  of  trial.  What  will 
be  the  consequence  I  know  not.  The  town  of  Boston,  for  aught 
I  can  see,  must  suffer  martyrdom.  It  must  expire.  And  our 
principal  consolation  is,  that  it  dies  in  a  noble  cause, — the  cause 
of  truth,  of  virtue,  of  liberty  and  of  humanity,  and  that  it  will 


JOHN    ADAMS.  249 

probably  have  a  glorious  resurrection  to  greater  wealth,  splendor 
and  power  than  ever. 

"Let  me  know  what  is  best  for  us  to  do.  It  is  expensive  keep 
ing  a  family  here,  and  there  is  no  prospect  of  any  business  in  my 
way  in  this  town  all  summer.  I  don't  receive  a  shilling  a  week. 
We  must  contrive  as  many  ways  as  we  can  to  save  expenses  ;  for 
we  may  have  urgent  calls  to  contribute,  in  proportion  to  our  cir 
cumstances,  to  prevent  other  very  honest  people  from  suffering  for 
want,  beside  our  own,  in  point  of  business  and  profit. 

"  Don't  imagine  from  all  this,  that  I  am  in  the  dumps ;  I  can 
truly  say,  that  I  have  felt  more  spirits  and  activity  since  the 
arrival  of  this  news,  than  I  have  done  for  years.  I  look  upon 
this  as  the  last  effort  of  Lord  North's  despair,  and  he  will  as 
surely  be  defeated  in  it,  as  he  was  in  the  project  of  the  tea." 

Though  this  note  does  not  indicate  that  fire,  zeal,  and  enthusi 
asm,  that  emanated  from  most  of  the  revolutionary  patriots  at 
this  time,  it  conveys  a  perfect  idea  of  that  calm  collectedness  of 
mind,  and  clearness  of  judgment,  that  marked  ADAMS  through 
life. 

Here  commences  the  influential  part  of  ADAMS'  political  career. 
Hitherto,  wedded  to  his  profession  and  private  pursuits,  he  had 
shunned,  rather  than  courted,  the  suffrages  of  the  people.  A  little 
after  the  tea  destruction,  the  representatives  met,  and  with  doors 
locked,  resolved  to  recommend  the  assemblage  at  Philadelphia, 
of  delegates  from  each  colony,  to  take  matters  into  their  own 
hands.  Notwithstanding  efforts  were  made  to  silence  their  delibe 
rations,  and  dissolve  the  meeting,  the  resolution  was  carried. 
Nor  did  they  stop  here ;  they  proceeded  to  select  those  regarded 
as  best  calculated  to  protect  their  interest  in  that  important  con 
ference. 

Among  those  selected  was  JOHN  ADAMS.  He  was  now  unex 
pectedly  thrown  forward  to  a  responsible  position.  These  move 
ments  virtually  abolished  foreign  supremacy,  and  ended  the 
haughty  reign  of  provincial  governors  in  the  Bay  State.  ADAMS, 
though  he  had  firmly  determined  to  stand  by  the  cause,  had  his 
doubts  in  regard  to  the  result  of  a  Congressional  convention.  His 
timidity,  however,  was  purely  patriotic.  He  wrote  the  following 
to  his  wife,  while  absent  on  a  professional  tour:  "I  must  prepare 
for  a  journey  to  Philadelphia.  A  long  journey  indeed  ;  but  if  the 
length  of  the  journey  were  all,  it  would  be  no  burden ;  but  the 
17 


250  JOHN    ADAMS. 

consideration  of  what  is  to  be  done,  is  of  great  weight.  Great 
things  are  wanted  to  be  done,  and  little  things  only,  I  fear,  can  be 
done.  I  dread  the  thought  of  the  Congress  foiling  short  of  the 
expectations  of  the  Continent,  but  especially  of  the  people  of  the 
province.  Vapors  avaunt!  I  will  do  my  duty,  and  leave  the 
event.  If  I  want  the  approbation  of  my  own  mind,  whether 
applauded  or  censured,  blessed  or  cursed  by  the  world,  I  will  not 
be  unhappy.  I  must  entreat  you,  my  dear  partner,  in  all  the  joys 
and  sorrows  prosperity  and  adversity  of  my  life,  to  take  a  part 
with  me  in  the  struggle.  I  pray  God  for  your  health,  and  entreat 
you  to  rouse  your  whole  attention  to  the  family,  the  stock,  the 
farm,  and  the  dairy.  Let  every  article  of  expense  which  can  pos 
sibly  be  spared  be  retrenched.  Keep  the  hands  attentive  to  their 
business,  and  let  the  most  prudent  measures  of  every  kind,  be 
adopted  and  pursued  with  alacrity  and  spirit." 

On  the  10th  of  August  the  delegates  from  Massachusetts  started 
for  Philadelphia,  to  participate  in  the  proceedings  of  that  grand 
old  Continental  Congress,  the  joyful  precursor  of  freedom,  peace, 
and  greatness.  Here  ADAMS  was  thrown  in  contact  with  the 
ablest  men  of  those  mighty  times,  nor  suffered  from  the  contrast. 
Going  to  meet  a  Congress  composed  of  men  from  all  the  colonies, 
as  delegates  seeking  assistance  for  the  protection  of  one,  placed 
the  Massachusetts  members  in  a  situation  different  from  most  of 
the  others.  Their  business  was  to  make  the  outrages  committed 
against  her  cities,  trade,  and  commerce,  a  general  cause.  Could 
they  do  it  ?  Would  the  other  colonies  enter  into  the  contest  with 
ardor  and  enthusiasm  ?  These  were  questions  on  which,  in  the 
mind  of  ADAMS,  remained  some  doubt.  All  fears,  however,  were 
soon  dissipated.  Immediately  on  the  convention  of  Congress,  he 
said  the  following  words :  "This  day  (September  17)  convinced 
me,  that  America  will  support  Massachusetts,  or  perish  with  her." 

That  first  Congress  was  composed  of  a  remarkable  body  of  men, 
in  some  respects  the  most  remarkable  that  ever  convened  in  this 
country.  Fired  by  the  zeal  and  impetuosity  of  the  Eutledges 
and  Harrisons  from  the  south, — sustained  by  the  tornado-like 
appeals  of  Patrick  Henry  and  Eichard  Henry  Lee  from  Virginia, — 
purified  by  the  virtue  of  Jay, — tempered  by  the  wisdom  and  pru 
dence  of  Samuel  and  JOHN  ADAMS,  it  was  a  body  heterogeneous 
in  opinion,  yet  not  in  feeling.  Three  opinions  prevailed  with 
their  respective  advocates;  some  wished  things  pushed  to  an 


JOHN    ADAMS.  251 

immediate  crisis ;  others  thought  that  no  active  steps  should  be 
taken, — still  harboring  the  idea  of  peace;  while  a  third  party 
advocated  the  non-importation  and  exportation  agreements,  be 
lieving  that  such  a  course  would  change  the  ministerial  tone. 
ADAMS  says  of  this  body :  "  Fifty  gentlemen  meeting  together,  all 
strangers,  are  not  acquainted  with  each  other's  language,  ideas, 
views,  and  designs.  They  are  therefore  jealous  of  each  other, 
fearful,  timid,  skittish.  The  art  and  address  of  embassadors  from 
a  dozen  belligerent  powers  of  Europe,  nay,  of  a  conclave  of  car 
dinals  at  the  election  of  a  pope,  or  of  the  princes  in  Germany  at 
the  choice  of  an  emperor,  would  not  exceed  the  specimens  we 
have  seen.  Yet  the  Congress  all  profess  the  same  political  prin 
ciples.  They  all  profess  to  consider  our  province  as  suffering 
in  the  common  cause ;  and,  indeed,  they  seem  to  feel  for  us  as  if 
for  themselves."  He  goes  on  to  say :  "  "We  have  had  numberless 
prejudices  to  remove  here.  We  have  been  obliged  to  act  with 
great  delicacy  and  caution.  We  have  been  obliged  to  keep  our 
selves  out  of  sight,  and  to  feel  pulses  and  to  sound  the  depths ;  to 
insinuate  our  sentiments,  designs,  and  desires,  by  means  of  other 
persons ;  sometimes  of  one  province  and  sometimes  of  another. 
Patience,  forbearance,  long-suffering  are  the  lessons  taught  here 
for  our  province,  and  at  the  same  time  open  an  absolute  resistance 
to  the  new  government.  *  *  *  *  I  may  venture  to  tell 
you  that  I  believe  we  shall  agree  to  the  non-importation,  non- 
consumption,  and  non-exportation  agreements,  but  not  to  com 
mence  as  soon  as  I  could  wish." 

ADAMS  was  one  of  the  committee  that  prepared  the  celebrated 
Bill  of  Rights,  elsewhere  spoken  of.  While  on  this  committee, 
he  took  the  opportunity  of  departing  from  the  restrictive  circum 
ference  of  human  liberty,  and  asserted  the  broad  principles  of 
natural  freedom,  as  embodied  in  our  subsequent  Declaration. 
His  ideas  were  not  incorporated  into  the  report  of  the  committee, 
being  opposed  by  the  conservative  members  as  tending  to  retard 
negotiations  with  England,  hopes  of  which  were  still  entertained. 

Next  came  a  subject  for  consideration  more  difficult  than  all. 
Parliamentary  power  over  the  colonies  was  to  be  specified.  What 
were  those  powers  to  be,  and  for  how  long?  Samuel  Adams 
denied  the  existence  of  any  power.  JOHN  ADAMS  agreed  with 
him,  but  urged  "  consent "  to  just  enough  for  pacific  objects. 
ADAMS,  in  view  of  this  state  of  feeling,  advocated  the  sentiments 


252  JOHN    ADAMS. 

embraced  in  the  following  resolution  :  "  Resolved,  That  the  foun 
dation  of  English  liberty,  and  of  all  free  government,  is  a  right  in 
the  people  to  participate  in  their  legislative  councils  ;  and  as  the 
English  colonies  are  not  represented,  and  from  their  local,  and 
other  circumstances,  cannot  be  properly  represented  in  the  British 
Parliament,  they  are  entitled  to  a  free  and  exclusive  power  of 
legislation  in  their  several  provincial  legislatures,  where  their 
right  of  representation  can  alone  be  preserved,  in  all  cases  of  taxa 
tion  and  internal  polity,  subject  only  to  the  negative  of  their  sove 
reign,  in  such  manner  as  has  been  heretofore  used  and  accustomed. 
But,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  a  regard  to  the  mutual 
interests  of  both  countries,  we  cheerfully  consent  to  the  operation 
of  such  acts  of  Parliament  as  are  lona  fide  restrained  to  the  regu 
lation  of  our  external  commerce,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the 
commercial  advantages  of  the  whole  empire  to  the  mother  country 
and  the  commercial  benefits  of  its  respective  members  ;  excluding 
every  idea  of  taxation,  internal  or  external,  for  raising  a  revenue 
on  the  subjects  in  America  without  their  consent." 

This  resolution  was  not  satisfactory.  Parliamentary  control  of 
trade  was  next  insisted  upon.  ADAMS  opposed.  This  power, 
however,  was  finally  conceded.  Congress  adjourned,  after  delibe 
rating  about  two  months.  The  most  important  business  trans 
acted,  was  the  adoption  of  the  "agreements."  Its  convention, 
however,  produced  good  results.  It  showed  greater  unanimity 
of  feeling  than  could  have  been  expected,  in  regard  to  a  struggle 
upon  the  threshold  of  which  we  stood  without  sword,  spear,  shield 
or  helmet.  The  wisdom  of  the  American  people  was  first  called 
out  in  an  aggregate  body.  It  shone  most  conspicuously, — so 
much  so  that  Chatham,  himself,  though  he  said  he  had  read 
Thucydides,  and  studied  the  ablest  masters,  he  had  never  seen  it 
excelled.  We  know  not, — will  never  know, — how  much  we  owe 
to  that  Continental  Congress.  ADAMS,  who  had  gone  into  its 
deliberations  right  from  the  seat  of  highest  agitation,  was  firm 
and  unflinching  in  his  opposition  to  any  measures  in  the  least 
favorable  to  a  recognition  of  English  power  to  control  the  colonies 
without  representation.  Though  he  favored  the  non -importation 
and  non-exportation  agreements,  he  did  not  attach  the  efficacious 
influences  to  their  operation  entertained  by  many  other  members. 
Enough  had  been  done,  at  least,  to  show  to  the  world  that,  in 
the  contingency  of  war,  America  stood  ready  to  fight,  and  fight 


JOHN    ADAMS.  253 

to  the  death.  Enough,  too,  had  been  done  to  show  clearly,  that 
the  cause  of  Massachusetts  would  be  made  that  of  the  whole 
country.  To  these  results  ADAMS  had  contributed  very  much. 
He  took  no  neutral  ground,  unless  to  conciliate  some  members 
sufficiently  to  get  their  support  upon  measures  vitally  important. 
He  could  return  to  the  people,  whose  interests  he  was  deputed  to 
subserve,  with  a  clear  consciousness  of  having  done  what  was 
required,  and  helped  to  relieve  their  fears  of  besieged  isolation. 

To  ADAMS,  that  convention  proved  just  the  kind  of  school  he 
needed,  to  prepare  himself  for  the  high  positions  he  was  destined 
to  fill.  His  knowledge  of  the  great  concerns  of  the  country  had 
before  been  chiefly  confined  to  Boston,  and  his  circuit.  He  had 
now  enjoyed  friendly  communion  with  the  best  men  of  the  coun 
try,  and  measured  strength,  in  political  discussions,  with  the  ablest 
intellects.  Everywhere  he  formed  acquaintances  and  attachments 
esteemed,  valuable,  and  lasting.  He  left  that  body  with  a  higher 
degree  of  hope,  a  more  exalted  idea  of  duty,  and  a  juster  concep 
tion  of  his  capacity  to  serve  his  country.  Whetted  against  the 
other  great  intellects  that  moved  around  him,  he  left  Philadelphia 
with  his  own  sharpened  to  keener  edge  and  more  elastic  appli 
cation. 

ADAMS,  however,  was  always  inclined  to  view  things  on  the 
darkest  side.  His  experience  in  the  convention  did  not  do  away 
with  this  inclination.  On  his  way  home,  he  perceived  that  oppo 
sition  to  the  "-agreements  "  was  ripe.  This  spirit  had  been  stirred 
by  a  set  of  newspaper  scribblers  and  getters  up  of  documents 
boding  the  ruin  of  the  country,  and  appealing  to  men  most  inter 
ested,  for  resistance. 

On  his  return  home  he  was  elected  to  the  provincial  Congress, 
and  served  with  accustomed  fidelity  until  its  adjournment.  During 
the  winter  of  1774,  he  published,  in  the  Boston  Gazette,  a  series 
of  articles  over  the  signature  of  "  Novanglus,"  which,  for  the  his 
torical  knowledge  they  contained  of  the  colonial  difficulties,  were 
subsequently  several  times  republished.  They  are  now  to  be 
found  in  the  works  of  ADAMS.  They  were  written  in  reply  to 
some  very  able  letters  published  in  behalf  of  the  loyalists.  He 
bestowed  no  pains  upon  their  finish,  further  than  was  necessary 
to  truth  and  argument.  As  literary  productions,  they  possess  no 
very  great  merit.  ADAMS,  indeed,  was  not  a  writer  of  elegance 
or  grace ;  yet  he  was  clear  and  forcible.  He  was  again  appointed 


254  JOHN    ADAMS. 

to  the  Continental  Congress,  which  met  in  the  spring  of  1775. 
The  whole  aspect  of  affairs,  in  the  meantime,  underwent  a  great 
change.  A  change  of  ministry,  anxious  for  hostilities,  had  taken 
place  in  England.  The  colonies  too,  goaded  on  by  continued 
oppression,  were  not  so  averse,  and  ceased  to  expect  conciliation. 
In  New  York,  the  excitement  ran  high.  Congress  had  not  con 
vened,  when  the  clash  of  arms  at  Concord  announced  the  first 
active  scene  in  the  great  war  drama.  In  view  of  events,  ADAMS 
wrote  thus,  while  on  his  way  to  Congress,  just  after  having  viewed 
the  scene  of  skirmish :  "  Lord  North  will  certainly  be  disappointed 
in  his  expectation  of  seducing  New  York.*  Dr.  Cooper  has  fled 
on  board  a  man-of-war,  and  the  tories  are  humbled  in  the  dust." 
On  reaching  Philadelphia,  he  thus  wrote :  "  It  would  take  sheets 
of  paper  to  give  a  description  of  the  reception  the  delegates  have 
met  here.  The  militia  were  all  in  arms,  and  the  whole  city  out 
to  meet  them.  *  *  *  Our  business  is  more  extensive 
and  complicated, — more  affecting  and  hazardous, — ~but  OUT  una 
nimity  will  not  l)e  less." 

Soon  after  Congress  had  convened,  he  wrote  thus :  u  No  assem 
bly  ever  had  a  greater  number  of  greater  objects  before  them. 
Provinces,  nations,  empires  are  small  things  before  us.  I  wish 
we  were  good  architects."  To  all  further  pacific  overtures,  in  the 
shape  of  petition,  etc.,  of  which  it  will  be  remembered  Dickinson 
was  a  strong  advocate,  ADAMS  was  strongly  opposed,  and  main 
tained  his  opposition  with  clear  and  forcible  argumentation.  His 
arguments,  and  the  efforts  of  those  who  acted  with  him,  did  some 
good.  Though  petition  was  agreed  to,  vigorous  measures 'of  de 
fense  were  entered  upon,  in  case  of  their  failure  to  effect  any  good 
results. 

Throughout  the  deliberations  of  that  Congress,  ADAMS  was  a 
consistent  advocate  of  resistance  to  the  measures  of  England,  and 
a  resort  to  arms.  He  did  all  in  his  power  to  secure  the  selection 
of  Washington  for  the  post  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies. 
On  the  accomplishment  of  that  desire,  he  thus  wrote:  "  I  can  now 
inform  you,  that  the  Congress  have  made  choice  of  the  modest, 
generous,  the  amiable,  the  virtuous,  and  brave  George  Washing 
ton,  Esq.,  to  be  general  of  the  American  army,  and  that  he  is  to 
repair  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  camp  before  Boston.  This 

*  Great  efforts  had  been  made  to  keep  her  out  of  the  union. 


JOHN    ADAMS.  255 

appointment  will  have  a  great  effect  in  cementing  and  securing 
the  union  of  these  colonies" 

Just  after  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  he  imprudently  wrote  the 
following  letters  to  friends  at  home,  which  he  dispatched  by  a 
courier,  without  thinking  they  might  never  reach  their  destination. 
The  one  to  his  wife  runs  thus:  "It  is  now  almost  three  months 
since  I  left  you ;  in  every  part  of  which  my  anxiety  about  you  and 
the  children,  as  well  as  our  country,  has  been  extreme.  The  busi 
ness  I  have  had  on  my  mind  has  been  as  great  and  important  as 
can  be  intrusted  to  man,  and  the  difficulty  and  intricacy  of  it 
prodigious.  "When  fifty  or  sixty  men  have  a  constitution  to  form 
for  a  great  empire,  at  the  same  time  that  they  have  a  country  of 
fifteen  hundred  miles'  extent  to  fortify, — millions  to  arm  and 
train, — a  naval  power  to  begin, — an  extensive  commerce  to  regu 
late, — numerous  tribes  of  Indians  to  negotiate  with, — a  standing 
army  of  twenty  thousand  men  to  raise, — pay  officers  and  victual 
troops,  I  really  shall  pity  those  fifty  or  sixty  men.  I  wish  I  had 
given  you  a  complete  history,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end,  of 
the  behavior  of  my  compatriots.  No  mortal  tale  can  equal  it.  I 
will  tell  you,  in  future,  but  you  must  keep  it  secret.  The  fidgets, 
the  whims,  the  caprice,  the  vanity,  the  superstition,  the  irritability 
of  some  of  us,  is  enough  to — ."  His  letter  to  General  Warren 
was  still  worse : — 

"  July  24th.  I  am  determined  to  write  freely  to  you,  this  time. 
A  certain  great  fortune  and  piddling  genius,  whose  fame  has  been 
trumpeted  so  loudly,  has  given  a  silly  cast  to  our  whole  doings. 
We  are  between  hawk  and  buzzard.  We  ought  to  have  had  in 
our  hands,  a  month  ago,  the  whole  legislature,  executive  and  judi 
cial,  of  the  whole  Continent,  and  have  completely  modeled  a  Con 
stitution  ;  to  have  raised  a  naval  power,  and  opened  all  our  ports 
wide ;  to  have  arrested  every  friend  on  the  Continent,  and  held 
them  as  hostages  for  the  poor  victims  in  Boston  ;  and  then  opened 
the  door  as  wide  as  possible  for  peace  and  reconciliation.  After 
this,  they  might  have  petitioned,  negotiated,  addressed,  etc.,  if 
they  would.  Is  all  this  extravagant ?  Is  it  wild?  Is  it  not  the 
soundest  policy  ? 

"  One  piece  of  news.  Seven  thousand  pounds  of  powder  arrived 
last  night.  We  shall  send  you  some  of  it  as  soon  as  we  can,  but 
you  must  be  patient  and  frugal.  We  are  lost  in  the  extensiveness 
of  our  field  of  business.  We  have  a  continental  treasury  to  estab- 


256  JOHN    ADAMS. 

lish,  a  paymaster  to  choose,  and  a  committee  of  correspondence, 
safety,  or  accounts,  or  something,  I  know  not  what,  that  has  con 
founded  us  all  this  day." 

"Shall  I  hail  you  speaker  of  the  House,  or  counselor,  or  what? 
What  kind  of  an  election  had  you  ?  What  sort  of  magistrates  do 
you  intend  to  make  ?  Will  your  new  legislature  or  executive  feel 
bold  or  irresolute  ?  Will  your  judicial  hang,  and  fine,  and  im 
prison  without  scruple?  I  want  to  see  our  distressed  country 
very  much,  once  more,  yet  I  dread  the  sight  of  devastation.  You 
observe,  in  your  letter,  the  oddity  of  a  great  man.  He  is  a  queer 
creature ;  but  you  must  love  his  dogs,  if  you  love  him,  and  forgive 
a  thousand  whims  for  the  sake  of  the  soldier  and  the  scholar." 

The  British  intercepted  these  letters,  just  as  the  bearer  was 
approaching  Boston.  They  were  published  by  order  of  General 
Gage,  and  cut  quite  a  figure  for  a  time.  They  were  ridiculed, 
paraphrased,  satirized,  and  the  writer  jeered  in  every  conceivable 
shape.  They  tended,  for  a  while,  to  make  ADAMS  unpopular. 
He,  in  fact,  was  often  shunned  in  the  street,  and  regarded  by  many, 
who  were  not  as  ripe  for  extreme  measures  as  himself,  as  proving 
recreant  to  the  best  interests  of  his  country.  Circumstances  proved 
that  he  was  right.  The  petitions  and  remonstrances  forwarded  to 
England,  at  the  instance  of  those  who  had  less  nerve  than  himself, 
were  treated  with  perfect  and  silent  contempt.  Dickinson,  who 
had,  heretofore,  been  the  advocate  of  these  pacific  overtures,  was 
even  himself  astounded  at  the  bold,  imperious  tone  of  the  British 
ministry.  Congress  did  much  to  carry  out  the  spirit,  so  vividly 
manifest,  of  resorting  to  arms  ;  they  organized  and  equipped  an 
army,  and  appointed  its  officers  from  the  highest  grade  to  the 
lowest. 

Notwithstanding  Congress  had  made  considerable  preparation, 
enough  had  not  been  done  to  satisfy  ADAMS.  When  the  question 
of  adjournment  came  to  be  considered,  he  opposed  it  with  energy. 
Contrary,  however,  to  his  wishes,  the  house  adjourned. 

ADAMS  now  had,  as  he  thought,  a  brief  respite  from  public 
cares,  and  returned  to  the  bosom  of  his  family  for  its  enjoyment. 
His  time  was  trenched  upon,  however,  by  calls  from  his  friends, 
and  the  necessities  of  his  country.  The  provincial  council  of 
Massachusetts,  a  very  deficient  form  of  State  government,  was  in 
session  at  the  adjournment  of  Congress.  Thither  he  was  called, 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  his  influence  and  powers  in  behalf  of  its 


JOHN    ADAMS.  257 

interests.  Having  completed  these  labors,  he  started  again  to 
Philadelphia  as  a  member  of  Congress.  Soon  after  his  arrival  in 
that  city,  he  thus  wrote  to  his  wife : 

"  I  arrived  here  in  good  health,  after  an  agreeable  journey,  last 
Wednesday.  There  had  not  been  members  enough  to  make  a 
House,  several  colonies  being  absent,  so  that  I  was  just  in  time. 
The  next  day  an  adequate  number  appeared,  and  Congress  have 
sat  ever  since.  Georgia  is  now  fully  represented,  and  united  to 
the  other  twelve.  Their  delegates  are  Zubly,  a  clergyman  of  the 
Independent  persuasion,  who  has  a  parish  in  that  colony,  and  a 
good  deal  of  property.  He  is  a  native  of  Switzerland,  is  a  man 
of  learning  and  ingenuity.  It  is  said,  he  is  master  of  several 
languages,  Greek,  Latin,  French,  Dutch  and  English.  In  the 
latter,  it  is  said,  he  writes  tolerably.  He  is  a  man  of  zeal  and 
spirit,  as  we  have  already  seen  upon  several  occasions. 

"  Mr.  Bullock  is  another  of  the  Georgian  delegates ;  a  sensible 
man,  a  planter,  I  suppose.  Mr.  Houston  is  the  third ;  a  young 
lawyer  of  modesty,  spirit,  and  sense ;  which,  you  will  say,  is  uncom 
mon.  Mr.  Jones  and  Dr.  Hall  are  not  yet  arrived. 

uMr.  Henry  is  made  a  general  in  Virginia,  and  therefore  could 
not  come.  Mr.  Pendleton  and  Colonel  Bland,  excused  themselves 
on  account  of  age  and  ill  health.  Messrs.  Nelson,  Wythe,  and 
Lee,  are  chosen,  and  are  here  in  the  stead  of  the  other  three. 
"Wythe  and  Lee  are  inoculated:  you  shall  hear  more  about  them. 
Although  they  came  in  the  room  of  very  good  men,  we  have  lost 
nothing  I  believe." 

By  his  favoring  such  active  measures  of  hostility,  ADAMS  had 
rendered  himself  odious  to  a  large  number  of  old  friends,  who, 
though  equally  patriotic,  differed  so  widely  from  him  on  questions 
of  policy,  that  they  regarded  him  as  departing  from  the  correct 
course,  and  creating  a  barrier  to  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  diffi 
culties. 

It  seems  strange  that,  after  the  days  of  Lexington  and  Bunker 
Hill,  people  should  be  so  blind,  as  to  hope  for  other  than  a  peace 
conquered  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Dickinson,  through  whose 
agency  the  last  petition  had  been  drawn  and  presented,  was  par 
ticularly  severe  in  his  hostile  feelings  toward  ADAMS.  They  met 
in  the  street  one  day,  and  Dickinson  refused  to  recognize  him. 
ADAMS  was  rather  an  independent  man,  but  in  some  respects, 
possessed  a  sensitiveness  amounting  almost  to  timidity. 


258  JOHN    ADAMS. 

Insignificant  as  was  this  trifling  affair,  he  made  an  entry  of  it 
in  his  diary. 

The  letters  which  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  British, 
indeed,  afforded  grounds  to  some,  for  heaping  upon  ADAMS  all 
sorts  of  abuse  and  denunciation.  Forgetful  of  the  fact,  that  they 
were  confidential, — written  to  bosom  friends, — his  enemies  availed 
themselves  of  them,  to  stigmatize  the  author.  JOHN  and  Samuel 
Adams,  those  bold,  intrepid  spirits  of  right,  now  began  openly  to 
advocate  independence.  They  were  seconded  by  the  Lees,  and 
others  of  no  less  lenown  for  their  eloquence,  power,  and  patriotism. 
The  measure  had  its  opponents  too,  chief  among  whom,  figured 
Dickinson.  Never  in  any  country,  or  on  the  floor  of  any  house, 
did  a  legislative  assembly  discuss  with  greater  force  or  fervor,  the 
bearings  of  a  measure.  Never  did  political  deliberations  present 
a  sublimer  spectacle,  or  one  more  worthy  a  great  nation. 

About  this  time,  also,  two  other  projects,  in  which  ADAMS  felt 
deep  interest,  received  consideration.  These  were  steps  to  the 
establishment  of  a  navy,  and  the  formation  of  State  governments. 
In  this  latter  measure,  ADAMS  figured  as  one  of  the  committee, 
and  aided  in  the  several  plans  presented.  The  institution  of  State 
governments,  was  an  independent  assumption,  and  received  strong 
opposition.  Speaking  of  this  opposition,  and  the  variance  of 
members,  ADAMS  said:  "Our  councils  have  been  hitherto  too 
fluctuating;  one  day,  measures  for  carrying  on  the  war  were 
adopted ;  the  next,  nothing  must  be  done  that  would  widen  the 
unhappy  breach  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies.  As 
these  different  ideas  have  prevailed,  our  conduct  has  been  directed 
accordingly.  *  *  *  Thank  God,  the  happy  day  which  I 
have  long  wished  for,  is  at  length  arrived ;  the  southern  colonies 
no  longer  entertain  jealousies  of  the  northern ;  they  no  longer 
look  back  to  Great  Britain ;  they  are  convinced  that  they  have 
been  pursuing  a  phantom,  and  that  their  only  course  is  a  vigorous 
and  determined  defense.  One  of  the  gentlemen,  who  has  been 
most  sanguine  for  pacific  measures,  and  very  jealous  of  the  New 
England  colonies,  addressing  me  in  the  style  of  Brother  Rebel, 
told  me  he  was  now  ready  to  join  us  heartily :  '  We  have  got,' 
says  he,  'a  sufficient  answer  to  our  petitions;  I  want  nothing 
more;  but,  am  ready  to  declare  ourselves  independent,  send 
ambassadors,'  etc.,  and  much  more,  which  prudence  forbids  me  to 
commit  to  paper. 


JOHN    ADAMS.  259 

"  Our  resolutions  will  henceforth  be  spirited,  clear,  and  deci 
sive.  May  the  supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe  direct  and  prosper 
them." 

While  amid  these  labors,  ADAMS  was  made,  by  his  constituents, 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Superior  Court,  which  was  re-established 
during  that  session  of  Congress.  He  was  called  to  this  post  with 
a  high  degree  of  unanimity  on  the  part  of  the  people.  He,  there 
fore,  withdrew  from  Congress  before  the  close  of  the  session, 
for  the  purpose  of  conferring  with  the  council  in  regard  to  his 
new  duties.  In  this  position  he  came  fully  up  to  the  expectations 
of  his  friends.  He  gave  dignity  and  stability  to  the  council,  and 
maintained  strictly  the  supremacy  of  the  law.  His  advice  and 
opinions  were  sought  after  by  men  of  prominence,  upon  vital  and 
important  matters,  and  always  received  great  weight.  On  the 
9th  of  February,  1775,  he  resumed  his  labors  in  Congress ;  Gerry, 
Paine,  Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams  were  among  his  colleagues. 
It  is  needless,  from  what  has  been  said,  to  repeat  that  ADAMS  was 
in  favor  of  independence.  Soon  after  Congress  met,  a  motion  was 
made  upon  the  direct  question.  The  motion  met  a  second  ;  but, 
for  the  time,  failed.  ADAMS  made  the  following  remark  at  the 
time: 

"  After  all  our  argumentation,  however,  we  could  not  carry  our 
motion  ;  but,  after  twenty  subtle  projects  to  get  rid  of  it,  the 
whole  terminated  in  a  committee  of  secret  correspondence." 

The  object  of  this  secret  committee,  was  "  to  correspond  with 
friends  in  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  other  parts  of  the  world." 
It  was  made  up  mostly  of  men  of  great  prudence ;  but,  who  were 
adverse  to  making  too  bold  steps.  Franklin,  perhaps,  was  among 
the  most  decided  upon  it.  ADAMS,  on  account  of  his  known  and 
avowed  favor  to  the  measure,  and  his  boldness  in  advocating 
his  views,  was  not  placed  on  the  committee.  The  southern 
members  of  Congress,  after  getting  worked  up  to  the  proper  point 
of  resistance,  stood  firmly  forth,  advocates  of  independence. 
The  mature  consideration  of  that  measure,  led  them  to  an  examin 
ation  of  their  internal  regulations.  Their  institutions,  in  some 
essential  features,  were  defective  enough.  To  remove  these  de 
fects,  was  a  matter  of  serious  moment  and  consideration.  The 
state  of  things  tended  to  produce  a  unanimity  of  feeling  among 
the  members.  The  southern  members  conferred  with  their  more 
experienced, — but  not  more  patriotic  brethren  of  the  north. 


260  JOHN    ADAMS. 

ADAMS,  on  account  of  his  high  position,  wisdom  and  integrity, 
was  consulted  much,  and  profitably  in  these  conferences.  Ex 
planatory  of  his  views  upon  internal  regulations,  and  various  sub 
jects,  the  following  letter  to  Horatio  Gates  is  inserted.  It  was 
called  forth  by  the  restraining  act,  and  was  written  in  the  spring 
of  1776: 

"  I  agree  with  you,  that  in  politics,  the  middle  way  is  none  at 
all.  If  we  finally  fail  in  this  great  and  glorious  contest,  it  will 
be  by  bewildering  ourselves  in  groping  after  this  middle  way. 
We  have  hitherto  conducted  half  a  war ;  acted  upon  the  line  of 
defense,  etc.;  but  you  will  see  by  to-morrow's  paper,  that  for  the 
future,  we  are  likely  to  wage  three  quarters  of  a  war.  The 
continental  ships  of  war,  and  provincial  ships  of  war,  and  letters 
of  marque,  and  privateers  are  permitted  to  cruise  on  British 
property,  wherever  found  on  the  ocean.  This  is  not  independency, 
you  know.  Nothing  like  it.  If  a  port  or  two  more,  should  bring 
you  unlimited  latitude  of  trade  to  all  nations,  and  a  polite  invi 
tation  to  all  nations  to  trade  with  you,  take  care  that  you  do  not 
call  it  or  think  it  independency.  ~No  such  matter.  Independency 
is  a  hobgoblin  of  such  frightful  mien,  that  it  would  throw  a  delicate 
person  into  fits  to  look  it  in  the  face. 

"I  know  not  whether  you  have  seen  the  act  of  Parliament, 
called  the  restraining  act,  or  piratical  act,  or  plundering  act,  or 
act  of  independency ;  for,  by  all  these  titles  it  is  called.  I  think 
that  the  most  apposite  is  the  act  of  independency.  For  kings, 
lords,  and  commons  have  united  in  sundering  this  country  from 
that,  I  think,  forever.  It  is  a  complete  dismemberment  of  the 
British  empire.  It  throws  thirteen  colonies  out  of  the  royal  pro 
tection,  levels  all  distinctions,  and  makes  us  independent  in  spite 
of  our  supplications  and  entreaties.  It  my  be  fortunate  that  the 
act  of  independency  should  come  from  the  British  Parliament, 
rather  than  the  American  Congress ;  but  is  very  odd  that  Ameri 
cans  should  hesitate  at  accepting  such  a  gift  from  them. 

"However,  my  dear  friend  Gates,  all  our  misfortunes  arise 
from  a  single  source ;  the  reluctance  of  the  southern  colonies  to 
republican  government.  The  success  of  this  war  depends  on  a 
skillful  steerage  of  the  political  vessel.  The  difficulty  lies  in  form 
ing  particular  constitutions  for  particular  colonies,  and  a  conti 
nental  constitution  for  the  whole.  Each  colony  should  establish 
its  own  government,  and  then  a  league  should  be  formed  between 


JOHN    ADAMS.  261 

them  all.  This  can  be  done  only  on  popular  principles  and 
axioms,  which  are  so  abhorrent  to  the  inclinations  of  the  barons 
of  the  south,  and  the  proprietary  interests  in  the  middle  States, 
as  well  as  to  that  avarice  of  land,  which  has  made  on  this  Conti 
nent  so  many  votaries  to  mammon,  that  I  sometimes  dread  the 
consequences.  However,  patience,  fortitude  and  perseverance, 
with  the  help  of  time,  will  get  us  over  these  obstructions.  Thirteen 
colonies,  under  such  a  form  of  government  as  Connecticut,  or  one 
not  quite  so  popular,  leagued  together  in  a  faithful  confederacy, 
might  bid  defiance  against  all  the  potentates  of  Europe,  if  united 
against  them." 

So  strongly  were  the  sentiments  embodied  in  the  foregoing 
urged  upon  the  people,  and  so  influential  in  their  effects,  that  they 
were  republished  and  extensively  circulated.  This  was  followed 
by  his  "  Thoughts  on  Government,"  applicable  to  the  present  state 
of  the  American  colonies.  This  last  production  created  an  exten 
sive  sensation  all  over  the  country,  and  was  highly  eulogized  in 
England  by  friends  to  the  cause.  No  writings  had  hitherto  been 
issued  that  contained  so  complete  a  history  of  the  two  sides  of  the 
question.  It  was  thought  that  this  document  would  prove  inimical 
to  their  interests,  by  the  peace  party,  and  a  reply  was  prepared  to 
counteract  such  a  result.  ADAMS'  advice  and  writings  assisted 
very  much  in  the  formation  of  State  governments,  particularly  in 
North  Carolina  and  Yirginia,  both  of  which  were  then  contem 
plating  a  reorganization  of  their  State  institutions.  Marked 
analogy  is  seen,  in  his  suggestions,  to  the  old  colonial  chartered 
forms  of  government,  long  adhered  to  in  New  England.  His 
remarks  were  made  after  a  plain,  unpolished  fashion,  that  partook 
to  no  great  extent  of  literary  merit  or  political  ingenuity  ;  but  they 
show  good  sound  sense,  correct  views  of  government,  and  a  strong 
and  well-informed  mind  that  was  capable  of  imparting  in  true 
principles  and  practical  correctness,  what  they  lacked  in  finish  of 
style  and  polish  of  composition. 

It  has  been  said  of  him  that  "  he  read  Milton,  and  Locke,  and 
Plato,  as  much  to  avoid  their  errors,  as  to  profit  by  their  counsels." 
He  was  successful  in  both  these  designs,  particularly  so  in  the 
first ;  in  point  of  composition,  there  are  certainly  very  few  Mil- 
tonic  "errors  "  to  be  found  in  his  writings  ;  though  they  do  evince 
the  workings  of  a  mind  well  read  and  essentially  practical.  It 
must  be  said  here,  that  the  recommendations  of  ADAMS  were 


202  JOHN    ADAMS. 

widely  different,  at  this  time,  from  those  that  were  subsequently 
adopted,  and  different  from  ideas  he  himself  afterward  entertained. 
The  idea  of  making  each  State  independent  of  the  others,  con 
trolled  by  but  a  single  legislature,  and  that  vested  with  scarcely 
any  sovereign  power,  would  not  be  very  efficacious  in  securing 
strength  and  union  necessary  for  such  trying  times  as  were  then 
impending.  His  counsels,  however,  were  considered,  had  their 
due  weight,  and  exerted  no  small  influence  in  the  various  organi 
zations  of  State  governments.  Labors  in  this  department,  and  his 
strong  desire  to  push  forward  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
engrossed  most  of  his  time  and  thoughts. 

Strong  men,  men  of  talent,  were  still  opposed  to  taking  that 
step.  Of  those  who  favored  it,  Adams  stood  among  the  most 
steady  and  unflinching.  Pleased  at  the  growing  popularity  of 
the  idea,  he  thus  wrote,  about  this  time :  "  The  ports  are  opened 
wide  enough  at  last,  and  privateers  are  allowed  to  prey  upon 
British  trade.  This  is  not  independence.  What  is?  Why  A 

GOVERNMENT  IN  EVERY  COLONY,  A  CONFEDERATION  AMONG  THEM, 
AND  TREATIES  WITH  FOREIGN  NATIONS,  to  acknowledge  US  a  SOVC- 

reign  State,  and  all  that :  when  these  things  will  be,  or  any  of 
them,  time  must  discover.  Perhaps  the  time  is  near,  perhaps  a 
great  way  off." 

From  this  time  until  independence'  was  declared,  ADAMS  was 
found  with  the  boldest  advocates  of  the  measure.  Indeed  he  pre 
sented  many  resolutions,  originated,  or  was  accessory  to  the  ap 
pointment  of  committees,  whose  reports,  drafts,  etc.,  bore  strong 
analogy  to  the  immortal  document  soon  to  be  signed,  that  severed 
us  forever  from  all  relations,  national,  political  and  social,  from 
Great  Britain.  Quite  a  change  had  taken  place  in  the  public 
mind,  since  ADAMS  first  planted  himself  squarely  in  favor  of  such 
a  step ;  so  great,  that  by  the  1st  of  July  of  the  year  of  which  we 
are  speaking,  1776,  the  measure  became  very  popular.  In  the 
latter  part  of  June,  a  committee  had  been  appointed  whose  report, 
recommending  the  principles  subsequently  embodied  in  the  Decla 
ration,  was  unanimously  adopted.  Thus  the  event  was  gradually, 
but  slowly,  ripening  to  glorious  consummation.  On  the  1st  of 
July,  renewed  discussion  arose  upon  the  subject,  which  resulted 
in  its  strengthened  interests.  ADAMS  was  pitted,  in  its  favor, 
against  Dickinson,  the  ablest  man,  perhaps,  of  the.  opposition. 
He  made  quite  a  lengthy  and  able  speech  in  its  behalf,  with  all 


JOHN    ADAMS.  263 

the  earnestness,  feeling,  and  clearness  characteristic  of  him.  Elo-  . 
quent  he  never  was,  in  speech;  as  a  writer,  he  had  some  talent. 
No  one  will  pretend  to  deny,  however,  the  great  weight  and  influ 
ence  he  exerted  in  favor  of  the  Declaration.  Among  the  first  who 
dared  espouse  it,  though  he  knew  it  would  draw  upon  him  the 
execrations  of  numerous  men  of  talent  and  ability,  he  continued 
firm  and  consistent  to  his  avowal -until  the  triumphant  completion 
of  the  event. 

Lee,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  moved,  on  the  Tth  of  June,  the 
entire  and  absolute  independence  of  the  colonies.  It  was  this 
motion  that  called  forth  the  animated  discussions  that  followed, 
and  afforded  occasion  for  outbursts  of  colonial  oratory  that,  though 
not  so  refined  and  classic,  were  scarce  excelled,  in  fervor  and  true 
attributes  of  eloquence,  in  Greek  or  Bornan  forums,  even  in  their 
palmiest  states  of  glory. 

On  the  2d  of  July  the  final  vote  was  taken,  which  resulted 
affirmatively.  No  patriot,  in  that  assembly  of  patriots,  was  more 
highly  pleased  than  JOHN  ADAMS.  Through  all  the  stages  of  its 
rise,  development,  and  adoption,  he  had  stood  by  the  measure, — 
equally  firm  in  a  minority  as  when  it  became  so  popular.  The 
day  after  the  grand  result,  he  thus  wrote  his  wife : 

"  Yesterday,  the  greatest  question  was  decided  which  was  ever 
debated  in  America,  and  a  greater,  perhaps,  never  was,  nor  will 
be  decided  among  men.  A  resolution  was  passed,  without  one 
dissenting  colony,  c  that  these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right 
ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States  ;  and  as  such  they  have, 
and  of  right  ought  to  have,  full  power  to  make  war,  conclude 
peace,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things 
which  other  states  may  rightfully  do.'  You  will  see,  in  a  few 
days,  a  Declaration,  setting  forth  the  causes  which  have  impelled 
us  to  this  mighty  revolution,  and  the  reasons  which  will  justify  it, 
in  the  sight  of  God  and  man.  A  plan  of  confederation  will  be 
taken  up  in  a  few  days. 

u  When  I  look  back  to  the  year  1761,  and  recollect  the  argu 
ments  concerning  writs  of  assistance,  in  the  superior  courts,  which 
I  have  hitherto  considered  as  the  commencement  of  the  contro 
versy  between  Great  Britain  and  America,  and  run  through  the 
whole  period,  from  that  time  to  this,  and  recollect  the  series  of 
political  events,  the  chain  of  causes  and  effects,  I  am  surprised  at 
the  suddenness,  as  well  as  the  greatness  of  this  Revolution.  Bri- 


264  JOHN    ADAMS. 

tain  has  been  filled  with  folly  and  America  with  wisdom  ;  at  least, 
this  is  my  judgment.  Time  must  determine.  It  is  the  will  of 
Heaven  that  the  two  countries  shall  be  sundered  forever.  It  may 
be  the  will  of  Heaven  that  America  shall  suffer  calamities  still 
more  wasting,  and  distresses  yet  more  dreadful.  If  this  is  to  be 
the  case,  it  will  have  this  good  effect,  at  least;  it  will  inspire  us 
with  many  virtues  which  we  have  not,  and  correct  many  vices  and 
errors  which  threaten  to  disturb,  dishonor,  and  destroy  us.  The 
furnace  of  affliction  produces  refinement  in  states,  as  well  as  in 
individuals  ;  and  the  new  governments  we  are  assuming,  in  every 
part  will  require  a  purification  from  our  vices,  and  an  augmenta 
tion  of  our  virtues,  or  they  will  be  no  blessings.  The  people  will 
have  unbounded  power,  and  the  people  are  extremely  addicted  to 
corruption  and  venality,  as  well  as  the  great.  But  I  must  submit 
all  my  hopes  and  fears  to  an  overruling  Providence,  in  which, 
unfashionable  as  the  faith  may  be,  I  firmly  believe.  Had  a  Decla 
ration  been  made  seven  months  ago,  it  would  have  been  attended 
with  many  great  and  glorious  effects.  We  might,  before  this  hour, 
have  formed  alliances  with  foreign  states  ;  we  should  have  mas 
tered  Quebec,  and  been  in  possession  of  Canada." 

"  You  will,  perhaps,  wonder  how  such  a  Declaration  could  have 
affected  our  affairs  in  Canada ;  but  if  I  could  write  with  freedom, 
I  could  easily  convince  you  that  it  would,  and  explain  to  you  the 
manner  how.  Many  gentlemen  in  high  stations,  and  of  great 
influence,  have  been  duped  by  the  ministerial  babble  of  commis 
sioners,  to  treat ;  and  in  real  sincere  expectation  of  this  event, 
which  they  so  fondly  wished,  they  have  been  slow  and  languid  in 
promoting  measures  for  the  reduction  of  that  province.  Others 
there  are  in  the  colonies  who  really  wished  our  affairs  in  Canada 
to  be  defeated,  that  the  colonies  might  be  in  danger  and  distress, — 
between  two  fires, — and  be  thus  induced  to  submit.  Others  really 
wished  to  defeat  the  expedition  to  Canada,  lest  the  conquest  of  it 
should  elevate  the  minds  of  the  people  too  much  to  hearken  to 
those  terms  of  reconciliation  which  they  believed  would  be  offered 
us.  These  jarring  views,  wishes  and  designs,  occasioned  an 
opposition  to  many  salutary  measures  which  were  proposed  for 
the  support  of  that  expedition,  and  caused  obstructions,  embar 
rassments  and  studied  delays  which  have,  finally,  lost  us  the  pro 
vince.  All  these  causes,  however,  in  conjunction,  would  not  have 
disappointed  us  if  it  had  not  been  for  a  misfortune  that  could  not 


JOHN    ADAMS. 


265 


have  been  prevented  ;  I  mean  the  prevalence  of  small-pox  among 
our  troops.  This  fatal  pestilence  completed  our  destruction.  It 
is  a  frown  of  Providence  upon  us  which  we  ought  to  lay  to  heart. 
But  on  the  other  hand,  the  delay  of  this  Declaration  to  this  time, 
has  many  advantages  attending  it.  The  hopes  of  reconciliation, 
which  were  fondly  entertained  by  multitudes  of  honest,  well- 
meaning,  though  weak  and  mistaken  people,  have  been  gradually, 
and  at  last  totally  extinguished.  Time  has  been  given  for  the 
whole  people  maturely  to  consider  the  great  question  of  indepen 
dence, -and  to  ripen  their  judgments,  dissipate  their  fears,  and 
allure  their  hopes  by  discussing  it  in  newspapers  and  pamphlets ; 
by  debating  it  in  assemblies,  conventions,  and  committees  of 
safety  and  inspection  in  town  and  county  meetings,  as  well  as  in 
private  conversations ;  so  that  the  whole  people  in  every  colony 
of  the  thirteen,  have  now  adopted  it  as  their  own  act.  This  will 
cement  the  Union,  and  avoid  those  heats,  and  perhaps  convul 
sions,  which  might  have  been  occasioned  by  such  a  Declaration 
six  months  ago." 

"  But  the  day  is  past.  The  second  day  of  July,  1776,  will  be 
the  most  remarkable  epoch  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am  apt 
to  believe  that  it  will  be  celebrated  by  succeeding  generations  as 
the  great  anniversary  festival.  It  ought  to  be  commemorated  as 
the  day  of  deliverance,  by  solemn  acts  of  olevotion  to  God 
Almighty.  It  ought  to  be  solemnized  with  pomp  and  parade, 
with  shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells,  bonfires  and  illuminations, 
from  one  end  of  this  Continent  to  the  other,  from  this  time  forward, 
forevermore." 

"  You  will  think  me  transported  with  enthusiasm,  but  I  am  not. 
I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil,  and  blood,  and  treasure  that  it  will 
cost  us  to  maintain  this  Declaration,  and  support  and  defend  these 
States.  Yet  through  all  the  gloom,  I  can  see  that  the  end  is  more 
than  worth  all  the  means ;  and  that  posterity  will  triumph  in  that 
day's  transaction,  even  although  we  should  rue  it,  which,  I  trust 
in  God,  we  shall  not."* 

Thus,  in  the  design,  execution,  and  adoption  of  that  national 
placard  of  freedom,  hung  out  to  the  world  by  its  youngest  people, 
ever  since 

"Perplexing  monarchs  and  portending  change," 

JOHN  ADAMS  was  a  chief  actor  and  firm  director.     Now,  on  its 

*  See  Life  and  works  of  JOHN  ADAMS. 

18 


266  JOHN    ADAMS. 

final  consummation,  he  rejoiced  with  all  the  fervor  of  a  soul  that 
feels  its  first  and  highest  desire  gratified.  When  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  was  adopted  and  signed,  he  did  not  lose  his  zeal. 
He  well  knew  that  to  maintain  what  they  had  declared,  would 
require  every  energy,  resource,  and  sacrifice.  These,  no  one 
was  more  ready  to  exercise  or  make,  than  he.  He  now,  with  the 
same  firm  caution  and  prudent  zeal,  devoted  himself  to  the  proper 
steerage  of  the  young  government  craft,  that  characterized  him  in 
its  construction. 

Here  terminates  the  most  active,  though  not  the  most  important 
part  of  ADAMS'  life.  The  year  preceding  the  Declaration  was  a 
stormy  period.  Armies  were  pitted  against  each  other  in  the  field 
and  civilians  in  the  councils.  While  the  combatant-sword  clashed 
in  strife,  and  was  re-drawn  reeking  with  the  blood  of  the  fallen  in 
battle,  statesmen,  equally  determined,  waged  wars  of  opinion  upon 
the  greatest  subject  that  ever  disturbed  a  national  mind.  While 
sounds  of  cannon  came  booming  over  the  Continent,  and  rang 
back  to  the  startled  capitol,  the  dread  echo  met  the  stern  voices 
of  statesmen-orators,  defiantly  responding  with  words  of  indepen 
dence.  ADAMS,  verging  on  the  prime  of  healthful  manhood,  and 
buoyant  with  the  hope  of  eventual  success, — irritated  at  the  idea 
of  opposition  to  what  was  so  clear  to  him, — was  the  most  promi 
nent  advocate  of  the  movement  to  mature  development  and  full- 
grown  nationality,  and  at  this  time  put  forth  his  energies  in  their 
full  power  and  effect. 

He  had  now  taken  a  stand,  at  least,  among  the  most  popular 
men  of  the  country.  In  congressional  deliberations,  he  took  an 
active  part,  and  was  a  member  of  most  of  the  leading  committees. 
After  the  defeat  at  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  when  Lord  Howe 
presented  his  detestable  schemes  of  negotiation,  ADAMS  wished 
that  they  should  be  passed  by  unnoticed,  and  labored  earnestly  to 
effect  that  object.  He  was  defeated  in  this,  however,  by  superior 
numbers.  His  desires,  in  substance,  however,  at  length  prevailed 
in  their  total  rejection.  As  furthering  the  principles  of  indepen 
dence,  ADAMS  now  labored  zealously  to  effect  treaties  of  amity  and 
commerce  with  other  nations.  No  man  did  more  to  give  us 
national  dignity  and  consideration  abroad,  in  these  trying  times, 
save  Dr.  Franklin.  He  did  much,  indeed,  toward  the  final  treaty 
with  France,  guaranteeing  mutual  defense  and  protection.  The 
overtures  made,  in  part,  through  his  agency  to  that  nation,  were 


JOHN    ADAMS.  267 

tempered  with  moderation  and  reason, — so  much  so,  that  they  were 
regarded  by  many,  as  not  being  sufficiently  inductive  of  earnest 
consideration  on  her  part.  ADAMS  was  too  well  versed  in  civil 
tactics  and  national  diplomacy,  to  offer  terms  to  a  wished-for  ally, 
savoring  of  bombast  and  braggadocia. 

While  that  important  transaction  was  being  considered  in  Con 
gress,  it  became  ADAMS'  duty  to  have  an  interview  with  Lord 
Howe,  the  object  of  which  was  to  confer  together  on  the  existent 
state  of  affairs.  In  this  conference  his  known  views,  so  consistently 
maintained  during  his  entire  public  life,  were  explicitly  avowed. 

ADAMS'  numerous  and  varied  duties  of  a  public  nature,  threat 
ened  to  undermine  his  health;  on  failing  to  secure  additional 
colleagues,  upon  which  he  insisted,  he  offered  to  resign  his  seat  in 
Congress.  Knowing  and  appreciating  his  valued  services,  that 
body  rejected  his  tender,  and  he  continued  the  discharge  of  his 
duties.  Through  the  trying  scenes  that  attended  the  capture  of 
New  York  by  the  Britis'h,  and  the  retreat  of  our  army  through 
New  Jersey,  ADAMS  was  far  from  being  despondent ;  true  to  the 
tenor  of  his  first  resolution  and  course,  he  continued  the  friend  of 
the  Declaration,  and  faithful  to  its  maintenance.  The  victories  at 
Princeton  and  Trenton,  were  regarded  by  him  as  sure  harbingers 
of  that  eventual  triumph  he  had  early  predicted. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  previous  to  these  engagements,  he  moved 
in  Congress  u  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  consider  a  plan 
for  the  establishment  of  a  military  academy."  This  committee 
was  appointed,  and  he  was  placed  upon  it.  After  "Washington 
had  been  vested  with  the  almost  entire  control  of  affairs,  and  the 
battles  of  Princeton  and  Trenton  had  been  fought  and  won,  as  a 
consequence,  he  went  to  Baltimore ;  thither,  early  in  1T7T,  ADAMS 
proceeded  also.  He  saw  everywhere  along  his  route,  unmistak 
able  evidences  of  reinspired  hope  and  confidence  among  the  people. 
Arriving  at  Baltimore,  he  wrote  back  to  Massachusetts  his  gratified 
feelings  at  learning  the  appreciation  of  the  New  Englanders, — 
both  soldiers  and  civilians :  "  Our  troops,"  he  says,  "  have  be 
haved  nobly  and  turned  the  fortune  of  the  war.  Pray,  let  us  keep 
our  credit,  as  I  am  sure  we  can." 

About  this  time,  he  resigned  his  place  as  chief  justice  of  the 
Superior  Court,  a  tribunal  to  which  he  had  given  much  weight 
and  dignity  by  his  influence,  probity,  and  legal  knowledge.  He 
still  continued  to  occupy  his  seat  in  Congress,  to  which  he  had 


268  JOHN    ADAMS. 

been  sent  regularly  by  his  native  State  for  a  number  of  years. 
Though  immersed  in  heavy  and  complicated  public  duties,  ADAMS, 
during  all  this  time,  managed  to  keep  up  an  interesting  confi 
dential  correspondence  with  various  officers  of  the  army. 

After  the  adjournment  of  Congress  to  Baltimore,  great  inter 
ruption  to  these  communications  ensued ;  his  letters  were  not  so 
numerous,  and  those  written  were  not  generally  preserved.  Some 
steps  of  the  military  board  tended  also  to  lessen  the  good  feelings 
prevailing  between  members  of  Congress  and  officers  of  the  army. 
Ideas  were  entertained  of  placing  some  of  the  gallant  old  officers 
in  subordinate  positions,  subject  to  the  direction  of  a  French 
engineer.  Many  of  them  were  justly  indignant,  and  talked  of 
resigning.  Among  these  were  Greene  and  Schuyler.  ADAMS 
and  Greene  had  long  been  bosom  friends.  As  a  member  of  Con 
gress,  the  former  was  regarded,  though  unjustly,  as  being  acces 
sory  to  the  proposed  change.  This  state  of  things  produced  many 
unpleasant  feelings,  and  occupied  a  large  portion  of  the  attention 
of  the  Congress  of  1777.  Whether  ADAMS  had  really  done  any 
thing  worthy  of  censure  or  not,  Greene  supposed  he  had  ;  hence 
we  find  no  answer  from  that  general  to  ADAMS'  last  friendly  letter. 

Congress  now  returned  to  Philadelphia.  After  that  city  was 
again  invested  by  the  enemy,  they  removed  to  Lancaster.  ADAMS 
was  among  the  first  members  to  arrive  there.  Here  he  continued 
his  duties  with  characteristic  energy  and  application.  At  the 
head  of  the  board  of  war,  and  member  of  Congress  from  the  first 
State  that  rebelled  from  British  rule,  some  idea  can  be  had  of  the 
extent  of  his  labors  at  this  time. 

In  the  long  discussion  incident  to  the  '  confederation,'  ADAMS 
was  an  active  participant.  The  questions  that  sprang  from  these 
discussions,  and  different  members,  are  too  numerous  to  dwell 
upon  here.  It  must  be  said,  however,  that  he  firmly  contended 
for  popular  representation,  though  against  the  views  of  his  own 
colleagues.  The  idea,  that  each  State  should  have  equal  voting 
power,  independent  of  their  inhabitants,  was  to  him  a  very  singu 
lar  one.  He  insisted  that  population  should  be  the  basis  of  suf 
frage, — each  State's  representation  apportioned  to  its  citizens. 

After  the  capture  of  Burgoyne,  ADAMS'  spirits  were  greatly 
revived.  On  learning  that  event,  he  wrote  to  friends  expressing 
his  unbounded  joy. 

About  this  time  he  asked  and  obtained  leave  to  go  home  on  a 


JOHN    ADAMS.  269 

brief  visit.  The  following  little  piece  of  hyperbolical  extravagance 
will  show  how  he  stood  in  the  esteem  of  his  friends ;  it  was 
written  by  Gordon:  "I  never  can  think  we  shall  finally  fail  of 
success,  while  Heaven  continues  to  the  Congress  the  life  and 
abilities  of  Mr.  JOHN  ADAMS.  He  is  equal  to  the  controversy,  in 
all  its  stages.  He  stood  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  whole  Con 
gress,  when  reconciliation  was  the  wish  of  all  America.  He  was 
equally  conspicuous  in  cutting  the  knot  which  tied  the  colonies  to 
Great  Britain.  In  a  word,  I  deliver  to  you  the  opinion  of  every 
man  in  the  House,  when  I  add,  that  he  possesses  the  clearest  head, 
and  the  firmest  heart,  of  any  man  in  Congress."  So  far  as  his 
firmness  and  consistency  are  concerned,  the  above  is  true  enough. 
But  he  was  not  quite  the  greatest  man  in  the  world.  We  are 
speaking  now  of  events  that  took  place  while  Congress  held  its 
sessions  in  New  York. 

ADAMS  was  now  appointed  minister  to  France.  He  accepted 
the  mission,  and  sailed  for  Europe,  February  13th,  1778.  On  the 
morning  of  that  day,  might  have  been  seen  a  staid  patriot,  a  tried 
statesman,  leading  by  the  hand  a  little  boy,  on  board  the  frigate 
Boston,  anchored  at  Braintree.  The  working  civilian  was  going 
to  try  at  foreign  courts,  the  powers  of  his  mind,  which  had  been 
so  influentially  exerted  at  home.  That  statesman  was  JOHN  ADAMS  ; 
that  little  boy,  then  ten  years  of  age,  was  his  noble  son,  JOHN  QUINCY 
ADAMS.  After  a  troublous  voyage,  he  reached  Paris  early  the 
ensuing  April.  He  was  received  with  marked  attention  and 
honor.  ADAMS'  mission  was  brief.  Existent  causes  rendered  it 
unnecessary  that  it  should  be  otherwise.  Fraternal  relations  had 
already  been  established  between  France  and  America.  Treaties 
of  alliance  and  commerce  were  consummated  before  he  left  this 
country,  which  had  cemented  desirable  relationships.  Though 
no  heavy  duties  devolved  on  him  in  France,  he  was  not  idle. 
Representative  of  his  struggling  country,  he  sought  with  success, 
by  correspondence  and  otherwise,  to  inspire  all  with  high  senti 
ments  of  his  home  and  people.  He  wrote  his  wife,  saying :  "  I 
can  not  eat  pensions  and  sinecures ;  they  would  stick  in  my 
throat." 

It  was  finally  arranged  that  Franklin  should  remain  sole  min 
ister  at  Paris,  and  ADAMS  prepared  to  return  home.  Accordingly, 
he  and  his  son,  early  in  June,  1779,  sailed  for  Boston,  where  they 
arrived  in  safety  the  next  August. 


270  JOHN    ADAMS. 

On  his  arrival,  he  found  the  people  of  Massachusetts  awake  to 
the  necessity  of  lemodeling  their  State  constitution  :  they  were,  in 
fact,  taking  steps  to  call  a  State  convention  for  that  purpose. 
Reposing  in  him  the  same  confidence  they  always  had,  they  sent 
him  as  the  delegate  from  Braintree.  The  convention  met  at 
Cambridge  in  1779.  ADAMS  assisted  in  organizing  it,  and  aided 
essentially  to  secure  harmony  and  good-feeling  among  the  mem 
bers.  We  regret  that  our  limits  will  not  permit  a  detailed  review 
of  his  labors  in  that  body, — the  effect  they  had  upon  its  ultimate 
results,  etc.  As  usual  in  political  assemblies  of  the  kind,  their 
deliberations  were  interrupted  by  the  advocacy  of  different  opin 
ions.  ADAMS  entered  the  convention  with  an  influence  and  fame, 
that  won  entire  deference  and  respect.  His  first  act  was  the 
delivery  of  an  elaborate  speech  upon  general  principles  of  gov 
ernment,  his  object  being  to  promote  harmony  among  the  dele 
gates.  Intending  to  establish  a  free  republic,  which,  they  asserted, 
"  was  the  government  of  a  people  by  fixed  laws  of  their  own  mak 
ing,  the  convention  proceeded  to  appoint  a  committee  to  embody 
these  designs  in  a  written  instrument.  This  resulted  in  a  sub 
committee  ;  finally,  the  work  fell  principally  into  the  hands  of 
ADAMS.  An  instrument  was  drafted,  to  which  was  affixed  a  Bill 
of  Rights,  which,  it  was  hoped,  would  be  acceptable. 

At  this  stage  of  the  proceedings,  before  final  action  was  had, 
ADAMS  was  called  away.  Dissatisfaction  had  arisen  in  regard  to 
the  conduct  of  our  ministers  abroad.  Inquiry,  it  was  thought, 
should  be  instituted  into  the  cause.  A  committee  was  appointed 
for  that  purpose.  They  made  a  report,  suggesting  the  course, 
embodied  in  the  following  propositions  : 

"  That  suspicions  and  animosities  have  risen  among  commis 
sioners,  which  may  be  highly  prejudicial  to  the  honor  and  inter 
ests  of  these  United  States. 

"  That  the  appointments  of  the  said  commissioners  be  vacated, 
and  that  new  appointments  be  made." 

ADAMS  having  been  foreign  minister,  was  subjected  to  the  ren 
dition  of  these  propositions,  like  Franklin,  and  the  balance.  Each 
of  the  foreign  envoys  had  their  friends,  who  each  tried  to  shield 
his  favorite  from  any  odium  that  might  grow  out  of  the  matter. 
The  whole  thing  amounted  to  but  little,  save  affording  excellent 
sources  of  wrangling  and  dispute.  In  September,  1779,  ADAMS 
was  appointed  one  of  our  ministers  to  negotiate  treaties  of  peace 


JOHN    ADAMS.  271 

with  England  and  France.  Their  main  instructions  were  the  recog 
nition  of  our  independence,  the  fisheries,  and  the  right  of  navi 
gating  the  Mississippi.  Early  the  ensuing  November,  accom 
panied  by  his  son,  he  again  embarked  for  Europe.  He  reached 
Paris  in  February,  1780.  On  his  arrival  he  committed  a  blunder. 
Instead  of  advising,  he  suffered  himself  to  be  advised.  He  solici 
ted  of  Count  Yergennes  advice  in  regard  to  the  course  to  be  pur- 
Sued.  Instead  of  advice  he  got  dictation,  and  soon  became  en 
tangled  in  a  position  very  disagreeable.  Confidence  between  him 
and  the  Count  was  finally  diminished. 

Count  Yergennes  was  one  of  the  finest  diplomatists  of  his  day. 
Trained  in  that  school  of  artful  diplomacy  that  long  prevailed  in 
France,  that  made  all  means  subservient  to  the  accomplishment 
of  her  own  ends,  and  exercised  through  the  reign  of  Louis,  he  was 
admirably  fitted  for  the  position  in  which  he  was  placed.  Through 
the  agency,  principally,  of  Franklin,  good-feelings  were  measur 
ably  kept  up,  and  things  were,  in  the  main,  satisfactorily  ar 
ranged. 

"We  cannot  here  recount  the  perplexities,  bickerings,  correspon 
dence,  maneuverings,  conferences,  and  proposed  mediations  inci 
dent  to  this  arduous,  and,  in  some  respects,  unpleasant  mission. 
It  was  a  game  of  nations, — empire  was  the  stake.  Dr.  Franklin 
was  evidently  the  man  who  best  subserved  the  interests  of  his 
country,  through  all  the  stages  of  the  negotiation,  until  their  final 
and  happy  conclusion.  ADAMS,  however,  labored  zealously  in 
the  work,  assisting,  advising,  and  conferring  with  the  former  on 
most  important  points.  In  the  treaty  with  Holland,  he  was  the 
principal  negotiator,  and  gave  evidences  of  excellent  diplomatic 
capacities.  He  also  signed,  in  connection  with  our  other  minis 
ters,  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain  ;  a  result  to  which  he 
had  contributed  in  no  small  degree.  On  the  conclusion  of  this 
great  work,  such  satisfaction  had  he  given,  as  foreign  minister, 
that  notwithstanding  his  enfeebled  health,  and  a  desire  to  return 
home,  he  was  joined  with  Jay  and  Franklin,  as  commissioner,  to 
conclude  final  and  definite  treaties  of  commerce  with  the  .same 
power.  On  his  return  from  Holland  to  Paris,  he  was  prostrated 
with  a  severe  illness,  and  lay  for  some  time  at  his  hotel,  suffering 
all  the  pain  and  anxieties  natural  to  a  man  in  a  state  of  fever  in 
a  foreign  country  and  in  the  midst  of  a  densely  populous  city. 
By  judicious  treatment,  kind  nursing,  simple  diet,  and  as  much 


272  JOHN    ADAMS. 

exercise  as  the  nature  of  the  case  would  permit,  he  recovered, 
however,  and  recommenced  his  labors. 

Our  ministers  now  received  instructions  to  treat  with  any, 
and  all  nations  which  felt  a  willingness  to  enter  into  amicable 
relations  with  the  United  States.  Thus  they  had  herculean  labors 
placed  upon  them.  ADAMS,  as  one  of  our  envoys,  it  is  useless  to 
say,  went  into  the  great  work  with  earnest  good-will.  In  1784, 
he  was  joined,  in  Europe,  by  his  wife,  from  whom  he  had  long 
been  separated.  This  reunion  was  most  happy,  and  made  him 
contented  with  the  protracted  stay  that  circumstances  made  neces 
sary.  Surrounded  by  his  family,  and  courted  by  the  learned  and 
refined,  he  passed  his  time  in  Paris  pleasantly  enough.  Though 
extensive  plans  for  general  international  treaties  were  devised, 
they  ended  in  no  great  things.  Prussia  was  the  only  power  that 
seemed  to  take  any  extraordinary  interest  in  the  matter.  In  the 
winter  of  1785,  he  was  appointed  minister  to  England.  On 
receiving  intelligence  of  this,  he  removed  his  family  from  Paris  to 
London,  and  commenced  his  labors  in  a  different  sphere.  This 
was  then  rather  a  delicate  position,  particularly  so  for  him.  He 
had  been  conspicuous  in  stirring  up  what  the  king  termed  the 
rebellion  of  his  refractory  provinces  ;  he  had  been  the  same  in  the 
Declaration, — he  had  seen  and  assisted  in  its  maintenance.  It  is 
not  strange  that  the  king,  who  had  been  sternly  opposed  to  all 
these,  should  extend  to  him,  as  they  met  face  to  face,  a  cold, 
though  courteous,  reception.  That  was  a  curious  meeting  !  The 
painter  might  well  have  carried  his  easel  there,  and  put  on  can 
vas  the  half  suppressed  frown  of  George  the  Third,  smarting  under 
defeat,  as  he  looked  upon  the  calm  face  of  JOHN  ADAMS,  who 
fought  him  so  consistently  from  the  first  encroachment  till  his  final 
overthrow.  The  meeting  concluded  by  ADAMS  saying,  "  I  must 
avow  to  your  majesty,  I  have  no  attachment  but  to  my  own  coun 
try."  "An  honest  man  will  never  have  any  other,"  replied  the 
haughty  monarch. 

Any  thing  derogatory  to  national  dignity,  that  occurs  in  a 
country,  detracts  from  the  influence  and  position  of  her  ministers 
abroad,  if  she  have  any.  The  great  difficulties  of  a  civic  nature, 
prevailing  in  America  at  that  time,  placed  her  foreign  ministers  in 
very  disagreeable  situations.  Nations  to  whom  they  had  been 
sent  to  represent  our  interest,  had  only  to  point  to  the  anarchical 
indications  manifested  whence  they  came,  and  label  their  experi- 


JOHN    ADAMS. 


273 


ment  with  failure.  The  failure  to  effect  national  treaties,  plans  of 
which  have  just  been  referred  to,  was  mainly  attributable  to  this 
state  of  things.  The  same  causes  deprived  ADAMS  of  that  weight 
and  influence  at  the  court  of  St.  James,  essential  to  the  accom 
plishment  of  such  results  as  were  desired.  He  remained  there 
for  some  time,  but  owing  to  a  variety  of  causes,  was  unable  to 
effect  a  commercial  treaty  with  her.  His  mission,  however,  was 
not  barren  of  good  results.  Treaties  were  concluded  with  Morocco 
and  Prussia,  in  which,  his  agency  was  influential  and  active.  He 
also  wrote  his  "Opinions  on  Government,"  defending,  more  parti 
cularly,  the  form  chosen  by  his  own  people.  This  is,  perhaps, 
among  the  ablest  productions  of  his  pen.  It  was  called  forth  by 
the  essays  of  some  political  economists  in  Europe,  who  had  more 
fustian  than  freedom, — more  monarchical  lore  than  morals. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  here,  to  sum  up,  in  a  few  words,  ADAMS' 
political  notions ;  we  do  not  mean  party,  but  general  notions. 
Somewhat  mistrustful,  and  possessing  pretty  strong  prejudices,  he 
had  no  very  great  confidence  in  man's  natural  perfectibility,  in 
the  first  place.  In  his  aggregate  capacity,  he  thought  man  was 
often er  blinded  into  missteps  by  his  evil  nature,  than  led  into  the 
right  way  by  his  good  ;  yet,  he  seemed  to  think,  that  the  weak 
ness  of  man's  moral  nature,  to  overcome  the  dictates  of  his  animal, 
plunged  him  into  as  many,  perhaps  more  errors,  than  did  innate 
depravity.  Making  then  men's  passions,  so  to  speak,  a  leading  con 
sideration  in  governmental  organization,  he  advocated  a  diffusion 
of  powers,  relying  more  upon  the  coercive  and  vindicative  attri 
butes  of  the  law,  to  establish  and  preserve  social  and  political 
order,  than  upon  the  naturally  existent  inducements  for  man  to 
do  right.  Passion  and  desire,  therefore,  become  his  leading  dis 
tinctions.  Here  we  necessarily  run  into  three  classes.  Those  in 
power,  those  in  possession,  and  that  more  numerous  class  who  are 
neither.  Reasoning  thus,  it  would  be  easy  to  fall  into  the  monar 
chical,  aristocratic,  and  democratic  features  of  the  English  constitu 
tion,  as  demonstrated  in  her  king,  lords,  and  commons.  These, 
with  proper  checks  and  regulations,  formed  doubtless,  his  ideas  of 
good  government. 

As  already  remarked,  the  semblance  of  these  ideas  to  the 
British  constitution,  precluded  the  possibility  of  their  becoming 
popular  in  this  country.  The  people  were,  and  still  are,  too  in- 
tensly  democratic.  He  also  wrote,  near  this  time,  his  somewhat 


274  JOHN    ADAMS. 

famous  "  Defense  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of 
America."  Like  most  of  his  other  writings,  it  evinced  good  sense, 
and  practical  thoughts  reducible  to  application,  but  bore  no  marks 
of  extraordinary  statesmanship,  or  literary  ability.  The  fact  is, 
ADAMS  was  a  man,  a  true  man  in  every  sense ;  firm,  unflinching, 
decisive.  Among  the  most  persevering,  energetic  men  of  his 
day,  he  sought  opportunities  to  exert  what  talents  he  had,  in  a 
way  most  useful  to  his  country.  We  never  had  a  truer  patriot, — 
a  more  working  man.  But  what  he  was,  he  made  himself  most 
emphatically ;  nature  gave  no  great  amount  of  assistance.  His 
studies,  his  aspirations,  his  iron  will,  indomitable  energy,  high 
moral  courage,  and  purity  of  motive,  overcame  every  obstacle  to 
success. 

His  "Defense"  created  no  great  sensation  at  the  time,  and  though 
embodied  in  his  works,  is  seldom  read.  There  was  one  trait 
in  the  character  of  ADAMS,  that  would  be  well  enough  to  mention 
here.  We  have  already  said  something  of  his  disposition  to  look 
at  the  darkest  side  of  things.  He  was  also  given  to  dissatisfaction 
of  the  actions  of  men,  parties,  and  measures.  To  his  own 
opinion,  he  seemed  to  think  others  ought  to  adhere.  See  how 
apparent  this  is  in  the  following  letter,  written  to  a  friend  while  in 
Europe,  in  regard  to  various  things  at  home : 

"  As  to  politics,  all  that  can  be  said  is  comprehended  in  a  few 
words.  Our  country  has  grown,  or  at  least  has  been,  dishonest. 
She  has  broken  her  faith  with  nations,  and  with  her  own  citizens ; 
and  parties  are  all  about  for  continuing  this  dishonest  course. 
She  must  become  strictly  honest  and  punctual  to  all  the  world, 
before  she  can  recover  the  confidence  of  anybody,  at  home  or 
abroad.  The  duty  of  all  good  men,  is  to  join  in  making  this 
doctrine  popular,  and  in  discountenancing  every  attempt  against 
it.  This  censure  is  too  harsh,  I  suppose,  for  common  ears,  but  the 
essence  of  these  sentiments  must  be  adopted  throughout  America, 
before  we  can  prosper.  Have  our  people  forgotten  every  principle 
of  public  and  private  credit?  Do  we  trust  a  man  in  private  life, 
who  is  not  punctual  to  his  word  ?  Who  easily  makes  promises, 
and  is  negligent  to  perform  them?  especially  if  he  makes 
promises,  knowing  that  he  can  not  perform  them,  or  deliberately 
designing  not  to  perform  them  ?" 

No  country  was  more  truly  patriotic  than  his  own, — no  coun 
try  had  a  better  patriot  than  he.  The  extract  was  simply  a 


JOHN    ADAMS.  275 

foolish  result  of  his  prejudice  to  some  things  going  on  in  America, 
that  induced  a  misinterpretation  of  motive  on  the  part  of  his 
countrymen.  ADAMS  was  a  great  man ;  the  fact  that  he  was  such, 
speaks  volumes  for  his  powers,  and  proves  the  greatest  of  victories; 
for  he  made  himself  so.  Failing,  in  every  sense,  to  accomplish 
the  object  of  his  mission,  he  requested  permission  to  return  home. 
It  was  granted.  The  following  resolution  passed  by  Congress 
at  the  time,  shows,  at  least,  that  they  knew  he  had  tried  to  do  all 
that  was  desired,  during  his  absence :  "  Resolved,  That  Congress 
entertain  a  high  sense  of  the  services  which  Mr.  ADAMS  has  ren 
dered  to  the  United  States,  in  the  various  important  trusts  which 
they  have  committed  to  him ;  and  that  the  thanks  of  Congress  be 
presented  to  him  for  the  patriotism,  perseverance,  integrity  and 
diligence,  with  which  he  hath  so  ably  and  faithfully  served  his 
country." 

He  left  Europe  in  the  spring  of  1788,  and  reached  the  United 
States  at  a  time,  momentous  in  her  history.  The  great  plan  of 
proper  organization  was  just  being  elaborated.  Different  men, 
men  of  ability,  were  advancing  different  theories  and  opinions. 
In  these  matters  he  was  now  to  mingle,  more  industriously  than 
effectively, — more  conspicuously  than  influentially. 

On  the  organization  of  government,  ADAMS  was  elected  first 
Vice-president.  The  office,  in  itself,  involved  no  heavy  duties. 
He  stood  faithfully  by  Washington  through  his  administration, 
presided  over  the  Senate  with  dignity,  and  served  his  country,  in 
every  particular,  with  characteristic  consistency.  He  was  again 
elected  to  the  same  office,  at  the  commencement  of  Washington's 
second  term,  and  proved  equally  devoted  to  both  administrations. 
He  closed  his  connection  with  the  Senate,  by  delivering  the  fol 
lowing  words : 

"  It  is  a  recollection  of  which  nothing  can  ever  deprive  me, 
and  it  will  be  a  source  of  comfort  to  me  through  the  remainder  of 
my  life,  that  on  the  one  hand,  I  have  for  eight  years  held  the 
second  situation  under  our  Constitution,  in  perfect  and  uninter 
rupted  harmony  with  the  first,  without  envy  in  the  one,  or  jealousy 
in  the  other ;  so,  on  the  other  hand,  I  have  never  had  the  smallest 
misunderstanding  with  any  member  of  the  Senate."* 

At  the  conclusion  of  Washington's  official  terms,  ADAMS  was 

*  Statesman's  Manual. 


276  JOHN    ADAMS. 

elected  to  the  Presidency.  He  had  two  competitors,  Jefferson 
and  Pinckney,  over  both  of  whom  he  received  a  good  majority. 
He  entered  upon  the  duties  of  President,  at  a  time  of  numerous 
and  varied  difficulties  "  The  French  revolution  had  just  reached 
its  highest  point  of  settled  delirium,  after  some  of  the  paroxysms 
of  its  fury  had  passed  away.  The  people  of  the  United  States 
took  sides,  some  approving,  others  deprecating  the  course  pursued 
by  France.  ADAMS  wished  to  preserve  a  neutrality,  but  found 
this  quite  impossible.  A  navy  was  raised  with  surprising 
promptitude,  to  prevent  insolence  and  to  chastise  aggression.  It 
had  the  desired  effect,  and  France  was  taught  that  Americans 
were  friends  in  peace,  but  not  fearful  of  war  when  it  could  not  be 
averted.  When  the  historian  comes  to  this  page  of  our  history, 
he  will  do  justice  to  the  sagacity,  to  the  spirit,  and  to  the  integrity 
of  Mr.  ADAMS,  and  will  find  that  he  had  more  reasons,  and  good 
ones,  for  his  conduct,  than  his  friends  or  enemies  ever  gave  him."* 

ADAMS,  on  the  occasion  of  his  entrance  into  office,  after  paying 
a  tribute  to  his  illustrious  predecessor,  gave  the  following  as  his 
feeling  in.  regard  to  the  station : 

uThe  occasion,  I  hope,  will  be  admitted  as  an  apology,  if  I 
venture  to  say  that,  if  a  preference,  upon  principle,  of  a  free  repub 
lican  government,  formed  upon  long  and  serious  reflection,  after  a 
diligent  and  impartial  inquiry  after  truth, — if  an  attachment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  a  conscientious  determina 
tion  to  support  it,  until  it  shall  be  altered  by  the  judgments  and 
wishes  of  the  people,  expressed  in  the  mode  prescribed  in  it ;  if  a 
respectful  attention  to  the  constitutions  of  the  individual  States, 
and  a  constant  caution  and  delicacy  toward  the  State  govern 
ments  ;  if  an  equal  and  impartial  regard  to  the  rights,  interests, 
honor  and  happiness  of  all  the  States  in  the  Union,  without  pre 
ference  or  regard  to  a  northern  or  southern,  eastern  or  western 
position,  their  various  political  opinions  on  essential  points,  or 
other  personal  attachments  ;  if  a  love  of  virtuous  men  of  all  parties 
and  denominations  ;  if  a  love  of  science  and  letters,  and  a  wish  to 
patronize  every  rational  effort  to  encourage  schools,  colleges,  uni 
versities,  academies,  and  every  institution  for  propagating  know 
ledge,  virtue  and  religion  among  all  classes  of  the  people,  not 
only  for  their  benign  influence  on  the  happiness  of  life  in  all  its 


Knapp. 


JOHN    ADAMS.  277 

stages  and  classes,  and  of  society  in  all  its  forms,  but  as  the  only 
means  of  preserving  our  Constitution  from  its  natural  enemies,  the 
spirit  of  sophistry,  the  spirit  of  party,  the  spirit  of  intrigue,  profli 
gacy  and  corruption,  and  the  pestilence  of  foreign  influence,  which 
is  the  angel  of  destruction  to  elective  governments ;  if  a  love  of 
equal  laws,  of  justice  and  humanity  in  the  interior  administration: 
if  an  inclination  to  improve  agriculture,  commerce,  and  manufac 
tures  for  necessity,  convenience  and  defense ;  if  a  spirit  of  equity 
and  humanity  toward  the  aboriginal  nations  of  America,  and  a 
disposition  to  ameliorate  their  condition  by  inclining  them  to  be 
more  friendly  to  us,  and  our  citizens  more  friendly  to  them  ;  if  an 
inflexible  determination  to  maintain  peace  and  inviolable  faith 
with  all  nations,  and  that  system  of  neutrality  and  impartiality 
among  the  belligerent  powers  of  Europe  which  has  been  adopted 
by  the  government,  and  so  solemnly  sanctioned  by  both  Houses 
of  Congress,  and  applauded  by  the  legislatures  of  the  States  and 
the  public  opinion,  until  it  shall  be  otherwise  ordained  by  Con 
gress  ;  if  a  personal  attachment  for  the  French  nation,  formed  in 
a  residence  of  seven  years  chiefly  among  them,  and  a  sincere 
desire  to  preserve  the  friendship  which  has  been  so  much  for  the 
honor  and  interest  of  both  nations  ;  if,  while  the  conscious  honor, 
and  integrity  of  the  people  of  America  and  the  internal  sentiment 
of  their  own  powers  and  energies  must  be  preserved,  an  earnest 
endeavor  to  investigate  every  just  cause  and  remove  every  color 
able  pretense  of  complaint ;  if  an  intention  to  pursue  by  amicable 
negotiation,  a  reparation  for  the  injuries  that  have  been  committed 
on  the  commerce  of  our  fellow-citizens,  by  whatever  nation,  and 
(if  success  cannot  be  obtained )  to  lay  the  facts  before  the  legisla 
ture,  that  they  may  consider  what  further  measures  the  honor  and 
interest  of  the  government  and  its  constituents  demand  ;  if  a  reso 
lution  to  do  justice,  as  far  as  may  depend  upon  me  at  all  times, 
and  to  all  nations,  and  maintain  peace,  friendship  and  benevolence 
with  all  the  world  ;  if  an  unbroken  confidence  in  the  honor,  spirit, 
and  resources  of  the  American  people,  on  which  I  have  so  often 
hazarded  my  all,  and  never  been  deceived ;  if  elevated  ideas  of 
the  high  destinies  of  this  country,  and  of  my  own  duties  toward 
it,  founded  on  a  knowledge  of  the  moral  principles  and  intellec 
tual  improvement  of  the  people,  engraven  deeply  on  my  mind  in 
early  life,  and  not  obscured,  but  exalted  by  experience  and  age ; 
and  with  humble  reverence  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  add,  if  a  venera- 


278  JOHN    ADAMS. 

tion  for  the  religion  of  a  people  who  profess  and  call  themselves 
Christians,  and  a  fixed  resolution  to  consider  a  decent  respect  for 
Christianity  among  the  best  recommendations  for  the  public  ser 
vice, — can  enable  me,  in  any  degree,  to  comply  with  your  wishes, 
it  shall  be  my  strenuous  endeavor  that  this  sagacious  injunction 
of  the  two  Houses  shall  not  be  without  effect." 

Whatever  may  be  said  of  our  other  presidents,  quite  certain  we 
are,  that  none  of  them  ever  delivered  as  long  a  sentence  as  this. 
Had  ADAMS'  term  been  protracted  proportionably  to  the  length  of 
this  sentence,  he  would  not  yet  have  had  a  successor.  It  breathes, 
however,  patriotic  desires,  delivered,  no  doubt,  with  the  utmost 
sincerity.  The  first  measure  of  serious  consideration  presenting 
itself  to  the  President,  was  the  state  of  affairs  with  France.  Not 
satisfied  with  the  expulsion  of  our  ministers,  the  Directory  passed 
an  ordinance  in  direct  opposition  to  the  treaty  stipulations  of  1778, 
virtually  abolishing  all  friendly  international  intercourse.  The 
war  spirit  again  ran  high ;  ADAMS  wished  conciliation.  New 
commissioners  were  appointed  for  that  purpose.  These  were  John 
Marshall,  Elbridge  Gerry,  and  General  Pinckney.  They  reached 
France  at  a  time  when  Bonaparte  was  ascending  that  pedestal 
of  military  fame,  on  whose  top  there  was  just  enough  room  for 
himself. 

We  cannot  dwell  at  length  upon  the  incidents  attending  this 
mission ;  its  perplexities,  difficulties,  and  the  artful  maneuvers 
connected  with  it,  will  be  mentioned  more  at  length  in  the  Life 
of  Chief  Justice  Marshall.     The  idea  entertained  by  the  French, 
of  exacting  tribute,  precluded  the  accomplishment  of  desired  re 
suits,  and  was  repelled  with  indignant  scorn  by  the  ministers 
On   the  return   of  Marshall,  Gerry  still  remaining   in   France, 
ADAMS  submitted  to  his  Cabinet  the  following  propositions : 

"  1.  Should  all  the  particulars  be  submitted  to  Congress  ? 

"2.  Should  the  President  recommend  a  declaration  of  war?" 
No  satisfactory  response  being  received,  ADAMS  gave  the  follow 
ing  as  his  feelings  and  intentions  : 

"The  present  state  of  things  is  so  essentially  different  from  that 
in  which  instructions  were  given  to  collectors  to  restrain  vessels 
of  the  United  States  from  sailing  in  an  armed  condition,  that  the 
principle  on  which  those  orders  were  issued,  has  ceased  to  exist. 
I  therefore  deem  it  proper  to  inform  Congress  that  I  no  longer 
conceive  myself  justifiable  in  continuing  them  unless  in  particu- 


JOHN    ADAMS.  279 

lar  cases,  where  there  may  be  reasonable  ground  of  suspicion  that 
such  vessels  are  intended  to  be  employed  contrary  to  law."  While 
he  wished  and  recommended  peace,  he  also  favored  preparations 
for  defense.  To  these  recommendations,  he  added  the  following 
significant  sentence:  "I  will  never  send  another  minister  to 
France,  without  assurances  that  he  will  be  received,  respected, 
and  honored  as  the  representative  of  a  great,  free,  powerful,  and 
independent  nation." 

The  new  and  complicated  state  of  things  aroused  the  mighty 
talents  and  energies  of  Hamilton,  who  had,  since  his  retirement 
from  the  Cabinet,  been  enjoying  a  comparative  slumber.  ADAMS, 
by  his  course  of  submitting  entirely  to  the  consideration  of  Con 
gress  all  important  measures,  had  virtually  resigned  the  reins  of 
government.  The  arrogant  assumptions  of  France  produced  a 
great  change  in  the  American  mind,  in  reference  to  her  cause ; 
this  change  was  favorable  to  the  Federal  party.  They  availed 
themselves  of  it.  Congress,  advised  and  greatly  swayed  by  Ham 
ilton,  adopted  a  series  of  acts  deemed  necessary.  JSTone  of  them 
were  fully  acceptable  to  the  President.  Thus,  in  one  sense,  he 
was  at  variance  with  his  party.  Here  the  popularity  of  his  ad 
ministration  began  to  wane.  "Whatever  odium  may  attach  to 
ADAMS  on  account  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws, — laws  in  them 
selves  utterly  worthless,  the  borrowed  offspring  of  English  fear, — 
they  were  not  what  rendered  ADAMS  somewhat  unpopular.  It 
was  his  differences  and  quarrels,  so  to  speak,  with  his  own  party, 
upon  great  national  matters,  most  of  them  connected  with  our 
difficulties  with  France. 

Apprehensions,  however,  soon  gave  way,  so  far  as  a  rupture 
with  France  was  concerned.  As  elsewhere  said,  an  army  was 
raised  and  commanders  selected;  but  the  adjustment  of  difficulties 
prevented  the  demand  for  its  services. 

ADAMS'  administration  was  much  distracted  by  party  conflicts 
within,  and  national  indignities  without.  During  a  large  portion 
of  it,  he  was  at  variance  with  his  Cabinet ;  before  its  close,  how 
ever,  these  difficulties  measurably  subsided,  and  comparative  har 
mony  prevailed .  It  was  a  time  of  fearful  party  strife.  Federalists 
and  Kepublicans  were  grappling  with  fierce  animosity  for  ascend 
ency.  It  closed  with  many  weighty  and  beneficial  results  to  the 
country.  Whatever  faults,  blames,  or  censures  some  might  feel 
disposed  to  heap  upon  it,  all  must  say,  that  he  was  a  pure  patriot. 


280  JOHN    ADAMS. 

and   presided   over  the  destinies   of  his   country  through   that 
period  of  strife  and  turmoil,  with  a  will  and  judgment  wholly 
uncorrupted  by  venal  motives,  or  swayed  by  considerations  other 
than  the  dictates  of  duty. 

On  its  close,  he  retired  to  his  farm  at  Quincy.  Here,  secluded 
from  cares  and  anxieties,  he  lived  easily,  virtuously,  quietly  and 
happily.  Occasionally  interrupted  by  public  considerations  and 
minor  public  duties, — watching  with  great  interest  the  rise  and 
development  of  his  illustrious  son,  John  Quincy  Adams,  he  con 
tinued  in  comparative  quiet  through  all  the  distracting  scenes, 
until  1825,  when  ne  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  that  son  seated  in 
the  Presidential  chair.  How  modestly  and  affectionately  did 
John  Quincy  Adams  announce  the  fact  to  his  father,  in  the  follow 
ing  short  note : 

"  WASHINGTON,  Feb.  9, 1825 
"MY   DEAR   AND    HONORED    FATHER: 

The  inclosed  note  from  Mr.  King,  will  inform  you  of  the  event 
of  this  day,  upon  which  I  can  only  offer  YOU  my  congratulations, 
and  ask  your  blessings  and  prayers. 

Your  affectionate  and  dutiful  son, 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

JOHN  ADAMS  was  now  ninety  years  old.  His  lamp  of  life 
burned  gently  into  physical  dimness.  Though  old  as  he  was,  he 
had  a  sort  of  enjoyment  for  literature.  Seated  in  his  arm-chair, 
his  venerable  head  resting  on  his  cane,  he  listened  for  hours  to 
the  reading  of  some  kind  friend.  In  the  spring  of  1826,  it  became 
apparent  that  he  could  not  survive  much  longer.  Declining  gra 
dually,  his  life  was  prolonged  till  the  4th  of  the  ensuing  July.  A 
friend  who  visited  Adams  on  the  30th  of  June,  has  left  the  follow 
ing  :  rt  Spent  a  few  minutes  with  him  in  conversation,  and  took 
from  him  a  toast,  to  be  presented  on  the  4th  of  July,  as  coming 
from  him.  I  should  have  liked  a  longer  one ;  but  as  it  is,  this 
will  be  acceptable.  c  I  will  give  you,'  said  he, 

'  Independence  forever.' 

He  was  asked,  if  he  would  not  add  any  thing  to  it ;  he  replied, 
'not  a  word.' ': 

From  this  time  he  continued  to  sink,  until  near  sunset  next 
evening.  Just  as  the  sun  went  down,  he  faintly  exclaimed: 


JOHN    ADAMS.  281 

"  Thomas  Jefferson  still  survives ! "  and  expired.  Not  so,  however. 
That  great  man  had  just  crossed  the  dark  river. 

The  shouts  that  ushered  in  that  glorious  anniversary  day,  would 
have  turned  into  mourning,  had  it  been  known  that  its  evening 
shades  were  to  close  forever  over  the.  careers  of  two  such  noble 
patriots  and  statesmen.  JEFFEKSON  and  ADAMS  ! — fit  day  for 
them  to  die ! 

"Adams  was  of  middle  stature,  and  when  elected  President,  he 
was  bald  on  the  top  of  his  head.  His  countenance  beamed  with 
intelligence  and  moral,  as  well  as  physical  courage.  His  walk 
was  firm  and  dignified  to  a  late  period  of  his  life.  His  manner 
was  slow  and  deliberate,  unless  he  was  excited,  and  when  this 
happened,  he  expressed  himself  with  great  energy.  He  was  ever 
a  man  of  purest  morals,  and  is  said  to  have  been  a  firm  believer 
in  Christianity,  not  from  habit  and  example,  but  from  diligent 
investigation  of  its  proofs."*  *  *  * 

"  He  had  an  uncompromising  regard  for  his  own  opinion ;  and 
seemed  to  have  supposed  that  his  opinions  could  not  be  corrected 
by  those  of  other  men,  nor  bettered  by  any  of  comparison.  It  is 
not  improbable  that  ADAMS  was  impatient,  in  finding  how  much 
the  more  easily  understood  services  of  military  men  were  appre 
ciated,  than  were  the  secluded,  though  no  less  important  ones,  of 
diplomatic  agency  and  cabinet-council.  So  made  up  from  natural 
propensities  and  from  the  circumstances  of  his  life,  ADAMS  came 
to  the  Presidency  at  a  time  when  more  forbearance  and  discretion 
were  required  than  he  was  supposed  to  have  had.  He  seems  to 
have  been  deficient  in  the  rare  excellence  of  attempting  to  see 
himself  as  others  saw  him,  and  he  ventured  to  act  as  though 
everybody  saw  as  he  saw  himself.  He  considered  only  what  was 
right  in  his  own  view ;  and  that  was  to  be  carried  by  main  force, 
whatever  the  obstacles. f 

ADAMS  was  buried  with  due  honors  and  consideration,  in  the 
town  of  Quincy,  where  his  remains  still  repose,  beside  those  of 
his  wife.  He  left,  in  the  person  of  his  son,  a  more  enduring  mon 
ument  than  ever  sculptor's  chisel  formed  from  fairest  marble. 

*  Williams.  t  Sullivan. 

19 


PATRICK    HENRY. 


WHEN  the  ancient  declaimer  witnessed  evidences  of  unbounded 
delight  at  his  repetition  of  Demosthenes'  speeches,  he  gave  his 
hearers  to  understand  that,  to  fully  appreciate  his  eloquence,  the 
orator  had  to  be  heard  himself.  The  same  might  be  said  of 
PATRICK  HENRY.  None  of  his  speeches,  described  as  consuming 
every  thing  before  him  with  their  forensic  fire,  have  come  down 
to  us ;  nor  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  his  fame  or  posterity  have 
suffered  much  in  consequence.  The  power  of  his  speeches  must 
have  consisted  essentially  in  his  manner  of  delivery.  Hushing 
like  a  brigade  of  Numidian  cavalry  into  debate,  he  swept  down 
opposition  by  his  zeal,  vehemence,  and  stirring  appeals  ;  yet  the 
same  speeches  spread  out  on  paper,  or  spoken  by  another,  would 
doubtless  have  produced  no  such  results.  Among  the  first  in  the 
cause  of  revolution,  and  among  the  most  zealous  through  all  the 
stages  of  its  progress,  active,  influential,  and  patriotic,  he  certainly 
claims  place  in  the  galaxy  of  our  illustrious  names.  Though  a  full 
biography  of  this  great,  and,  in  some  respects,  singular  man,  can 
not  be  expected  here,  we  shall  endeavor  to  sketch  the  leading 
events  of  his  life,  that  connect  him  with  the  history  and  fame  of 
his  country. 

PATRICK  HENRY  was  born  in  Hanover  County,  Virginia,  May 
29th,  1736.  His  father,  Colonel  John  Henry,  was  a  Scotchman 
by  birth.  His  mother  was  a  Miss  Winston,  an  influential  family 
of  Virginia.  His  father  was  a  good  loyalist,  a  man  of  bravery 
and  high  moral  qualities.  He  also  had  a  spark  of  military  fire. 
u There  are  those  yet  alive  (1805),  says  a  correspondent,*  "who 

*  Pope,  Burke,  Witt. 
(282) 


PATKICK  HEKEY. 


PATRICK    HENRY.  283 

have  seen  him  at  the  head  of  his  regiment,  celebrating  the  birth 
day  of  George  the  Third  with  as  much  enthusiasm  as  his  son 
PATRICK  afterward  displayed  in  resisting  the  encroachments  of  that 
monarch."  John  Henry,  soon  after  the  birth  of  his  son,  located  at 
Mount  Brilliant.  Young  PATKICK  was  started  to  school.  He 
acquired  there  the  rudiments  of  what  education  he  had.  In  his 
eleventh  year  he  commenced  studying  the  dead  languages  under 
the  tuition  of  his  father.  Of  these  he  obtained  no  great  knowledge. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  more  fond  of  figures  than  dictionaries 
and  lexicographers.  The  truth  is,  he  was  fonder  of  fishing  and 
hunting  than  either.  He  cared  very  little  for  his  father's  instruc 
tions,  and  less  for  the  schools.  He  had,  at  this  time,  no  method, 
system,  regularity,  or  application.  Instead  of  being  at  school  and 
engaged  in  his  lessons,  he  was  lying  in  the  shade  by  the  creek, 
with  his  fishing-rod  set  in  the  bank,  watching  the  cork  with  great 
interest,  or  with  his  gun  he  was  strolling  over  the  hills  and  through 
the  woods  in  search  of  game.  In  these  excursions  he  preferred  to 
be  alone. 

Wirt  has  very  happily  warned  youth  not  to  make  an  ex 
ample  of  HENRY,  and  think  to  become  great  without  exertion. 
HENRY  himself,  in  after  life,  had  occasion  to  regret  this  waste 
of  his  early  opportunities  for  improvement.  At  one  time,  when 
in  the  public  councils,  a  very  important  document  was  to  be  pre 
pared.  HENRY,  it  was  thought,  would  be  the  proper  person  to  do 
it.  He  had  to  confess  that  he  did  not  think  himself  "  scholar 
enough."  The  careers  of  such  men  as  PATRICK  HENRY,  present 
no  premiums  to  laziness.  He  was  born  with  a  vigorous  mind, 
and  circumstances  thrust  him  exactly  in  the  position  best  fitted  for 
the  display  of  his  powers.  His  biographer,  or  rather  his  eulogist, 
Wirt,  has  certainly  made  the  most  of  his  subject.  He  has  given 
to  him  nearly  every  attribute  of  perfection,  that  the  pen  of  an 
inferior  genius  could  ascribe  to  a  superior  one. 

In  his  sixteenth  year,  PATRICK  HENRY  was  sent  to  a  country 
store.  Here,  for  some  time,  the  future  provincial  orator  was 
engaged  in  measuring  ribbons  and  selling  calicoes.  He  cared 
nothing  about  the  business,  and  at  the  end  of  a  year,  came  out  as 
ignorant  of  it  as  when  he  entered  the  store.  His  father  now 
bought  a  stock  of  goods  and  started  his  sons,  PATRICK  and  William, 
in  business  for  themselves.  William  had  as  little  relish  for  work 
as  PATRICK.  A  lazier  firm  never  swung  a  sign.  Their  business 


284  PATRICK    HENRY. 

did  not  prosper.  Possessing  no  business  tact,  and  selling  on 
credit,  they  soon  got  their  affairs  into  a  ruinous  condition. 

His  mercantile  experiment  gave  him  one  advantage, — an  oppor 
tunity  of  studying  the  frequenters  of  his  store.  It  is  said  of  him 
that,  when  a  crowd  of  his  customers  would  come  in  and  enter  into 
conversation,  that  he  would  fix  his  keen  eye  upon  them,  incline 
his  head  a  little  forward,  and  remain  perfectly  silent,  absorbed  in 
the  process  of  penetrating  each  character,  and  getting  at  the  hidden 
springs  of  each  emotion.  In  this  way  he  would  remain  for  hours 
and  hours,  entirely  forgetful  of  business.  It  was  this  ready  faculty 
of  comprehending  characters,  in  a  measure,  that  conferred  on 
HENRY  such  masterly  powers  as  a  speaker.  Twelve  months  suf 
ficed  to  effect  the  ruin  of  the  store.  A  glance  at  their  books, 
shelves,  and  invoices  showed  clearly  that  they  were  broken  mer 
chants.  Thenceforth  William  led  a  reckless,  dissipated  life,  use 
less  to  himself  or  country.  HENRY  now  thought  he  would  try 
farming.  In  his  nineteenth  year  he  married  a  Miss  Shelton,  and 
settled  on  a  small  farm,  resolved  to  work  for  his  support.  He  did 
not  succeed.  Two  years  ended  his  agricultural  experiment.  He 
now  sold  his  farm,  and  resolving  to  try  merchandise  again,  bought 
a  stock  of  goods  with  the  proceeds.  Again  he  was  behind  the 
counter.  Sometimes  talking  to  a  customer,  sometimes  playing 
the  fiddle,  sometimes  locking  the  store  to  take  a  hunt,  or  go  fishing, 
things  again  went  to  ruin.  The  failure  of  this  last  mercantile 
project  left  HENRY  utterly  penniless  ;  yet  it  was  not  without  good 
results.  He  had  for  some  time  been  reading  excellent  authors. 
For  Livy  he  conceived  a  wonderful  passion,  and  it  is  said,  that  he 
made  a  practice  of  reading  him  through  once  a  year  ever  after. 
He  now  bent  himself  to  the  study  of  colonial  history  generally. 
"With  perception  quick  and  acute,  a  grasping  comprehension,  and 
a  memory  tenacious  beyond  example,  he  mastered  and  treasured 
what  he  read  with  ease  and  facility. 

We  have  mentioned  Jefferson's  admiration  of  his  oratory  at 
Williamsburgh.  It  was  near  this  time  that  Jefferson  first  became 
acquainted  with  him.  He  has  left  the  following,  in  regard  to  his 
first  interview :  "  My  acquaintance  with  Mr.  HENRY  commenced 
in  the  winter  of  1759-'60.  .  On  my  way  to  college,  I  passed  my 
Christmas  holidays  at  Colonel  Dandridge's,  in  Hanover,  to  whom 
Mr.  HENRY  was  a  near  neighbor.  During  the  festivity  of  the 
season  I  met  him  in  society  every  day,  and  we  became  well  ac 


PATKICK    HENRY. 


285 


quainted,  although  I  was  much  his  junior,  being  then  in  my  seven 
teenth  year,  and  he  a  married  man.  His  manners  had  something 
of  coarseness  in  them  ;  his  passion  was  music,  dancing,  and  pleas 
antry.  He  excelled  in  the  last,  and  it  attached  every  one  to  him. 
You  ask  some  account  of  his  mind  and  information  at  this  period ; 
but  you  must  recollect  that  we  were  almost  continually  engaged 
in  the  usual  revelries  of  the  season.  The  occasion,  perhaps,  as 
much  as  his  idle  disposition,  prevented  his  engaging  in  any  con 
versation  which  might  give  the  measure  either  of  his  mind  or 
information.  Opportunity  was  not  indeed  wholly  wanting ;  be 
cause  Mr.  John  Campbell  was  there,  who  had  married  Miss  Spotts- 
wood,  the  sister  of  Colonel  Dandridge.  He  was  a  man  of  science 
and  often  introduced  conversation  on  scientific  subjects.  Mr. 
HENRY  had,  a  little  before,  broken  up  his  store,  or  rather,  it  had 
broken  him  up  ;  but  his  misfortunes  were  not  to  be  traced,  either 
in  his  circumstances  or  conduct." 

"  This  cheerfulness  of  spirit,  under  a  reverse  of  fortune  so  severe, 
is  certainly  a  striking  proof  of  the  'manliness  of  his  character.  It 
is  not  indeed,  easy  to  conceive  that  a  mind  like  Mr.  HENRY'S 
could  finally  sink  under  any  pressure  of  adversity.  Such  a  mind, 
although  it  may  not  immediately  perceive  whither  to  direct  its 
efforts,  must  always  possess  a  consciousness  of  power  sufficient  to 
buoy  it  above  despondency.  But  be  this  as  it  may,  of  Mr.  HENRY 
it  was  certainly  true,  as  Dr.  Johnson  has  observed  of  Swift,  that 
1  he  was  not  one  of  those  who,  having  lost  one  part  of  his  life  in 
idleness,  are  tempted  to  throw  away  the  remainder  in  despair.'  "* 

HENRY'S  prospects  were  now  not  very  flattering.  Without 
business,  without  friends,  and  without  a  dollar,  he  began  to  look 
around  him  to  see  what  was  to  be  done.  He  had  failed  in  every 
thing  he  put  his  hand  to.  He  finally  determined  to  study  LAW. 
Not  dreaming  of  the  distinction  that  decision  was  to  confer  upon 
him,  he  commenced  its  study.  He  read  law,  it  is  presumed,  about 
six  months, — some  say  eight,  and  others  again  only  six  weeks. 
With  but  little  practical  knowledge  of  the  profession,  he  applied 
for,  and  obtained,  license.  Randolph,  one  of  the  judges  to  whom 
he  applied,  it  is  said,  was  so  little  prepossessed  with  his  appearance, 
that  he  examined  him  with  manifest  reluctance.  As  th<&  exami 
nation  progressed,  however,  HENRY'S  striking,  bold  originality  and 


*  Wirt. 


286  PATRICK    HENRY. 

quick  perceptive  faculties  unfolded  themselves  to  his  admiration. 
Randolph  finally  said  to  him,  after  granting  his  signature  :  "Mr. 
HENRY,  if  your  industry  be  only  half  equal  to  your  genius,  I  augur 
that  you  will  do  well  and  become  an  ornament  and  an  honor  to 
your  profession."  He  never  became  industrious,  though  the  pre 
diction  was  more  than  verified. 

HENRY  was  now  twenty-five  years  of  age.  The  Hanover  bar 
was  quite  an  able  one.  He  got  no  business  to  do  for  some  time, 
nor  did  he  expect  any.  His  wife's  father  kept  hotel  at  Hanover. 
HENRY  and  his  wife  resided  there  for  some  time.  His  first  effort 
at  the  bar  was  the  old  Church  case,  so  glowingly  described  by 
Wirt.  It  had  long  been  the  law  of  the  colony  to  pay  the  clergy 
every  year  a  certain  quantity  of  tobacco,  for  ministerial  services. 
The  clergy  most  frequently,  however,  took  the  money,  letting 
their  supporters  keep  the  tobacco  at  its  market  value.  The  year 
1775,  however,  there  was  very  little  tobacco  raised ;  the  article, 
consequently,  commanded  an  enormous  price  The  legislature 
passed  an  act  providing  that  the  people  should  pay  the  clergy  of 
each  parish,  in  money,  at  the  rate  of  two  shillings  and  sixpence  a 
pound  ( its  generally  standing  price )  for  the  tobacco  they  were  to 
receive.  The  law  was  designed  to  be  but  temporary.  No  one 
objected  to  it  at  the  time;  but  two  years  after,  prospects  indicated 
another  bad  tobacco  crop,  and  the  act  was  again  passed  without 
limitation.  The  price  of  tobacco  advanced  three  hundred  per 
cent.  The  clergy,  seeing  that  while  they  were  paid  at  the  nominal 
price  fixed  in  the  act,  their  debtors  were  getting  three  times  as 
much  for  the  article,  grew  indignant.  They  published  their  griev 
ances  in  pamphlet  form,  and  flooded  the  colony  with  them.  The 
king  espoused  their  cause.  Finally,  the  entire  colony  became 
excited  about  the  matter.  The  clergy  brought  suit  in  the  several 
court-houses.  PATRICK  HENRY  was  attorney  for  the  people  at 
Hanover.  The  day  of  trial  came  round.  The  people  were  to  see, 
for  the  first  time,  the  rays  of  that  jewel  incased  in  its  long  obscure 
and  coarse  exterior.  HENRY'S  uncle,  one  of  the  clergy,  came 
to  the  trial.  HENRY  told  him  that  he  should  say  some  "  hard 
things  of  the  clergy,"  and  requested  him  to  return,  adding,  that 
he  would  be  "overawed"  in  his  first  case,  if  he  were  present. 
His  uncle  accordingly  left.  On  entering  the  court-house,  HENRY 
was  amazed.  All  around  were  seated  solemnly  the  various  clergy. 
The  interest  of  the  occasion  had  drawn  a  large  crowd.  The 


PATKICK    HENRY.  287 

counsel  for  the  clergy  were  there  ;  the  judge  was  in  his  place  ;  the 
jury  in  theirs  ;  there,  too,  sat  his  father.  The  counsel  on  the 
other  side  opened  and  argued  the  case  with  considerable  ability ; 
they  closed  and  sat  down.  The  clergy  were  delighted,  the  people 
were  chap-fallen.  It  was  now  HENRY'S  turn.  Nobody  had  ever 
heard  him.  He  rose  up  slowly, — commenced  his  speech  poorly. 
The  clergy  winked,  the  people  hung  their  heads.  Slowly,  but 
louder,  and  with  rising  fire,  HENRY  dwelt  upon  the  acts  mentioned. 
Finally,  all  the  powers  of  his  stormy  soul  gushed  out,  in  peal  after 
peal,  of  eloquence  that  startled  every  hearer.  The  flashing  eye, 
the  intrepid  bearing,  dauntless  energy,  impassioned  fervor  and 
emphatic  gesture  of  the  man  as  he  stood, — all  conspired  to  make 
him  an  object  of  imposing  admiration.  The  people  were  thunder 
struck  ;  his  father  cried  copiously, — every  one  was  roused  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  excitement.  The  speaker  finally  closed ;  the 
court  and  jury  were  beside  themselves.  The  jury  gave  a  verdict 
of  one  penny  for  plaintiff.  HENRY  was  a  made  man.  The  people 
raised  him  to  their  shoulders,  and  with  enthusiastic  shouts  bore 
him  from  the  Court-house.  His  father,  in  speaking  of  it,  a  few 
days  afterward,  said :  "PATRICK  spoke  in  this  cause  near  an  hour, 
and  in  a  manner  that  surprised  me,  and  showed  himself  well- 
informed  on  a  subject  of  which  I  did  not  think  he  had  any  know 
ledge." 

Wirt  tells  us  that  this  speech  was  regarded  as  the  finest 
specimen  of  oratory  ever  delivered  in  those  parts,  and  that  for 
years  after,  if  any  one  delivered  a  very  great  speech,  the  people 
would  compliment  him  by  saying,  "  He  is  almost  equal  to  PATRICK 
HENRY  when  he  plead  against  the  parsons." 

HENRY,  from  perfect  obscurity,  had,  in  one  day,  placed  himself 
conspicuously  before  the  people.  His  fame  flew  over  the  colony, — 
his  name  was  on  every  lip.  From  this  time  he  did  not  lack  busi 
ness.  Young  lawyers  should  always  bear  in  mind  the  importance 
of  their  first  case ;  at  the  same  time,  however,  they  should  not 
attempt  to  make  the  same  display  here  given,  unless  natural  en 
dowments  and  study  fully  warrant  that  they  can  sustain  them 
selves.  HENRY  now  became  a  peoples'  man, — perfectly  idolized 
by  the  Virginia  yeomanry.  To  maintain  this  position  he  has 
been  accused  of  pandering  to  their  whims,  caprices  and  errors. 
Few  men,  especially  those  who  seek  political  distinction,  there  are, 
who  do  not.  He  never  bent  himself  to  a  methodical  course  of  legal 


288  PATRICK    HENRY. 

study,  nor  is  it  a  departure  from  truth  to  say,  he  never  was  an 
.  excellent  master  of  the  profession.  Soon  after  this  he  removed  to 
Louisa  county.  Here  his  indolent  habits  returned.  He  gave 
himself  up  to  hunting  and  the  amusements  of  his  boyhood.  The 
next  time  he  distinguished  himself  was  at  William sburg.  An 
election  to  a  seat  among  the  Burgesses  was  contested.  HENRY 
argued  the  point  for  one  of  the  contestants.  He  came  into  the 
House  with  an  old  worn-out  suit  of  clothes  on ;  everybody  else 
was  attired  in  the  hight  of  elegance.  He  was  regarded,  by  some, 
as  an  oddity  ;  by  others,  a  half  lunatic.  He  was  introduced,  with 
all  the  pomp  of  court  etiquette.  What  cared  he  for  fashion  and 
form  ?  He  was,  by  some,  sneered  at ;  by  others,  not  considered 
at  all.  How  little  do  appearances  indicate  real  merit!  The 
leather  cap  of  a  blacksmith  often  covers  a  nobler  soul  than  the 
silken  gewgaws  of  the  diplomatist,  or  even  the  ermine  of  the  judge. 
He  entered  into  the  case,  and  made  a  speech  that  wrung  conces 
sions  of  extraordinary  ability  from  all.  HENRY'S  outset  demon 
strates  one  thing,  that  is  well  enough  to  be  borne  in  mind ;  he  was 
perfectly  independent.  He  made  people  respect  his  talents  and 
admire  his  genius,  because  he  combined  with  them  a  native  force 
of  character,  that  knew  no  obstacle  and  feared  no  opposition.  He 
said  by  his  example,  young  man !  stand  on  your  own  ground, — 
fight  your  own  battles ;  if  you  have  talents  and  merit,  they  will 
develop  themselves, — they  will  elicit  homage  and  regard.  Pander 
to  nothing  against  which  conscience  rebels, — know  yourself,  know 
human  nature,  know  your  duties,  and  act  accordingly, — do 
right, — let  fame  take  care  of  itself. 

In  1764,  HENRY  proved  himself  a  statesman, — a  man  exactly 
fitted  for  the  times.  This  was  the  commencement  of  the  long 
train  of  mischiefs  growing  out  of  the  Stamp  Act.  He  was  among 
the  first  to  rouse  the  people  to  resistance ;  at  that  measure  HENKY'S 
blood  boiled ;  he  loved  freedom,  he  was  the  most  perfect  imperso 
nation  of  the  word  that  ever  lived  :  any  kind  of  coercion,  to  him, 
was  prison, — an  Alpine  torrent  gushed  not  more  freely  than  did 
his  actions  speak  his  soul.  The  finest  ship  that  ever  swelled  her 
canvas,  rode  not  the  waves  of  ocean  truer  than  did  he  obey  the 
voice  of  his  own  great  nature.  Upon  his  stern  opposition  to  the 
Act,  he  was  elected  to  the  House  of  Burgesses.  The  classic  Lee, 
the  educated  Bland,  the  fervid  Pendleton  and  well-versed  Wythe 
were  there.  Among  them,  rugged  as  nature's  unseen  mountain, 


PATKICK    HENRY. 


289 


with  careless  mien  and  deep  abstraction,  save  when  startled  by 
excitement,  sat  PATRICK  HENRY. 

HENRY'S  debut  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  was  as  triumphant  as 
at  the  bar.  His  first  speech  was  called  forth  by  an  attempt  to 
establish  a  species  of  government  loan  office.  This  movement 
was  instigated  by  Kobinson,  who  was  custodian  of  the  public 
funds.  He  had  advance^  money  to  different  persons,  until  a  great 
deficit  became  apparent.  To  avoid  criticism  and  remark,  he  sug 
gested  the  loan  office.  The  proposition  roused  HENRY  at  once. 
His  speech  in  opposition  was  most  powerful ;  he  carried  his  point 
and  defeated  the  measure.  "  What,  sir,1'  said  he  in  the  speech, 
"  is  it  proposed  to  reclaim  the  spendthrift  from  dissipation  and 
extravagance  by  filling  his  pockets  with  money  ?"  The  advocates 
of  the  measure  were  completely  foiled.  HENRY'S  reputation  was 
now  established  in  the  House. 

In  regard  to  the  Stamp  Act,  resisting  steps  had  already  been 
taken.  But  they  were  not  bold  and  decisive  enough  for  HENRY. 
He  drew  up,  in  1765,  and  presented,  the  subjoined  resolutions : 

"Resolved,  That  the  first  adventurers  and  settlers  of  his 
Majesty's  colony  and  dominion,  brought  with  them  and  trans 
mitted  to  posterity,  and  all  other  of  his  Majesty's ,  subjects,  since 
inhabiting  in  this,  his  Majesty's  said  colony,  all  the  privileges, 
franchises,  and  immunities  that  have  at  any  time  been  held, 
enjoyed,  and  possessed  by  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

"Resolved^  That  by  two  royal  charters,  granted  by  King  James 
the  First,  the  colonies  aforesaid,  are  declared  entitled  to  all  the 
privileges,  liberties,  and  immunities  of  denizens  and  natural 
born  subjects,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  if  they  had  been 
abiding  and  born  within  the  realm  of  Enlgand. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  taxation  of  the  people  by  themselves,  to 
represent  them,  who  can  only  know  what  taxes  the  people  are 
able  to  bear,  and  the  easiest  mode  of  raising  them,  and  are 
equally  affected  by  such  taxes  themselves,  is  the  distinguishing 
characteristic  of  British  freedom,  and  without  which,  the  ancient 
constitution  can  not  subsist. 

"  Resolved,  That  his  Majesty's  liege  people,  of  this  most  ancient 
colony,  have  uninterruptedly  enjoyed  the  right  of  being  thus 
governed  by  their  own  assembly,  in  the  article  of  their  taxes  and 
internal  police,  and  that  the  same  hath  never  been  forfeited,  or  any 


290  PA  THICK    HENKY. 

other  way  given  up,  but  hath  been  constantly  recognized  by  the 
king  and  people  of  Great  Britain. 

"  Resolved^  Therefore,  that  the  General  Assembly  of  this  colony 
have  the  sole  right  and  power  to  lay  taxes  and  impositions  upon 
the  inhabitants  of  this  colony ;  and  that  every  attempt  to  vest 
such  power  in  any  person  or  persons,  whatever,  other  than  the 
General  Assembly  aforesaid,  has  a  manifest  tendency  to  destroy 
British,  as  well  as  American  freedom." 

These  resolutions  created  intense  excitement.  Never  did  pro 
vincial  eloquence  more  conclusively  prove  its  power.  In  the  dis 
cussion  that  followed,  HENRY  towered  above  all  disputants,  and 
bore  down  opposition  by  perfect  torrents  of  appeal  and  denunci 
ation.  Jefferson,  himself,  has  said,  he  never  listened  to  any  thing 
like  it.  It  was  during  the  debate  upon  these  resolutions,  when 
thundering  like  a  Titan  against  the  aggressive  acts,  he  exclaimed  : 
"Caesar  had  his  Brutus, — Charles  the  First  his  Cromwell,  and 
George  the  Third  (Treason  !  treason !  interrupted  the  speaker) 
may  profit  by  their  example.  If  Ms  be  treason,  make  the  most 
of  it,"  concluded  HENKY.  After  the  cry  of  "  treason,"  his  eye 
flashed  upon  the  speaker,  and  rising  to  his  full  hight,  in  a  still 
louder  key  he  finished  the  sentence, — "may  profit  by  their 
example,"  and  added  with  deep  emphasis:  "If  t7iis\)Q  treason, 
make  the  most  of  it."*  The  effect  was  indescribable.  A  bomb 
shell  hurled  into  the  council,  would  have  had  no  greater  effect. 
His  resolutions  passed,  May,  1765,  after  a  close  vote.  Again, 
his  opponents  were  beaten.  Of  these  resolutions,  HENRY  himself 
thus  spoke  afterward.  *  *  *  «  After  a  long  and  heated 
contest,  the  resolutions  passed  by  a  very  small  majority,  perhaps 
only  one  or  two.  The  alarm  spread  throughout  America  with 
astonishing  quickness,  and  the  ministerial  party  were  over 
whelmed.  The  great  point  of  resistance  to  Britsh  taxation,  was 
universally  established  in  the  colonies.  This  brought  on  the  war 
that  finally  separated  the  two  countries,  and  gave  independence 
to  ours.  Whether  this  will  prove  a  blessing  or  a  curse,  will 
depend  upon  the  use  our  people  make  of  the  blessings  which  a 
gracious  God  hath  bestowed  on  us.  If  they  are  worse,  they  will 
be  great  and  happy.  If  they  are  of  a  contrary  character,  they  will 
be  miserable.  Righteousness  alone  can  exalt  them  as  a  nation. 

*  living's  Washington.    Wirt. 


PATRICK    HENKY.  291 

Reader,  whoever  tkou  art,  remember  this ;  and  in  thy  sphere, 
practice  virtue  thyself  and  encourage  it  in  others. 

"P.  HENRY." 

HENRY  now  stood  foremost  among  the  orators  of  the  country. 
His  clarion  peals  rang  from  one  end  of  the  Continent  to  the  other, 
with  an  influence  like  an  electric  shock.  True,  efforts  were  made 
to  detract  from  him, — efforts  which  were  the  offspring  of  jealousy 
on  the  part  of  those  whose  superior  opportunities,  and  prior 
reputation,  created  an  antipathy  to  the  "obscure  colonial  lawyer," 
as  HENRY  had  been  styled,  who  could  distance  them  in  debate, 
captivate  every  ear,  and  defeat  them  in  all  their  measures. 
HENRY'S  position  now,  in  regard  to  the  great  topic  of  the  times,  it 
is  presumed,  is  sufficiently  clear.  We  will,  therefore,  glance  at  his 
course  in  maintaining  that  position,  and  vindicating  the  reputation 
he  had  acquired. 

HENRY  continued  a  member  of  the  House  for  some  time.  In 
1769,  he  entered  the  general  courts,  as  practitioner,  with  the 
ablest  men  of  the  colony.  From  this  time  he  began  to  make 
some  money  by  his  profession.  But  it  is  not  of  HENRY  as  a 
lawyer,  that  we  are  to  speak.  From  1761,  until  the  war  of  inde 
pendence  had  successfully  terminated,  he  was  laboring  in  a  public 
capacity.  He  was  placed  on  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
in  the  House,  and  led  the  van  of  opposition  to  foreign  domination. 
He  was  foremost  in  the  appeals  and  speeches,  that  drew  upon  the 
House  the  displeasure  of  Bottetourt,  and  resulted  in  their  disso 
lution.  The  signs  of  the  times  roused  all  the  lion  of  his  soul. 
Fearless  and  active,  he  declared  what  he  felt  in  public  bodies  and 
in  private  circles.  After  stirring  up  the  House,  he  would  talk 
upon  the  topic  among  friends.  It  is  related  of  him,  that  when 
Overton  asked  him  "  whether  he  thought  Great  Britain  would 
drive  the  colonies  to  extremities  ?  and  what  he  thought  would  be 
the  issue  of  the  war?"  that  he  raised  himself  upward,  and  with 
that  telling  emphasis  for  which  he  was  noted,  replied  as  follows : 
"  She  WILL  drive  us  to  extremities, — no  accommodation  WILL  take 
place, — hostilities  will  SOON  commence  and  a  desperate  and  bloody 
time  it  will  be."  Overton  then  asked :  "  Do  you  think,  Mr. 
HENRY,  that  an  infant  nation  as  we  are,  without  discipline,  arms 
and  ammunition,  ships  of  war,  or  money  to  procure  them, — 
do  you  think  it  possible,  thus  circumstanced,  to  oppose  success 
fully  the  fleets  and  armies  of  Great  Britain  ?"  HENRY  replied : 


292  PATRICK    HENRY. 

"  I  will  be  candid  with  you.  I  doubt  whether  we  shall  be  able  to 
cope  alone  with  so  powerful  a  nation.  But,  where  is  France  ? 
Where  is  Spain?  Where  is  Holland?  the  natural  enemies  of 
Great  Britain. — -Where  will  they  be  all  this  while?  Do  you 
suppose  they  will  stand  by  idle,  indifferent  spectators  to  the  con 
test  ?  Will  Louis  the  XVIth  be  asleep  all  this  time?  Believe  me, 
No  !  When  Louis  the  XVIth  shall  be  satisfied  by  our  serious 
opposition,  and  our  Declaration  of  Independence,  that  all  pros 
pect  of  reconciliation  is  gone,  then,  and  not  till  then,  will  he 
furnish  us  with  arms,  ammunition  and  clothing ;  and  not  with 
these  only,  but  he  will  send  his  fleet  and  armies  to  fight  our 
battles  for  us ;  he  will  form  with  us  a  treaty,  offensive  and  de 
fensive,  against  our  unnatural  mother.  Spain  and  Holland  will 
join  in  the  confederation  ;  our  independence  will  be  established, 
and  we  shall  take  our  stand  among  the  nations  of  the  earth." 

After  the  enactment  of  the  Port  Bill,  a  result  of  the  Tea  de 
struction  at  Boston,  HENRY  was  among  those  who  urged  a  day  of 
fasting  and  prayer  at  Williamsburgh.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
conceive  the  state  of  his  feelings  during  that  solemn  day.  Still 
as  a  funeral,  save  the  peals  of  the  bells,  chiming  to  the  notes  of 
freedom,  was  it  observed.  Advocating  opposition  from  the  very 
outset  with  enthusiastic  energy,  he  was  now  advanced  still  higher  in 
the  capacity  of  champion  for  the  people.  With  Washington,  Lee 
and  others  for  his  colleagues,  he  was  sent  as  delegate  to  the  first 
Continental  Congress.  After  the  meeting  and  organization  of 
that  body,  each  member  distrusting  himself,  feared  to  commence 
the  discussion.  Solemnly,  amid  the  awful  stillness,  and  the  more 
u  awful  virtues  "  of  the  times,  HENRY  arose  and  opened  the  pro 
ceedings  in  one  of  his  happiest  strains.  He  touched  upon  the 
wrongs  they  were  enduring,  appealed  to  the  people  to  have 
redress,  recounted-the  tyrannous  acts  of  Great  Britain,  and  finally 
closed  amid  the  struck  and  almost  breathless  silence  of  every 
member  on  the  floor.  The  ball  was  put  in  motion  that  was  to 
gain  strength  at  every  rebound,  and  to  eventuate  in  final  inde 
pendence.  HENRY,  though  foremost  when  any  thing  was  to  be 
spoken  upon,  was  not  prepared  to  advance  business  much  by  any 
practical  power  he  possessed.  No  addresses  could  he  pen,  no 
drafts  prepare,  or  any  thing  of  that  sort.  This  was  the  session, 
when  he  was  pitched  upon  to  draw  an  important  paper ;  but  not 
being  "  scholar  enough  "  he  had  to  decline,  and  the  duty  devolved 


PATRICK    HENRY. 


293 


on  Dickinson.     How  he  then  regretted  the  wasted  time  of  his 
youth. 

Congress,  after  a  short  session,  adjourned.  HENRY  was  also 
chosen  one  of  the  delegates  of  Virginia's  Continental  Assembly. 
That  body  met  in  the  spring  of  1775,  at  Eichmond.  They  ex 
pressed  great  approbation  of  the  measures  of  Congress,  and  gave 
a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  State  delegates  for  the  services  rendered. 
HENRY  directed  the  war  party  with  a  giant  might,  and  boldest 
daring.  "While ,  many  were  still  hoping  for  reconciliation,  he 
arose  in  the  House  and  presented  some  resolutions  urging  im 
mediate  and  active  measures  for  putting  the  country  in  a  State  of 
defense.  These  resolutions  he  urged  with  all  his  power  and  zeal. 
One  of  them  read  as  follows : 

"  Resolved,  That  this  colony  be  immediately  put  into  a  state 

of  defense,  and  that be  a  committee  to  prepare  a  plan  for 

embodying,  arming  and  disciplining  such  a  number  of  men  as 
may  be  sufficient  for  that  purpose." 

The  resolutions  were  opposed  by  some  of  the  strongest  men  in 
the  House.  In  answer  to  the  speech  of  one  of  the  leaders  in  the 
opposition,  HENRY  made,  perhaps,  the  master  effort  of  his  life. 
He  rose  more  like  a  god  than  a  man.  He  triumphantly  replied 
to  every  argument.  He  carried  the  House  by  storm.  This  was 
the  speech  in  which,  towering  majestically  up  to  his  theme,  he 
exclaimed  :  "We  must  fight !  I  repeat  it,  sir,  we  MUST  fight ! — 
an  appeal  to  arms,  and  the  God  of  hosts  is  all  that  is  left  us." 
Continuing  his  speech,  in  words  of  fire,  he  said:  "There  is  no 
retreat  but  submission  and  slavery !  Our  chains  are  forged. 
Their  clanking  may  be  heard  on  the  plains  of  Boston.  The  war 
is  inevitable, — and  let  it  come.  I  repeat  it,  sir,  let  it  come !  It 
is  vain,  sir,  to  extenuate  the  matter.  Gentlemen  cry  peace, 
peace, — but  there  is  no  peace.  The  war  is  actually  begun  !  The 
next  gale  that  sweeps  from  the  north,  will  bring  to  our  ears  the 
clash  of  resounding  arms !  Our  brethren  are  already  in  the  field ! 
Why  stand  we  here  idle?  What  is  it  that  gentlemen  wish? 
What  would  they  have  ?  Is  life  so  dear,  or  peace  so  sweet,  as  to 
be  purchased  at  the  price  of  chains, — of  chains  and  slavery  ? 
Forbid  it  Almighty  God.  I  know  not  what  course  others  may 
take,  but  as  for  me,  GIVE  ME  LIBERTY  OR  GIVE  ME  DEATH  !"  The 
orator  ceased ; — he  took  his  seat  amid  death-like  stillness. 
His  tones  seemed  to  have  burned  his  own  feelings  upon  every 


294  PATRICK    HENRY. 

heart.  The  chains  of  which  he  had  spoken,  seemed  to  ciank 
about  the  very  capital.  The  "gale  from  the  north"  seemed 
already  sweeping  over  their  heads.  The  resolutions  encountered 
little  further  opposition.  They  were  adopted  immediately. 

HENRY'S  efforts  were  not  wholly  confined  to  this  department  of 
labor.  Soon  after  this,  when,  by  the  regulations  of  Lord  Dunmore, 
all  the  public  lands  within  the  colony  were  to  be  sold  at  auction, 
he  opposed  it  by  presenting  resolutions  which  were  adopted,  The 
war  now  commenced  in  earnest.  The  robbery  of  a  store  of 
ammunition  and  the  affair  at  Concord  proved,  sure  enough,  that 
the  sword  and  the  God  of  battles  were  all  to  which  they  could 
appeal.  HENRY  now  raised  a  corps  of  volunteers,  and  hastened 
to  Williamsburg,  for  the  purpose  of  demanding  restitution  for 
the  powder  taken  from  the  magazine.  He  was  solicited  on  all 
sides  to  desist,  but  in  vain.  He  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of 
Williamsburg,  but  was  met  by  a  messenger  from  Lord  Dun- 
more,  who  satisfied  him  for  the  depredations  committed  on  the 
magazine,  and  HENRY  gave  a  receipt  for  the  same.  This  being 
done,  he  wrote  the  following  note  to  a  friend  : 

"May  4th,  1775. 

"  The  affair  of  the  powder  is  now  settled,  so  as  to  produce 
satisfaction  to  me,  and  I  earnestly  wish  to  the  colonies  in  general. 
The  people  here  have  it  in  charge  from  the  Hanover  committee, 
to  tender  their  services  to  you  as  a  public  officer,  for  the  purpose 
of  escorting  the  public  treasury  to  any  place  in  this  colony,  where 
the  money  would  be  judged  more  safe  than  in  Williamsburg. 
The  reprisal  now  made  by  the  Hanover  volunteers,  though  accom 
plished  in  a  manner  less  liable  to  imputation  of  violent  extremity, 
may  possibly  be  the  cause  of  future  injury  to  the  treasury.  If, 
therefore,  you  apprehend  the  least  danger,  a  sufficient  guard  is  at 
your  service.  I  beg  the  return  of  the  bearer  may  be  instant, 
because  the  men  wish  to  know  their  destination. 

"  With  great  regard,  I  am,  sir,  your  most  humble  servant, 

"  PATRICK  HENRY,  Jr." 

Nicholas,  to  whom  the  above  was  addressed,  replied,  declining 
his  offered  escort,  etc.,  also  expressing  his  views  as  to  the  "impro 
priety"  of  such  a  step.  Having  accomplished  the  object  they  had 
in  view,  the  troop  was  disbanded.  The  soldiers  went  to  their 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


295 


respective  homes,  until  more  active  scenes  called  them  again  to 
service.  This  conduct  drew  from  Dunmore  a  proclamation  to  the 
effect  that,  "  Whereas  a  certain  Patrick  Henry  "  had  violated  the 
majesty  of  the  law,  etc.,  all  persons  were  warned  against  "  aiding 
or  abetting  "  him  in  his  movements,  in  any  way  whatever.  Some 
time  elapsed  before  HENRY  again  distinguished  himself  in  the 
councils.  His  bold  stand,  however,  particularly  his  march  to 
Williamsburg,  attracted  attention  toward  him  in  another  sphere. 
He  was  made  colonel  of  a  regiment.  He  made  early  arrange 
ments  for  active  duty.  July,  1775,  found  him  at  Williamsburg, 
engaged  in  military  operations.  In  this  capacity,  however,  he 
did  nothing  worthy  of  note.  Therefore,  we  drop  his  military 
career,  by  saying  that  the  council,  not  the  field,  was  his  proper 
sphere.  So  far  as  active  military  movements  are  concerned,  the 
name  of  HENRY  could  be  left  out  altogether,  without  loss  to  the 
history  of  the  Revolution.  In  the  legislative  department,  he  was 
a  "  stirrer  of  the  storm,"  and  did  much.  He  held  his  command 
as  colonel  for  some  time,  without  adding  honors  to  his  name,  or 
to  the  cause.  He  was,  in  fact,  sometimes  treated  with  indignity, 
and  pronounced  a  "cipher."  He  finally  resigned  his  commission, 
and  entered  upon  duties  for  which  he  was  more  fitted.  Soon  as 
he  resigned,  he  was  sent  as  member  to  the  Hanover  County  con 
vention.  Parliamentary  prerogative  was  then  virtually  at  an  end. 
These  colonial  conventions  had  weighty  duties  to  perform  ;  none 
was  abler  to  act  a  part  in  them  than  HENRY.  On  the  6th  day  of 
May,  1776,  this  convention  met.  They  chose  Pendleton  for  their 
president.  Their  earliest  movements  were  the  adoption  of  reso 
lutions,  recommending  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  the 
appointment  of  a  committee  to  prepare  a  Bill  of  Eights,  and  a 
plan  of  State  government.  In  these,  HENRY  was  active  and 
earnest.  He  was  placed  on  this  committee.  These  proceedings 
closed  with  drinking  three  toasts,  which  was  done  amid  enthusi 
astic  cheering,  while  their  own  flag  was  streaming  over  them. 
They  were  as  follows :  "  1.  The  American  Independent  States." 
"  2.  The  grand  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  their  respective 
legislatures."  "  3.  General  Washington,  and  victory  to  the 
American  arms." 

After  thus  taking  things  into  their  own  hands,  HENRY  was 
chosen  first  governor  of  the  colony, — the  first  selected  by  the 
people.     The  selection  was  universally  approved.     At  the  most 
20 


296  PATRICK    HENRY. 

discouraging  period  of  the  revolution,  when  hope  itself  seemed 
no  longer  to  hover  over  the  American  banner,  as  governor, 
HENRY  had  little  chance  to  add  new  laurels  to  his  brow.  He  was 
ardent  in  his  attachment  to  the  cause ;  favored  the  Declaration, 
and  did  his  utmost  in  furthering  that  measure,  through  all  its 
aspects.  It  has  been  said  that,  in  these  times  of  distress  and 
gloom,  thoughts  were  seriously  entertained  in  Virginia,  of  making 
HENRY  dictator.  No  such  thing.  Dictator  of  what  ?  of  Virginia  ? 
of  the  legislature?  of  the  militia?  Neither.  The  dictatorship 
of  that  one  colony  would  have  amounted  to  nothing;  of  entire 
continental  powers  would  have  hastened  a  direful  catastrophe. 
Better  for  HENRY,  had  the  threat  which  Colonel  Gary  is  said  to 
have  sent  him  been  executed,  than  he  should  have  been  so  placed. 
u  Tell  him  (HENRY)  for  me,"  said  Gary  to  Syme,  "  that  the  day  of 
his  appointment  shall  be  the  day  of  his  death  ; — for  he  shall  feel 
iny  dagger  in  his  heart  before  the  sunset  of  that  day."  No  such 
thing  was  ever  thought  of;  and  if  it  had  been,  the  feelings  and 
characteristics  of  HENRY,  show  that  he  would  not  have  encour 
aged  it. 

In  the  Spring  of  1777,  he  was  re-elected  governor,  with  quite  a 
spirit  of  unanimity.  The  most  important  event  of  this  year,  was 
the  infamous  Conway  Cabal,  elsewhere  spoken  of.  Soon  as  the 
schemers  got  fairly  under  way,  anxious  to  gain  influential  auxili 
aries,  communications  were  sent  to  various  men  of  distinction, 
urging  their  co-operation  in  the  efforts  to  supplant  Washington,  in 
the  command.  HENRY  was  thunderstruck  on  receiving  one  of  these 
perfidious  missiles  anonymously  communicated  from  Yorktown. 
It  animadverted  upon  Washington  in  terms  of  great  severity, — 
flattered  HENRY,  and  urged  to  the  command  "  a  Gates,  a  Lee,  or 
a  Conway}''  Obeying  none  but  the  dictates  of  true  manhood,  he 
sent  the  letter  to  Washington  immediately,  condemning  in 
strongest  terms  the  traitor  spirit  of  his  enemies.  His  course  was 
highly  commendable,  and  elicited  several  flattering  letters  from 
Washington,  at  Valley  Forge.  Of  the  fate  of  that  cabal,  enough 
has  been  said. 

In  1778,  HENRY  was,  for  the  third  time,  elected  governor.  The 
first  thing  demanding  his  attention,  was  the  capture  of  Phillips, 
a  notorious  plunderer  and  murderer,  who,  at  the  head  of  a  large 
band  of  desperadoes,  was  carrying  ruin,  terror  and  destruction 
throughout  that  part  of  the  country.  One  Wilson,  sent  HENRY 


PATKICK    HENRY.  297 

a  letter,  giving  him  some  information  in  regard  to  this  bandit 
chief.  HENRY  sent  it  to  the  legislature.  Vigorous  means  were 
resorted  to,  to  effect  his  capture.  He  was  finally  captured,  tried, 
condemned  and  executed.  In  this  matter,  HENRY  was  charged 
with  not  having  acted  exactly  right.  Charges,  however,  without 
any  thing  to  base  them  on,  amount  to  nothing. 

In  the  spring  of  1799,  HENRY'S  duties  as  governor  drew  to  a 
close.  The  constitution  of  the  State  rendered  him,  it  was  thought, 
ineligible  to  re-election.  He  sent  a  note  to  the  legislature,  advis 
ing  the  early  selection  of  a  successor.  He  carried  with  him,  out 
of  office,  the  universal  good- will  and  regard  of  all.  These  form 
the  highest  trophy  that  can  deck  a  statesman's  brow.  HENRY 
was  sent  again  to  the  Assembly,  in  the  year  1780.  This  was  the 
time  Gates  was  defeated  at  Camden.  He  came  to  Williamsburg, 
wearing,  as  Charles  Lee  had  said  he  would,  "  southern  willows," 
in  the  place  of  his  "  northern  laurels."  With  a  magnanimity, 
worthy  the  Roman  council  that  met  Terrentius  Yarro  returning 
vanquished  from  the  slaughter-field  of  Cannse,  the  Virginia 
Assembly  received  Gates,  covered  with  disgrace  as  he  was,  with 
marks  of  esteem,  and  passed  a  resolution,  appreciative  of  his 
efforts.  This  illustrates  the  high  feelings  of  HENRY.  He  was 
mainly  instrumental  in  the  movement.  A  dark  period  for  Vir 
ginia  was  the  year  1781.  It  was  the  theater  of  operations.  Tarle- 
ton,  Phillips  and  others,  filled  the  colony  with  alarm  and  confusion. 
The  legislature  met  at  Eichmond  early  in  spring.  Before  they 
had  fairly  organized,  on  the  7th  of  May,  they  were  forced  to 
adjourn  to  Charlottesville.  They  were  just  beginning  to  transact 
business,  when  a  gentleman  galloped  his  horse  into  the  place, 
stirring  it  into  a  buzz  of  commotion,  by  telling  the  people  that 
Tarelton  was  coming  with  speed  to  capture  the  place.  "  Tarleton 
and  the  British!" — the  cry  of  ufire"  was  not  so  ominous  of  destruc 
tion.  The  messenger  was  just  in  time.  The  Assembly  adjourned, 
or  rather  fled  to  Staunton.  Tarleton  arrived  just  as  they  had  left. 
Six  or  seven  members  of  the  legislature  were  taken  prisoners. 

HENRY  continued  his  efforts  for  his  country,  during  the  war 
After  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis,  and  the  cessation  of  hostil 
ities,  he  still  held  a  seat  in  the  councils  of  State.  A  measure 
of  early  consideration,  was  the  proposition  for  the  return  to  the 
enjoyment  of  citizenship,  of  those  who  had  taken  refuge  under 
British  protection  during  the  darkest  period  of  the  war.  The 


298  PATRICK    HENRY. 

word  "  Tory,"  conveyed  an  odium  of  peculiar  detestation  to  the 
American  people,  then  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  virgin  liberty. 
The  measure  was  warmly  opposed.  HENRY,  true  to  his  great 
nature,  favored  it,  and  made  one  of  the  finest  speeches  of  his  life, 
in  answer  to  the  argument  of  the  opponents,  that  they  would  be 
dangerous  to  our  liberties  if  among  us.  HENRY  closed  his  speech 
by  saying :  "  Afraid  of  them !  What,  sir,  shall  we,  who  have  laid 
the  British  LION  at  our  feet,  now  be  afraid  of  his  whelps?  Few 
men  ever  excelled  HENRY  in  the  effective  application  of  these  kind 
of  figures.  Another  sample  has  been  given,  equally  happy.  Favor 
ing  unrestricted  internal  commerce,  he  said,  in  a  speech  of  great 
fervor :  "  Why  should  we .  fetter  commerce  ?  If  a  man  is  in 
chains,  he  droops  and  bows  to  the  earth,  for  his  spirits  are  broken ; 
but  let  him  twist  the  fetters  from  his  legs,  and  he  will  stand  erect. 
Fetter  not  commerce,  sir, — let  her  be  as  free  as  air, — she  will 
range  the  whole  creation,  and  return  on  the  wings  of  the  four 
winds  of  Heaven,  to  bless  the  land  with  plenty."  These  bursts 
of  eloquence,  unadorned  with  rhetorical  finish,  glowing  with  all 
the  fervor  of  his  earnest  soul,  had,  upon  his  hearers,  a  most 
indescribable  effect. 

During  the  year  1784,  nothing  of  very  great  importance  afforded 
opportunities  for  HENRY  to  exhibit  his  powers.  We  find  him 
favoring  treaties  and  negotiations  with  the  Indians,  and  suggesting 
measures  preventive  of  future  difficulties  from  them.  He  also 
advocated  with  ability  the  establishment  and  regulation  of  the 
Episcopal  and  other  Christian  churches,  and  the  devising  of  means 
for  their  permanent  support.  When,  shortly  after,  Washington 
and  Lafayette  visited  Richmond,  HENRY  was  placed  on  the  recep 
tion  committee  that  waited  upon  each.  No  duty  could  have  been 
more  congenial.  They  were  received  in  the  most  flattering 
manner. 

In  the  fall  of  1784,  the  intermediate  time  having  made  him 
re-eligible,  HENRY  was  again  elected  governor  of  the  State.  In 
1786,  he  resigned  this  office,  more  on  account  of  his  comparative 
poverty,  and  the  meager  salary  belonging  to  the  position.  Again 
he  resumed,  or  rather  he  was  driven  to  the  practice  of  his  pro 
fession  for  a  support. 

Shortly  after,  the  Federal  Constitution  was  submitted  for  con 
sideration  to  subordinate  State  conventions.  To  the  convention 
of  Virginia,  that  met  at  Richmond  June  2d,  1788,  HENRY  was 


PATRICK    HENRY,  299 

elected  delegate.  He  was  strongly  opposed  to  the  Constitution  : 
he  says  himself,  that  he  was  "  awfully  alarmed  "  about  it.  HENRY'S 
first  work,  in  that  body  of  stern  men,  was  the  delivery  of  an  able 
and  lengthy  speech,  in  reply  to  Nicholas.  During  this  conven 
tion  HENRY  gave  evidences  of  masterly  oratorical  powers.  To 
ward  the  close  of  the  session,  when  the  time  for  taking  the  final 
vote  was  approaching,  he  made  his  strongest  appeals  against  the 
adoption  of  the  instrument.  Painting  with  vivid  colors  the  deplor 
able  results  that  would  follow,  he  stretched  his  hand  aloft,  exclaim 
ing:  "Beyond  that  horizon  which  binds  mortal  eyes,"  he  in 
voked  the  interposition  of  supernatural  agencies.  So  majestic  he 
appeared,  as  he  did  so,  that  every  one  was  filled  with  solemn  awe. 
It  is  said,  too,  that  just  after  he  made  the  invocation^  a  storm 
burst  from  the  heavens,  and  peal  after  peal  of  thunder  shook  the 
house  to  its  foundation,  and  that,  "rising  on  the  wings  of  the  tem 
pest,  he  seized  upon  the  artillery  of  heaven  to  direct  its  fiercest 
thunders  against  the  heads  of  his  adversaries." 

The  people  were  so  bereft  of  their  senses,  that  they  could  no 
longer  stand  the  effect,  but  rushed  in  confusion  from  their  seats. 
His  efforts  availed  nothing.  The  Constitution  was  adopted :  it 
ought  to  have  been.  HENRY'S  opposition,  however,  did  much 
good.  The  discussion  produced  several  changes  and  modifica 
tions  in  the  instrument. 

On  the  adjournment  of  that  body,  HENRY  resumed  his  labors  in 
the  Assembly.  The  first  duty  of  that  body  was  the  selection  of 
delegates  to  represent  the  State  in  general  Congress.  Madison 
was  nominated.  Against  him  HENRY  proposed  Kichard  Henry 
Lee  and  Grayson,  both  of  whom  were  elected.  HENRY,  who  was 
honestly  alarmed  at  the  reception  of  the  Constitution,  presented  and 
urged  the  adoption  of  resolutions  recommending  the  assemblage 
of  another  convention  for  the  purpose  of  changing  many  of  its  fea- 
ures.  After  some  animated  debate,  his  resolutions  were  adopted. 

It  was  during  this  discussion,  that  a  scene  characteristic  of  the 
man  occurred.  After  enumerating  the  many  defects  in  the  Con 
stitution, — defects  at  variance  with  the  rights  of  his  countrymen, 
he  exclaimed:  "I  am  ready  and  willing,  at  all  times,  and  on  all 
occasions,  to  bow  with  the  utmost  deference,  to  the  majesty  of  the 
people."  Over  the  way  sat  a  young  Federalist  of  dashing  appear 
ance.  He  was  rich,  highly  educated,  very  ambitious,  exceedingly 
graceful,  and  had  been  at  the  court  of  Great  Britain  during 


300  PA  THICK    HENRY. 

the  entire  Revolution,  he  had  withal,  considerable  talent.     Ha 
took  HENRY  up.     He  mentioned  his   opposition  to   the  Consti 
tution  clause  after  clause,  and  consequently,  to  the  views  of  most 
of  his  countrymen,  and  closed  each  by  saying,  "yet  lie  is  ready 
and  willing  at  all  times,  and  on  all' occasions,  to  bovj  to  the 
majesty  of  the  people."     This  he  repeated  some  dozen  times, 
closing  each  finely-wrought  sentence  with  the  "majesty  of  the 
people,"  and  a  most  exquisite  bow.     "  It  is  of  little  importance," 
he  said,  "  whether  a  country  is  ruled  by  a  despot  with  a  tiara  on 
his  head,  or  by  a  demagogue  in  a  red  cloak  (aimed  at  HENRY)  and 
a  caul-bare  wig,  although  he  should  profess,  on  all  occasions,  to 
bow  to  the  majesty  of  the  people"    These  bows  could  not,  it  is 
said,  have  been  excelled  in  gracefulness,  nor  the  repetition  of 
HENRY'S  sentence  in  sarcasm.     The  young  member,  after  keeping 
this  up  for  some  time,  took  his  seat  in  great  triumph.     It  was  now 
HENRY'S  turn.     He  was  never  graceful ;  on  this  occasion  he  tried 
to  be  as  awkward  as  he  could.     He  rose  very  clumsily,  and  said : 
"  Mr.  Speaker,  I  arn  a  plain  man,  and  have  been  educated  alto 
gether  in  Virginia.     My  whole  life  has  been  spent  among  plant 
ers  and  other  plain  men  of  similar  education,  who  have  never  had 
the  advantage  of  that  polish  which  a  court  alone  can  give,  and 
which  the  gentleman  over  the  way  has  so  happily  acquired :  in 
deed,  sir,  the  gentleman's  employments  and  mine  have  been  as 
widely  different  as  our  fortunes  ;  for,  while  that  gentleman  was 
availing  himself  of  the  opportunity  which   a  splendid  fortune 
afforded  him  of  acquiring  a  foreign  education,  mixing  among  the 
great,  attending  levees  and  courts,  basking  in  the  beams  of  royal 
favor  at  St.  James"1,  and  exchanging  courtesies  with  crowned 
heads,  I  was  engaged  in  the  arduous  toils  of  the  Revolution ;  and 
was  probably  as  far  from  thinking  of  acquiring  those  polite  accom 
plishments  which  the  gentleman  has  so  successfully  cultivated,  as 
that  gentleman  then  was  from  sharing  in  the  toils  and  dangers  in 
which  his  unpolished  countrymen  were  engaged.      I  will  not, 
therefore,  presume  to  vie  with  the  gentleman  in  those  courtly 
accomplishments  of  which  he  has  just  given  the  House  so  agree 
able  a  specimen  ;  yet  such  a  bow  as  I  can  make  shall  ever  be  at 
the  service  of  the  people."     As  he  finished  the  sentence,  he  looked 
at  his  graceful  opponent  and  bowed  in  the  most  ludicrous  manner 
he  could  possibly  assume.     The  House  burst  into  roars  of  laughter 
loud  and  long,  greatly  to  the  discomfiture  of  his  friend. 


PATRICK    HENRY.  301 

The  resolutions  were  adopted,  but  little  was  effected  in  conse 
quence.  Though  the  federal  Constitution  was  thought,  by  many, 
to  be  sadly  defective  in  many  of  its  parts,  the  public  mind  became 
generally  satisfied  with  it  as  a  whole.  Sure  it  is  that,  under  its 
healthful  and  wise  provisions,  our  political  organism  gradually 
developed  itself  into  excellence  and  renown.  The  year  1791 
closed  forever  the  political  life  of  PATRICK  HENRY.  A  tornado  of 
no  common  might,  he  had  rushed  irresistible  through  the  troublous 
scenes  we  had  just  passed.  The  circumstances  that  called  them 
forth  no  longer  existing,  that  required  his  peculiar  talents,  with 
the  times  he  calmed  down  and  devoted  himself  to  private  affairs. 
His  poverty  also  made  this  step  necessary.  In  the  practice  of  the 
law  he  could  procure  the  means  his  straitened  circumstances  made 
indispensable.  He  immediately  engaged  in  an  extensive  practice. 
He  was  engaged  in  the  celebrated  British  Debt  case,  and  at  the 
bar  of  the  United  States  Court  appeared  among  an  array  of  talent, 
genius  and  learning,  seldom  convened  anywhere.  In  this  case  he 
made  a  better  display  of  legal  research  and  preparation  than  he 
had  ever  before  done.  He  prepared  himself  thoroughly  in  this 
case,  and  surprised  even  those  who  knew  him  best.  HENRY'S 
strength,  as  a  lawyer,  consisted  in  his  great  oratorical  powers. 
With  most  powerful  pathetic  appeals  and  gushing  eloquence,  he 
combined  a  species  of  serio-comic  ridicule,  the  effect  of  which  was 
inimitable.  A  few  examples  may  be  inserted,  as  given  by  wit 
nesses  at  the  time,  illustrating  this  attribute.  "About  the  year 
1792,  one  Holland  killed  a  man  in  Bottetourt.  The  young  man 
was  popular,  and  lived  with  Mr.  King,  a  wealthy  merchant  in 
Faircastle,  who  employed  Mr.  John  Brackenridge  to  assist  in  the 
prosecution  of  Holland.  This  Holland  had  gone  up  from  the 
county  of  Louisa  as  a  schoolmaster,  but  turned  out  badly,  and  was 
generally  unpopular.  The  killing  was  in  the  night,  and  was  gene 
rally  supposed  to  be  murder.  He  was  the  son  of  one  Dr.  Hol 
land,  who  was  yet  living  in  Louisa  county,  and  had  been  one  of 
HENRY'S  juvenile  friends  and  acquaintances.  It  was  chiefly  at 
the  instance  of  the  father,  and  for  a  very  moderate  fee,  that  HENRY 
undertook  to  go  out  to  the  District  Court  of  Greenbrier,  to  defend 
the  prisoner.  Such  were  the  prejudices  there,  that  the  people  had 
openly  and  repeatedly  declared,  that  even  PATRICK  HENRY  need 
not  come  to  defend  Holland,  unless  he  brought  a  jury  with  him, 
On  the  day  of  trial,  the  Court-house  was  crowded.  I  did  not 


302  PATRICK    HENRY 

move  from  my  seat  for  fourteen  hours,  and  had  no  wish  to  do  so. 
The  examination  of  witnesses  took  up  great  part  of  the  time,  and 
the  lawyers  were  probably  exhausted.  Brackenridge  was  elo 
quent,  but  HENRY  left  no  dry  eye  in  the  Court-house.  The  case, 
I  believe,  was  murder  /  though  possibly  manslaughter  only.  Mr. 
HENRY  laid  hold  of  this  possibility  with  such  effect,  as  to  make 
all  forget  that  Holland  had  killed  the  storekeeper  at  all ;  and  pre 
sented  the  deplorable  case  of  the  jury  killing  Holland,  an  inno 
cent  man.  By  that  force  which  he  possessed  in  such  a  wonderful 
degree,  he  exhibited,  as  it  were,  old  Holland  and  his  wife,  who 
were  then  in  Louisa ;  but  the  drawing  was  so  powerful,  and  so 
true  to  nature,  that  we  seemed  to  see  them  before  us,  and  hear 
them  asking  of  the  jury  c  Where  is  our  son  ?  what  have  you  done 
with  him  ?'  All  this  was  done  in  a  manner  so  solemn  and  touch 
ing,  and  in  a  tone  so  irresistible,  that  it  was  impossible  for  the 
stoutest  heart  not  to  take  sides  with  the  criminal ;  as  for  the  jury, 
they  lost  sight  of  the  murder  they  were  trying,  and  wept  most 
profusely  with  old  Holland  and  his  wife,  whom  HENRY  painted, 
and  perhaps  proved  to  be,  very  respectable.  During  the  exami 
nation  of  the  evidence,  the  bloody  clothes  had  been  brought  in. 
Mr.  HENRY  objected  to  their  exhibition,  and  applied  most  forcibly 
and  pathetically,  Antony's  remark  on  Caesar's  wounds, — on  those 
dumb  mouths  which  would  raise  the  stones  of  Home  to  mutiny. 
He  urged  that  this  sight  would  totally  deprive  the  jury  of  their 
judgment,  which  would  be  merged  in  their  feelings.  The  court 
were  divided  and  the  motion  fell.  The  result  of  the  trial  was, 
that  after  the  retirement  of  half  an  hour  or  a  quarter  of  an  hour, 
the  jury  brought  in  a  verdict  of  not  guilty ;  but  on  being  reminded 
by  the  court  that  they  might  find  a  degree  of  homicide  inferior  to 
murder,  they  altered  their  verdict  to  guilty  of  manslaughter." 

The  above  was  one  of  the  many  cases  in  which  he  was  engaged, 
where  he  brought  all  his  persuasive  powers  to  bear  upon  the 
jury,  and  led  them  entirely  off  from  all  atrocity  connected  with  the 
prisoner. 

The  following  are  instances  in  which  he  pursued  a  different 
course,  and  used  with  equal  effect  his  comic  powers.  "  In  the 
year  1T92,  there  were  many  suits  on  the  south  side  of  James  Kiver, 
for  inflicting  Lynch  law.  A  verdict  of  five  hundred  pounds  had 
been  given,  in  Prince  Edward's  District  Court,  in  a  case  of  this 
kind.  This  alarmed  the  defendant  in  the  next  case,  who  employed 


PATRICK    HENRY.  393 

Mr.  HENRY  to  defend  him.  The  case  was  this  :  a  wagoner  and  the 
plaintiff  were  traveling  to  Richmond  together,  when  the  wagoner 
knocked  down  a  turkey,  and  put  it  into  his  wagon.  Complaint 
was  made  to  the  defendant,  a  justice  of  the  peace ;  both  the  par 
ties  were  taken  up,  and  the  wagoner  agreed  to  take  a  whipping 
rather  than  be  sent  to  jail ;  but  the  plaintiff  refused  ;  the  justice, 
however,  gave  him  a  small  flagellation  ;  and  for  this  the  suit  was 
brought.  The  plaintiff,  by  way  of  taking  off  the  force  of  the 
defense,  insisted  that  he  was  wholly  innocent  of  the  act  committed. 
Mr.  HENRY  contended,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  was  a  party  aiding 
and  assisting.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  expressed  himself 
thus :  '  But,  gentlemen  of  the  jury,  the  plaintiff  tells  you  he  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  turkey.  I  dare  say,  gentlemen,  not  until 
it  was  r-o-a-s-t-ed.'  He*  pronounced  this  word  roasted  with  such 
rotundity  of  voice, — such  a  ludicrous  whirl  of  the  tongue,  and  in 
a  manner  so  indescribably  comical,  that  it  threw  every  one  into  a 
fit  of  laughter  at  the  plaintiff,  who  stood  up  in  the  place  usually 
allotted  to  criminals  ;  and  the  defendant  was  let  off  with  little  or 
no  damages."* 

Here  follows  another  illustration  of  his  humorous  way  of  man 
aging  certain  cases.  Every  schoolboy  remembers  to  have  read 
the  case  of  John  Hook.  The  case  was  about  this.  Hook  was  a 
man  of  wealth,  but  was  regarded  as  being  opposed  to  the  Revo 
lution.  At  a  time  when  the  army  was  suffering  for  supplies,  and 
they  assumed  the  right  of  taking  them  wherever  found,  a  Mr. 
Yenable  laid  hold  of  some  of  Hook's  cattle,  without  giving  remu 
neration.  After  peace  was  ratified,  Hook  sued  Yenable  for  the 
value  of  his  steers.  HENRY  defended  him.  A  large  crowd  was 
present.  HENRY  spoke  of  the  Revolution  in  terms  deeply  pathe 
tic, — the  blood  at  Brandy  wine  seemed  to  flow  afresh, — the  frozen 
feet  of  starving  veterans  at  Yalley  Forge  seemed  before  them. 
He  then  turned  to  Hook,  cowering  under  his  eloquence,  and 
said:  u Where  is  the  man,  who  had  an  American  heart  in  his 
bosom,  who  would  not  have  thrown  open  his  fields,  his  barns,  his 
cellars,  the  doors  of  his  house,  the  portals  of  his  breast,  to  have 
received  with  open  arms  the  meanest  soldier  in  that  little  band 
of  famished  patriots  ?  Where  is  the  man  ?  There  he  stands, — 
but  whether  an  American  heart  beats  in  his  bosom,  you,  gentle- 

*  Stuart. 


304  PATRICK    HENRY. 

men,  are  to  judge."  Then  he  dwelt  upon  the  blessings  of  peace, 
bought  by  common  blood  and  treasure, — he  mentioned  the  uni 
versal  joy  pervading  all  classes,  from  one  end  of  the  Continent 
to  the  other.  "  But  hark !"  he  exclaimed,  "  what  notes  of  discord 
are  those  which  disturb  the  general  joy,  and  silence  the  acclama 
tions  of  victory, —  they  are  the  notes  of  John  Hoolt,  hoarsely 
bawling  through  the  American  camp,  ~beef!  BEEF!  !"  Never  did 
court-room  present  such  a  spectacle  ;  judge,  jury,  and  clerks  were 
roaring  with  laughter.  Yenable  gained  his  case,  while  Hook 
barely  escaped  being  tarred  and  feathered. 

But  enough  of  his  legal  career.  He  went  into  retirement,  with 
"  his  laurels  fresh  and  green  about  him,"  fully  prepared  for  its 
enjoyments.  As  Jefferson  said,  "he  was  the  best  humored  man 
in  the  world  :"  as  Wirt  says,  "  his  disposition  was  all  sweetness, — 
his  affections  were  warm,  kind,  and  social, — his  patience  invin 
cible, — his  temper  even,  unclouded,  cheerful  and  serene,  his  man 
ners  plain,  open,  familiar  and  simple, — his  conversation  easy, 
ingenuous  and  unaffected,  full  of  entertainment,  full  of  instruction, 
and  irradiated  with  all  those  light  and  softer  graces  which  his 
genius  threw  without  effort  over  the  most  common  subjects." 

HENRY  was  the  kindest  of  husbands,  the  best  of  parents,  the 
most  generous  of  neighbors,  the  truest  of  patriots,  a  consistent 
philanthropist,  and  at  heart,  among  the  purest  of  men.  Well 
capacitated,  indeed,  was  he  to  adorn  the  walks  of  private  life. 
Among  his  children,  engaged  in  his  professional  duties,  attending 
to  domestic  affairs,  or  seated  in  the  shades  of  the  old  trees  before 
his  door,  talking  to  friends  about  the  stirring  scenes  he  had  wit 
nessed,  he  passed  his  time  as  became  the  hero  orator  of  the  Revo 
lution. 

In  1796  he  was  again  elected  governor  of  the  State,  but  declined. 
He  continued  the  enjoyment  of  private  life  with  a  marked  degree 
of  content,  till  1797,  when  his  health  began  to  fail  him.  It  is  to 
be  regretted  that  the  retirement  which  age  and  long  service  made 
essential  to  his  comfort,  should  have  been  interrupted  by  the  dic 
tates  of  his  impetuous  nature,  and  roused  by  the  portentous  signs 
of  the  times.  So  powerfully  did  the  troubles  with  France  work 
upon  his  mind,  that  he  thought  it  his  duty  again  to  engage  in  the 
political  strifes  of  his  country.  In  1799,  he  became  a  candidate 
for  the  Assembly  from  the  county  of  Charlotte.  This  was  a  species 
of  political  insanity.  The  election  came  on.  His  old  friends 


PATRICK    HENRY.  305 

gathered  around  him  in  crowds  ;  so  much  so,  that  an  old  minister 
asked  :  "  Why  do  you  thus  follow  Mr.  HENRY  about, — Mr.  HENRY 
is  no  god  ?"  "  No,"  replied  HENRY,  "  I  am  but  a  poor  worm  of 
the  dust,  as  fleeting  and  unsubstantial  as  the  shadow  of  the  cloud 
that  flies  over  your  fields,  and  is  remembered  no  more." 

On  that  day  he  made  his  last  speech.  It  was  evident  that  his 
"rising  fires  were  smothered."  In  a  somewhat  disconnected 
manner  he  adverted  to  the  different  subjects  distracting  the  coun 
try  with  agitation.  Coming  to  Washington  and  his  services,  he 
blazed  with  wonted  light.  "  Where,"  said  he,  u  is  the  citizen  of 
America  who  will  dare  to  lift  his  hand  against  the  Father  of  his 
Country  ?"  "  I  dare  do  it,"  responded  some  one  in  the  crowd. 
"No! "  exclaimed  the  towering  HENRY,  " you  dare  not  do  it /  in 
such  a  parricidal  attempt,  the  steel  would  drop  from  your  nerve 
less  arm  /" 

HENRY  was  elected  by  a  good  majority ;  but  before  the  Assem 
bly  convened,  he  was  called  to  another  sphere.  Disease  had 
"  fastened  its  fangs  "  deeply  upon  him.  He  continued  to  decline 
until  early  summer,  and  breathed  his  last  on  the  6th  of  June,  1797. 
He  was  a  great  man  by  nature, — he  lived  a  great  man,  died  a 
great  man, — the  nation  conceded  that  he  was  a  great  man ;  yet 
not  a  stone  marks  the  spot  where  he  sleeps. 


NATHANIEL  GKEENE. 


EDWAKD,  the  Black  Prince,  was  a  comparative  youth  when  he 
gained  the  battle  of  Cressy.  On  that  field  he  was  knighted. 
When  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  he  was  about  to  be  overwhelmed 
by  superior  numbers,  word  was  sent  to  his  father  that  he  must  have 
reinforcements,  or  inevitably  perish.  His  father  was  near  by,  with 
the  flower  of  the  army:  " Tell  him  to  win  Ms  spurs,7'* said  he  to 
the  messenger.  Receiving  this,  the  gallant  boy  rushed  through  the 
phalanx  about  him,  and  conquered  the  enemy. 

Isolated  upon  the  theater  of  southern  warfare,  during  the  most 
discouraging  scenes  of  the  Revolution,  was  a  staunch  veteran  in 
arms,  who,  in  braving  himself  to  the  combined  efforts  of  the 
British  soldiery, — without  assistance  from  the  main  army, — if  he 
did  not  win  the  spurs  of  knighthood,  at  least,  placed  himself  next 
to  the  Father  of  his  Country  on  the  list  of  military  heroes,  who 
established  our  Independence.  That  veteran  was  NATHANIEL 
GREENE.  Associated  with  the  name,  who  does  not  remember 
Guilford  and  Eutaw  Springs? 

Ho  was  born  in  Warwick,  Rhode  Island,  May  27th,  1742.  His 
father  owned  a  forge  and  a  mill,  on  Potowhommett  Creek.  Work 
ing  at  these,  and  engaging  in  the  seasonable  amusements  of  those 
times,  NATHANIEL  became  quite  hardy  and  robust.  When  yet 
young,  a  teacher  was  installed  in  his  father's  family.  From  this 
teacher,  he  learned  many  things  that  formed  useful  life-lessons, 
through  the  varied  scenes  he  had  to  pass.  His  boyhood  was 
marked  with  gayety  of  disposition,  and  a  fondness  for  active 
enjoyments.  He  had,  also,  a  great  love  for  books  ;  winter  even 
ings  and  holiday  times,  frequently  found  him  worming  through 
(30G) 


NATHANIEL   GREENE. 


NATHANIEL     GREENE.  307 

the  libraries  and  book-shelves  of  his  father's  acquaintances. 
Though  partial  to  mathematics,  as  most  military  men  are,  he 
studied  the  Latin  language  with  considerable  interest,  and  acquired 
a  tolerable  smattering  of  it.  He  loved  to  read  Locke  and  Watts ; 
they  became  early  his  favorite  library  companions.  Though  very 
poor,  by  the  time  he  was  twenty,  he  had  collected  quite  a  library,  and 
what  was  better,  he  had  studied  each  volume  procured.  He  had 
that  most  essential  faculty  of  thinking  for  himself,  without  bias 
or  prejudice.  Hence,  correct  conclusions  were  the  result  of  his 
application.  He  was  exceedingly  temperate, — temperate  in  diet, 
actions  and  habits.  The  dawn  of  day  always  found  him  out  of 
bed.  It  is  said  that  his  favorite  recreation  was  the  dance,  an 
amusement  into  which  he  entered  with  high  relish.  This  pro 
pensity  did  not  suit  his  Quaker  sire.  He  indulged  his  dancing 
frolics  clandestinely.  On  the  occasion  of  a  grand  ball  in  the 
neighborhood,  his  father  resolved  to  watch  him.  GREENE  re 
turned  late  at  night.  The  house  was  locked,  and  his  father  stood, 
horsewhip  in  hand,  in  the  path  leading  to  the  door.  Escape  was 
out  of  the  question.  Wear  by,  was  a  pile  of  shingles.  Several 
of  these  GREENE  slipped  up  his  back,  under  his  coat.  Such  a 
flagellation  as  the  shingles  got,  would  be  a  novelty  to  boys  in  our 
day.  This  love  of  fun  and  frolic  continued  through  life.  After 
the  war,  he  was  known  to  engage  in  them  with  boyish  relish. 

In  his  twentieth  year,  he  read  Blackstone  and  other  legal 
authorities,  with  a  great  degree  of  interest  and  comprehension. 
This  seems  to  have  given  his  mind  a  higher  bent,  Aspiration 
for  distinction,  supplanted  much  of  his  loVe  of  frolic.  He  began 
to  take  interest  in  the  public  concerns.  In  the  quarrel  with  Great 
Britain,  he  sided  with  the  patriots.  He  also  made  valuable 
accessions  to  his  library,  and  was  mainly  the  founder  of  a  public 
school  in  the  neighborhood  of  his  father's  residence. 

His  entrance  into  public  life  was  in  1770,  when  he  was  sent  to 
the  General  Assembly.  He  held  this  position  for  some  time,  and 
always  exhibited  great  firmness  of  purpose,  decision  of  character, 
and  energy  of  execution.  When  the  cry  of  war  with  England 
was  raised,  a  sympathetic  chord  was  struck.  GREENE  now  gave 
his  attention  to  military  science,  and  studied  the  art  of  war  with 
enthusiasm.  He  was  now  on  the  right  track,  and  in  a  sure  way 
of  finding  out  himself.  Never  was  study  more  congenial,  or 
progress  more  rapid.  Excitements  of  the  times  became  intense. 


308  NATHANIEL     GREENE. 

An  immense  meeting  was  gathered  at  Plainfield.  Thither  want 
GREENE.  His  eye  dilated,  his  arm  nerved,  and  every  motion 
spoke  his  soul,  as  he  saw,  for  the  first  time,  the  evolutions 
of  military  companies  paraded  under  arms.  His  career  was 
decided.  For  him,  the  drum,  the  sword-clash,  the  banner,  the 
shout,  had  greater  charms  than  a  lover's  whisper.  The  idea  of 
GREENE'S  engagement  in  such  scenes,  did  not  suit  his  Quaker 
friends.  They  took  him  to  task  about  it.  He  heard  their  re 
monstrances,  but  declared  that  he  would  stand  by  the  cause. 
He  had  drank  ir.  the  elixir  of  martial  music.  What  cared  he 
for  Quakerdom,  when  the  battle-field  of  liberty  stretched  before 
him  ?  He  was  turned  out  of  the  society,  and  was  never  again  a 
member. 

Having  doffed  his  Quaker  vestment,  he  mingled  more  in  society. 
As  a  result,  he  became  fascinated  with  a  Block  Island  beauty,  by 
the  name  of  Littlefield.  The  attachment  was  reciprocal.  They 
were  married,  July  20th,  1774.  He  was  now  thirty -two  years  of 
age.  Active  movements  called  him  to  service.  An  independ 
ent  troop  of  soldiers  was  organized  at  East  Greenwich,  1,774. 
GREENE  offered  himself  for  lieutenant,  but  was  not  accepted.  He 
cared  nothing  about  that,  and  enrolled  himself  as  a  private. 
Here  commences  his  military  career.  He  now  went  to  Boston, 
and  saw,  for  the  first  time,  the  banded  armies  of  England  in  grand 
parade.  He  watched  them  with  great  interest.  With  blood 
mounting  to  his  temples,  the  love  of  freedom  in  his  heart,  and 
smothered  indignation  agitating  his  bosom,  he  observed  each  step 
and  movement  of  those  haughty  regulars,  in  whose  humiliation 
he  was  to  take  so  active  a  part. 

The  independent  company  which  he  joined,  on  hearing  of  the 
battle  of  Lexington,  started  for  Boston.  They  met  a  messenger 
on  the  way,  who  bore  an  order  from  the  governor,  commanding 
them  to  return.  Here,  GREENE  proved  that  he  ought  to  have  been 
elected  lieutenant.  The  company,  notwithstanding  the  enthusiasm 
exhibited,  did  not  have  the  hardihood  to  proceed,  but  immediately 
countermarched.  Not  so  with  GREENE.  Chafing  under  the  idea 
of  backing  out,  he  begged  as  many  as  would,  to  follow  him.  But 
two  consented.  Abandoned  by  his  company,  this  nettled  hero, 
with  his  brother  and  one  other  went  ahead  toward  Boston.  Before 
they  got  there,  they  heard  that  the  rusty  muskets  of  the  farmers 
had  driven  the  enemy  before  them.  So  far  as  he  was  concerned, 


NATHANIEL    GREENE.  399 

this  decided  step  settled  the  point.  A  swift  course  was  pursued 
by  Rhode  Island.  A  large  number  of  men  was  raised.  GREENE 
was  placed  at  their  head  as  major-general, — choice  selection. 
The  Spring  of  1775,  opened  upon  him.  He  was  then  thirty-three 
years  old.  "About  five  feet  ten  or  eleven  inches  high,  *  *  * 
dignified  and  commanding,  his  limbs  vigorous  and  firmly  set, 
*  *  *  a  slight  stiffness  of  the  right  leg,  *  *  *  darkened  by 
constant  exposure  to  the  wind  and  sun ;  his  features,  though  not 
uncommonly  large,  strongly  marked,  his  eyes  blue  and  remarkable 
for  their  brilliancy  and  fire, — the  general  expression  of  his 
countenance,  thoughtful  and  benevolent,  exceedingly  flexible  to 
every  emotion,  and  slightly  marked  with  small-pox  near  his  right 
eye."*  GREENE  assumed  the  position  of  major-general.  A  deep 
student  of  human  nature,  he  entered  upon  these  duties  with  no  great 
fund  of  military  knowledge,  but  with  'qualities  that  would  insure 
his  efficiency.  He  devoted  himself  to  training  his  troops,  and 
was  so  successful  that  he  received  the  highest  praise  from  members 
of  Washington's  staff.  On  reaching  Boston,  he  was  stationed 
with  his  command  on  Prospect  Hill,  a  position  immediately  ex 
posed  to  the  efforts  of  the  enemy.  He  threw  up  fortifications 
with  dispatch.  On  Washington's  arrival  before  the  city,  he  was 
greatly  rejoiced.  An  attachment  sprang  up  between  the  two 
that  never  abated. 

Though  he  had  no  chance  of  distinguishing  himself  in  the 
siege  of  that  city,  he  availed  himself  of  every  opportunity  of 
reducing  what  knowledge  he  had  to  practice.  He  did  not  confine 
nis  studies,  however,  solely  to  military  affairs.  He  investigated  the 
various  subjects  of  State  and  national  policy,  then  before  the  public 
mind.  Early  in  1775,  we  find  him  earnestly  advocating  a  declar 
ation  of  independence.  When  the  regulations  of  the  army  came 
immediately  under  the  supervision  of  Congress,  GREENE  was 
superseded  as  major,  and  created  a  brigadier-general.  To  him, 
this  was  perfectly  satisfactory.  About  this  time  an  attack  was  ex 
pected  to  be  made  upon  Boston.  GREENE  fell  sick.  His  anxiety 
was  extreme.  "  Sick  or  well,"  said  he,  "I  mean  to  be  there." 

When  Washington  hastened  with  his  troops  to  the  protection  of 
New  York,  GREENE  wasleft  in  command  at  Long  Island.  With  ex 
treme  caution  he  reviewed  his  positions,  and  threw  up  fortifications. 


*  Sparks. 
21 


310  NATHANIEL    GREENE. 

He  now  fell  sick,  and  came  near  dying.  While  confined  to  his 
bed,  the  battle  of  Long  Island  was  fought  and  lost.  u  Great 
God,"  he  exclaimed,  "to  be  sick  at  such  a  time."  The  defeat 
made  deep  impression  on  his  mind.  Recovering  of  his  sickness, 
he  was  again  advanced  to  the  rank  of  major-general.  He  insisted 
upon  a  speedy  retreat,  and  urged  the  destruction  of  the  metropolis. 
In  the  retreat,  heavy  losses  were  sustained.  GREENE  was  at 
Harlsem  Hights,  and  fought  with  stern  courage,  during  the 
operations  about  that  point.  He  was  next  sent  to  Staten  Island, 
to  keep  an  eye  upon  the  enemy  in  that  quarter.  At  Fort  Lee,  he 
had  severe  times.  The  soldiers  were  disheartened,  and  some 
refused  to  serve,  preferring  the  overtures  made  by  the  crown,  at 
the  time,  to  the  hardships  incident  to  their  position.  GREENE 
nipped  this  spirit  in  the  bud,  by  enforcing  rigorous  military 
discipline.  Here,  he  committed  the  greatest  blunder  of  his 
military  life.  Fort  Washington  was  manned,  for  the  purpose  of 
preventing  British  ships  from  passing  along  the  river.  They 
passed,  however,  and  the  main  object  was  defeated.  It  was  urged 
that  the  fort  be  abandoned.  GREENE  persisted  in  retaining  it. 
The  result  was,  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  who  captured 
the  stores,  and  took  some  four  thousand  prisoners.  He  always 
affirmed,  however,  that  he  was  right,  and  that  if  the  garrison  had 
fought  as  they  should  have  done,  the  British  would  have  been 
repulsed.  Certain  it  is,  that  just  before  the  fort  was  stormed, 
GREENE  was  there,  encouraging  his  troops  with  coolness  and 
bravery.  The  fall  of  Fort  Lee,  which  immediately  followed,  com 
pleted  the  disasters  in  that  quarter.  On  the  18th  of  November, 
1776,  Cornwallis  took  his  line  of  march  for  the  fort.  GREENE 
had  not  risen.  Hearing  of  the  movement,  he  sprang  from  his 
couch,  and  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  men.  He  was 
quickly  fronting  the  enemy.  Washington,  in  the  meantime, 
arrived  upon  the  spot.  GREENE  now  hurried  back  to  the  fort,  and 
drew  off  the  garrison  to  a  place  of  safety.  In  these  transactions, 
he  showed  high  spirit  and  intrepidity.  Through  the  long,  terri 
ble  night  that  followed,  he  stood  by  Washington  with  energetic 
firmness,  and  hailed  with  equal  pride,  the  first  dawning  rays  that 
gilded  the  fields  of  Trenton  and  Princeton.  With  these  brilliant 
engagements,  the  year  1776  passed  by. 

In  1777,  GREENE  was  stationed  at  Baskingridge,  where  several 
skirmishes  of  no  great  importance  took  place.     He  was  next  sent 


NATHANIEL    GREENE. 

to  Philadelphia,  to  confer  with  Congress,  in  regard  to  the  reor 
ganization  of  the  army,  which  business  he  attended  to  in  a  satis 
factory  manner.  In  the  spring  of  1777,  the  American  army  was 
stationed  at  Middlebrook.  Here,  followed  those  skillful  displays 
of  generalship,  exhibited  on  both  sides,  elsewhere  mentioned. 
When  the  enemy  were  descried  in  the  Chesapeake,  knowing  an 
attack  was  contemplated,  the  selection  of  a  place  to  make  a  stand 
fell  upon  GEEENE.  He  settled  upon  a  place,  called  Cross  Eoads, 
back  in  the  level  country.  The  war  council  differed  with  him, 
and  chose  the  Brandywine.  GEEENE  opposed  strenuously  the 
occupancy  of  that  position,  but  without  avail.  Had  his  advice 
been  heeded,  perhaps  the  disastrous  result  of  that  day  would  have 
been  averted.  The  British  came  to  the  attack  on  the  10th  of 
September,  1777.  The  Americans  were  beaten.  GEEENE  showed 
true  courage  and  endurance,  particularly  in  the  retreat.  By  a 
rapid  movement,  marching  four  miles  in  something  over  half  an 
hour,  he  threw  himself  between  the  retreating  and  jaded  Ameri 
cans,  and  their  flushed  pursuers.  Rallying  as  many  as  he  could, 
he  beat  off  the  enemy,  until  reaching  an  advantageous  position, 
he  halted,  and  made  good  his  stand  till  night-fall,  when  the 
British  ceased  further  efforts.  This  bold  movement  saved  the  lives 
of  many  brave  men.  The  British  being  thus  victorious,  pushed 
on  to  Philadelphia,  of  which  they  made  themselves  masters,  on 
the  26th  of  the  same  month.  The  battle  of  Germantown  followed. 
It  was  fought  on  the  4th  of  October.  GEEENE  commanded  the  left 
wing.  A  dense  fog,  almost  obscured  the  light  of  the  morning  sun. 
Firing  by  the  light  of  each  other's  flashes,  after  the  engagement 
began,  the  bloody  work  was  kept  up  for  some  time.  The  Ameri 
cans  were,  at  one  time,  near  gaining  a  decisive  victory.  But,' 
at  a  critical  juncture,  when  the  fortunes  of  the  day  were  about 
turning  in  their  favor,  friends  were  mistaken  for  foes,  and  threw 
them  into  confusion.  Cornwallis  arriving  at  the  same  time,  com 
pleted  their  disorder.  GEEENE  chafed  like  a  wounded  lion,  as 
he  saw  victory  snatched  from  them,  and  ordered  a  retreat. 
Gallantly  the  men  were  drawn  off  as  best  it  could  be  done. 
They  were  pursued  for  miles,  and  many  of  them  fell  by  the  bullets 
of  the  enemy,  that  flew  thick  as  hail  about  them. 

During  the  scenes  that  succeeded  these  events,  GEEENE  acted 
an  efficient  and  vigorous  part.  He  finally  retired  with  the  main 
army  to  that  ever  memorable  encampment  at  Valley  Forge. 


312  NATHANIEL     GREENE. 

Here,  he  was  joined  by  his  wife,  as  were  Washington  and  many 
other  officers. 

Shortly  after  this,  GREENE  was  made  quarter-master  general,  a 
position,  than  which,  none  more  responsible  existed  in  the  army 
department.  Already  had  serious  inconveniences  been  felt,  for 
want  of  a  proper  man  to  fill  it.  Enterprises  had  failed  from  inade 
quate  provision  of  supplies.  The  army  had  suffered  beyond 
example,  with  no  one  to  whom  they  could  appeal  for  alleviation. 
GKEENE  was  the  very  man  for  the  place.  He  accepted  the  station, 
but  declared  that  it  should  be  no  bar  to  his  active  service,  or  lead 
ing  his  men  to  fight  in  the  field. 

On  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia  by  the  British,  GREENE  urged 
strongly  an  attack  upon  them.  This  was  opposed  by  many  of  the 
officers.  His  advice,  on  this  occasion,  was  heeded,  and  the  battle 
of  Momnouth  followed.  In  that  engagement  he  led  the  right 
wing,  and  behaved  with  high  spirit.  Lee  was  just  beginning  his 
retreat  as  he  filed  into  action.  Taking  a  position  on  the  enemy's 
left,  though  his  orders  were  to  gain  their  rear,  GKEENE  poured 
upon  them  such  a  raking  fire  that  they  were  driven  back.  The 
conjunction  of  Wayne's  troops  with  his  own,  now  completed  the 
confusion  of  the  enemy.  GREENE  now  turned  his  attention  to 
the  wounded  soldiers.  Prospects  now  indicated  a  successful 
termination  of  the  long  and  bloody  struggle.  The  arrival  of  the 
French  forces  at  Newport,  just  at  the  time  the  battle  of  Momnouth 
was  gained,  reinspired  the  whole  country.  GREENE,  it  may  well 
be  imagined,  embarked  in  his  quarter-master's  duties  with 
buoyancy  and  animation.  Uniting  his  forces  with  those  of 
general  Sullivan  in  Rhode  Island,  GREENE  took  his  position  on 
Tiverton  hills  and  prepared  to  act  in  conjunction  with  Count  D' 
Estaing,  in  the  vicinity  of  Newport.  This  was  near  midsum 
mer,  and  during  the  maneuvers  that  succeeded  until  the  dis 
persion  of  D'Estaing's  fleet  by  a  storm,  he  rendered  efficient 
service.  Had  Count  D'Estaing  remained  near  the  harbor  with 
his  fleet,  and  aided  in  the  combined  attack  contemplated  against 
Newport,  victory  would  have  been  almost  certain ;  instead  of  this 
he  sailed  out  to  meet  the  British  fleet  and  offer  battle.  He 
encountered  a  severe  gale,  and  accomplished  nothing ;  while  the 
land  army  left  unprotected,  endured  the  pelting  rain  and  wind  for 
three  days.  Several  days  passed  by,  and  no  tidings  of  the  fleet. 
At  length  it  was  seen,  greatly  to  the  joy  of  the  soldiers,  making 


NATHANIEL     GKEENE.  3^3 

for  the  land.  GREENE  went  aboard,  to  confer  with  the  Count 
upon  a  plan  of  general  attack  upon  Newport.  Here  he  saw  the 
shattered  condition  of  the  Count's  boasted  fleet,  and  that  no  assis 
tance  could  be  expected  from  it.  Owing  to  these  circumstances, 
all  prospects  of  brilliant  results  in  that  quarter  fell  through. 
Nothing  now  remained  but  retreat.  GKEENE  coolly,  and  with 
courage,  protected  the  rear.  Reaching  their  redoubts,  the  fire  of 
the  enemy  announced  their  pursuit.  GREENE  now  insisted  upon 
a  rapid  march  to  Newport,  with  a  view  of  taking  it  by  surprise. 
He  was  not  heeded.  The  British  soon  came  up,  and  commenced 
a  fierce  attack.  GREENE  was  now  among  familiar  scenes,  near 
his  own  home, — the  hearth  of  his  nestlings.  The  cannon  boom 
shook  his  own  domicil,  and  jarred  the  heart-beats  of  his  own  wife. 
As  the  enemy  came  on,  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  his  men, 
he  boldly  encountered  their  attack.  Firm  as  a  rock,  he  directed 
the  fire  of  his  brave  men,  who,  volley  after  volley,  poured  their 
balls  with  fatal  effect  upon  the  enemy.  After  resisting  it  for  a 
while,  the  enemy  were  repulsed  with  heavy  loss.  They  recom 
menced  the  attack  at  daylight  next  morning,  but  with  little 
effect. 

GREENE  now  paid  a  brief  visit  home.  Perplexed,  however, 
with  complicated  cares,  it  afforded  light  source  of  enjoyment. 
The  army's  failure  around  Newport,  drew  upon  it  severe  animad 
versions.  GREENE  came  in  for  his  share  of  it.  He  took  it  very 
coolly,  and  found  time  to  exculpate  his  commander  from  aspersions 
heaped  upon  him.  Here,  a  little  incident  occurred,  that  shows 
how  cautious  and  prudent  he  was.  The  ire  of  Sullivan  was 
excited  to  the  highest  pitch  against  Count  D'Estaing,  for  the 
manner  in  which  he  had  managed  the  fleet.  There  is  little  doubt 
that  he  sent  to  Congress  a  severe  remonstrance  against  the  Count. 
GREENE  having  business  in  Philadelphia,  was  offered  a  seat  in 
Congress  the  very  moment  the  communication  arrived.  Just  as 
he  took  his  seat  by  Laurens,  the  president,  he  heard  the  announce 
ment,  that  a  document  was  received  from  the  governor  of  Rhode 
Island.  It  was  ordered  to  be  read  and  handed  to  the  clerk.  With 
intuitive  sagacity,  GREENE  knew  in  an  instant  that  it  was  a  phil- 
lipic  from  Sullivan,  against  Count  D'Estaing.  Snatching  up  a 
slip  of  paper,  just  as  the  clerk  was  opening  the  letter,  he  quickly 
wrote:  "  For  God's  sake,  do  not  Let  that  paper  ~be  read  till  you 
have  looked  it  over"  This  he  handed  to  Laurens.  Laurens 


314  NATHANIEL     GREENE. 

immediately  whispered  to  the  clerk.  The  letter  was  laid  aside, 
and  the  regular  business  of  the  day  taken  up. 

Small  as  this  incident  may  seem,  had  that  document  been  read 
just  at  that  time,  in  Congress,  sad  results  might  have  ensued. 
The  feelings  prevailing  between  the  soldiers  and  officers  of  the 
two  armies  were  none  of  the  best.  Very  small  things  might  have 
widened  the  breach  to  an  open  collision.  GREENE  again,  at  this 
time,  devoted  himself  with  zeal  to  his  official  duties.  No  time, 
perhaps,  existed  during  the  war,  when  just  that  sort  of  talents 
he  had  were  in  greater  demand.  Congress  was  torn  by  jealousies 
and  conflicting  opinions ;  the  army  was  jaded  and  discouraged ; 
the  country  had  lost  confidence  in  their  system  of  government ; 
the  treasury  was  bankrupt,  and  public  credit  destroyed.  The 
army  was  without  food,  clothing  or  pay ;  apathy  began  to  prevail 
on  the  part  of  the  people,  on  account  of  the  high  hopes  excited  by 
the  alliance  with  France.  GREENE  was  desirous  that  Congress 
should  be  more  prompt  and  energetic  in  their  deliberations  and 
measures  for  the  public  good ;  to  produce  this  result,  he  visited 
Philadelphia,  and  again  conferred  with  that  body,  in  the  spring 
of  1780.  During  the  two  years  he  had  been  quarter-master 
general,  he  had  made  every  effort  to  advance  the  cause  of  the 
patriots.  Congress,  in  the  adoption  of  certain  measures  not 
accordant  with  GREENE'S  ideas  of  the  course  they  should  pursue, 
he  sent  in  his  resignation  to  that  body,  and  urged  them  to  select  a 
successor  to  the  office.  Congress  grew  highly  indignant.  A 
heated  and  protracted  discussion  arose  as  to  whether  GREENE 
should  be  deprived  of  his  command.  This  proposition  was  finally 
given  to  the  decision  of  an  especial  committee.  In  their  report, 
they  said:  "That  the  resignation  of  NATHANIEL  GREENE  be 
accepted,  and  that  he  be  informed  that  Congress  have  no  farther 
need  of  his  services."  Here  arose  a  question  of  contention. 
GREENE  had  his  friends  there.  These  stood  by  him  with  manly 
firmness.  Washington  too,  wrote  them  letters,  extolling  the 
capacities  of  GREENE  as  a  military  man.  This  bitterness  finally 
relaxed.  GREENE'S  resignation  was  honorably  received. 

About  this  time,  Clinton  returned  from  the  conquest  of  the 
Carolinas.  GREENE,  not  being  deprived  of  his  commission,  was 
left  in  command  of  New  Jersey.  June  23d,  1780,  found  him 
strongly  encamped  upon  the  hills,  back  of  Springfield,  with  thir 
teen  hundred  men.  Clinton  soon  advanced  upon  him  with  near 


NATHANIEL    GREENE.  315 

twice  that  number.  Lee  was  sent  to  check  the  right,  and  Dayton 
the  left,  wing  of  the  enemy.  With  firmness  and  dispatch,  GREENE 
concentrated  his  forces  to  sustain  the  combined  attack.  The 
defense  of  the  bridges,  spanning  Kahway  Creek,  was  the  main 
object.  The  front  of  the  main  body  protected  two  of  these,  and 
Shreve's  regiment  the  third.  Strong  detachments  were  stationed 
on  the  hills,  to  be  brought  into  action  as  circumstances  might 
require.  The  British  came  gallantly  to  the  charge.  A  division 
crossed  at  a  ford  which  had  not  been  protected,  and  gaining  the 
rear  of  Lee,  who  had  command  at  one  of  the  front  bridges, 
forced  him,  after  a  brave  stand,  to  retreat.  The  right  flank  was 
next  compelled  to  retire,  after  a  sanguinary  resistance,  to  the 
second  bridge.  The  army  had  yet  to  encounter  Shreve.  He 
gave  them  a  hot  reception,  and  so  held  them  back,  as  to  enable 
GREENE  to  make  such  disposition  of  his  troops,  as  would  insure 
efficient  action.  So  well  did  he  arrange  himself,  reinforced  by 
the  men  stationed  on  the  hills,  that  the  British,  not  choosing 
to  renew  the  attack,  contented  themselves  with  going  into  the 
town,  which  they  set  on  fire.  The  greater  portion  of  it  was 
burned,  despite  GREENE'S  efforts  to  prevent  the  spread  of  the 
flames.  They  then  retreated,  pursued  by  the  Americans.  They 
made  good  their  escape  with  considerable  loss.  Thus  terminated 
the  battle  of  Springfield. 

Active  operations  now  ceasing  for  a  time,  "Washington  visited 
Hartford,  with  a  view  of  concerting  measures  with  the  French 
commanders,  for  another  campaign.  During  his  absence,  GREENE 
held  chief  command.  He  filled  the  post  with  dignity  and 
credit.  Near  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking,  the  treason 
of  Arnold  became  known.  On  the  capture  of  Andre,  GREENE 
presided  over  the  tribunal  by  which  he  was  condemned.  GREENE 
was  now  intrusted  with  the  command  of  West  Point,  left  without 
a  commander  by  the  defection  of  Arnold.  This  he  held  but  a 
brief  period,  when  he  received  the  command  of  the  armies  of  the 
South.  This  connection  forms  the  most  brilliant  part  of  his  career. 
Defeated  at  Savannah,  Charleston  and  Camden,  the  cause,  so  far 
at  least  as  the  south  was  concerned,  was  dark  and  unpropitious. 

No  higher  compliment  could  have  been  paid  to  GREENE,  than 
his  selection  to  this  position.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that 
strong  efforts  were  made  to  supplant  Washington  ;  it  must  also  be 
remembered,  that  the  appointment  of  a  southern  general  devolved 


316  NATHANIEL     GREENE. 

on  that  great  man  ;  he  selected  GREENE.  Accepting  the  appoint 
ment,  he  immediately  conferred  with  Congress,  received  their 
instructions,  and  prepared  for  the  duties  before  him. 

He  took  his  departure  for  the  scene  of  future  operations,  just  as 
winter  set  in.  He  left  General  Gist  in  the  rear,  with  instruc 
tions  to  inspire  hope  whenever  opportunity  presented.  "  Let  your 
applications,"  he  said,  "be  as  pressing  as  our  necessities  are 
urgent;  after  which,  if  the  southern  States  are  lost,  we  shall  stand 
justified." 

He  arrived  at  the  general  encampment  of  the  troops,  Charlotte, 
North  Carolina,  December  2d.  His  first  duty  was  to  superintend 
the  court  of  inquiry  upon  the  conduct  of  Gates,  ordered  by  Con 
gress.  He  discharged  it,  however,  in  a  manner  highly  satisfac 
tory,  and  that  won  the  esteem  of  that  general. 

The  British  army  was  stationed  at  Winnsborough,  with  several 
strong  detachments  arranged  for  its  support.  These  combined, 
were  liable  to  make  a  general  movement  against  him  at  any  time. 
In  the  winter,  he  sent  the  courageous  Morgan  to  a  well-selected 
position,  while  he  himself  led  his  troops  to  the  Great  Pedee,  at 
the  mouth  of  Hick's  Creek.  These  movements  greatly  weakened 
the  strength  of  the  enemy,  by  forcing  them  to  divide  their  army, — 
leaving  a  part  to  protect  Charleston,  and  making  such  dispo 
sitions  of  the  other  as  circumstances  made  necessary. 

Cornwallis  was  greatly  crippled  by  these  movements.  So 
skillfully  had  GREENE  maneuvered,  that  he  was  at  a  loss  to  under 
stand  what  he  meant.  Tarleton  was  sent  to  watch  the  brave  old 
Morgan,  while  Cornwallis  prepared  himself  to  cut  off  the  retreat. 
January  12th,  1781,  Tarleton  dashed  ahead  on  his  commission. 
Morgan  judiciously  feigned  retreat,  until  he  felt  himself  in  a 
secure  position.  He  had  gained  much  strength  in  the  meantime. 
Circumstances  being  favorable  to  an  engagement,  he  drew  up  his 
army  on  the  17th  of  January,  and  offered  battle.  Tarleton  rushed 
into  the  fight  with  his  usual  impetuosity.  Morgan  met  him  with 
the  courage  of  a  lion.  His  face  is  said  to  have  shone  like  the  full 
moon,  as  he  contended  with  the  enemy,  crying :  "  Fire  away  my 
boys,  old  Morgan  never  was  beat."  The  Americans  gained  the 
day.  Tarleton  was  driven  from  the  field  with  considerable  loss. 
Such  was  the  result  of  the  battle  of  Cowpens. 

Morgan  now  continued  his  march  to  the  Catawba,  where  he  was 
joined  by  the  forces  of  GREENE.  Cornwallis  directed  his  whole 


NATHANIEL    GREENE.  317 

efforts  against  the  south,  and  made  every  exertion  to  intercept 
GREENE  in  his  march.  The  small  number,  and  insufficient  pro 
vision  of  his  troops,  placed  GREENE  in  somewhat  a  disagreeable 
positon  ;  yet  he  was  not  disheartened.  "Put  me  upon  an  equal 
footing  with  Cornwallis,"  said  he,  "  and  if  I  do  not  give  a  good 
account  of  him,  I  will  agree  to  be  the  subject  of  censure." 

Securing  the  prisoners  taken  at  Cowpens,  reinforcing  his  army, 
and  making  every  possible  preparation,  GREENE  gathered  his 
forces  with  a  view  of  making  a  stand  on  the  banks  of  the  Ca- 
tawba.  Cornwallis,  in  the  meantime,  had  been  on  the  alert, 
maneuvering  to  cut  off  the  American  army.  On  making  inquiry 
into  the  condition  of  the  enemy,  he  learned  that  Cornwallis  had 
destroyed  his  baggage.  "Then,"  said  GREENE,  "he  is  ours." 
Cornwallis.  it  was  thought,  would  aim  to  effect  a  junction  of  his 
troops  with  those  of  Arnold.  To  prevent  this,  GREENE  threw 
himself  between  the  two  armies  and  watched  their  movements 
till  their  design  became  clear.  The  Catawba  had  swollen  to  an 
unusual  hight ;  GREENE,  with  his  army,  was  one  side  of  that  river, 
while  Cornwallis'  with  his,  was  on  the  other.  They  watched  each 
other  closely,  each  endeavoring  to  get  some  advantage.  GREENE'S 
army  was  daily  increasing  by  accessions  of  militia ;  he  was  in 
high  hopes  of  soon  being  able  to  strike  an  effective  blow.  The 
river  having  fallen,  GREENE  prepared  to  dispute  its  passage  by  the 
enemy.  He  stationed  part  of  his  men  along  at  several  points  to 
prevent  surprise,  and  proceeded  himself  toward  Salisbury.  Early 
on  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  February,  the  British  prepared  to 
cross  over.  It  was  a  gloomy,  cheerless  morning.  The  rain  fell 
in  torrents.  They  made  the  attempt  boldly.  They  reached  the 
middle  of  the  stream,  when  many  of  their  horses  were  borne 
down  by  the  rapid  current.  The  Americans  opened  upon  them  a 
sharp  fire.  Quite  a  struggle  now  ensued.  The  enemy  effected  the 
passage  and  drove  the  Americans  back.  The  gallant  Davidson 
was  shot  through  the  head,  while  in  the  act  of  mounting  his  horse. 
Cornwallis  had  his  horse  shot  under  him,  while  fording  the  stream. 
The  loss  on  neither  side  was  heavy.  GREENE  was  not  in  this 
action,  being  some  distance  from  the  spot.  He  was  very  much 
saddened  when  he  learned  the  dispersion  of  his  troops.  He  now 
continued  his  course  to  Salisbury.  Cornwallis  prepared  for  active 
pursuit.  Flushed  with  success,  and  being  on  the  same  side  of 
the  river,  he  pushed  forward  after  GREENE.  He  wished  to  over- 


318  NATHANIEL     GREENE. 

take  and  cut  off  his  army  before  it  reached  the  Yadkin.  GREENE 
knew  well  the  importance  of  placing  that  river  between  himself  and 
his  pursuers.  New  energy  seemed  imparted  to  his  movements, 
as  he  urged  his  men  onward.  He  got  the  start  of  the  enemy. 
Cornwallis  pursued  with  an  activity  and  vigor  only  excelled  by 
that  manifested  by  GKEENE  as  he  retreated.  This  was  a  trying 
period  for  his  little  army.  It  was  raining  constantly  and  the 
roads  were  muddy.  If  he  could  only  get  to  the  other  side  of  the 
river  before  it  became  so  swollen  as  to  retard  his  progress,  he 
could  rest  his  troops,  and  prepare  for  defense.  Wearied  and 
hungry,  they  reached  the  river  near  nightfall,  on  the  31st.  With 
out  reposing  a  moment,  they  crossed  over.  They  were  just  in 
time :  the  enemy's  advance  drew  up  on  the  opposite  bank,  as  the 
rear  was  making  good  their  escape.  Again  they  were  safe.  The 
British  opened  upon  them  a  brisk  cannonade  across  the  river,  that 
had  little  effect.  Feeling  themselves  secure,  the  American  army 
prepared  their  encampment.  GKEENE  took  his  quarters  in  a 
miserable  log-hut.  There,  on  the  banks  of  that  river,  his  enemy 
on  the  opposite  side,  unmoved  by  disaster,  he  was  serving  the  cause 
of  freedom.  Some  one  has  left  the  following,  in  regard  to  GREENE 
and  his  log  hut :  "  At  a  little  distance  from  the  river,  and  behind 
a  pile  of  rocks,  was  stationed  a  small  cabin.  In  this  the  general 
had  taken  up  his  quarters  ;  and,  while  his  family  and  some  of  his 
staff,  were  amusing  themselves  as  they  thought  proper,  he  was 
busily  engaged  in  preparing  his  dispatches.  All  this  time,  the 
artillery  was  playing  furiously,  but  seemed  to  attract  no  one's 
attention.  At  length,  however,  whether  from  intelligence  or  con 
jecture,  their  rage  seemed  to  vent  itself  exclusively  at  our  cabin ; 
and  the  balls  were  heard  to  rebound  against  the  rocks,  directly  in 
the  rear  of  it.  Little  more  than  its  roof  showed  above  them,  and 
at  this,  the  firing  was  obviously  directed.  Nor  were  they  long 
without  striking  it ;  and  in  a  few  moments  the  clapboards  were 
flying  from  it  in  all  directions.  But  still  the  general  wrote  on, 
nor  seemed  to  notice  any  thing  but  his  dispatches,  and  the  in 
numerable  applications  that  were  made  to  him  from  various 
quarters.  His  pen  never  rested  but  when  a  new  visitor  arrived, 
and  the  answer  was  given  with  calmness  and  precision,  and  the 
pen  was  immediately  resumed." 

Cornwallis  was   completely  foiled;   twice  had  he  been   dis 
appointed,  when  he  thought  the  capture  of  his  enemies  certain. 


NATHANIEL     GREENE.  319 

GREENE  Boon  resumed  his  march.  He  took  position  at  Abbott's 
Creek,  where  he  remained  for  some  time,  anxious  to  bring 
the  enemy  to  battle  under  favorable  circumstances.  Cornwal- 
lis  immediately  crossed  the  Yadkin  in  pursuit.  It  now  became 
evident,  that  an  important  engagement  was  soon  to  take  place. 
GREENE  hastened  to  Guilford  and  prepared  for  action.  He  was 
soon  joined  by  Morgan.  Every  thing  was  put  in  readiness.  On 
examination,  however,  of  his  forces,  and  the  condition  of  the 
enemy,  he  decided  to  continue  his  retreat.  Cornwallis,  not  aware 
of  the  wise  foresight  of  his  opponent,  that  secured  boats  for  his 
soldiers  to  cross  the  streams  along  his  line  of  march,  supposed  he 
would  direct  his  course  to  the  fords  high  up  the  Dan.  He  made 
arrangements  to  intercept  him.  GKEENE  did  not  undeceive  him. 
His  boats  were  at  Boyd's  Ferry,  his  provisions  at  Hillsborough. 
The  armies  were  now  about  twenty  miles  apart,  intensely  inter 
ested  in  each  other's  movements.  GREENE  now  formed  a  detach 
ment  of  seven  hundred  men.  These  he  placed  under  the  com 
mand  of  Colonel  Williams,  with  instructions  to  keep  position 
between  the  two  armies,  and  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 
Cornwallis,  thinking  to  lure  GREENE  from  his  positions,  made  a 
movement  that  indicated  designs  upon  Hillsborough.  GREENE 
was  too  good  a  tactician  to  be  thus  deceived.  Williams  with  his 
detachment  took  a  course  to  the  left,  in  direction  of  the  fords. 
This  threw  him  in  front  of  the  British  army.  The  American 
army  now  proceeded  toward  the  ferries.  They  had  a  painful 
march  of  it ;  miserably  provided  for,  and  in  the  dead  of  winter, 
their  sufferings  were  severe.  After  a  disagreeable  march  of  some 
days,  GREENE  finally  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  his  worn 
veterans  safely  landed  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Dan.  Word 
was  immediately  sent  to  Williams  to  bring  up  his  detachment. 
That  officer  did  his  duty  gallantly.  Cornwallis  was  again  out 
witted.  While  thinking  Williams  and  his  forces  were  in  his  grasp, 
the  main  army  had  accomplished  their  object.  Williams  now 
directed  his  course  to  Boyd's  Ferry,  for  the  purpose  of  rejoining 
his  commander.  Cornwallis  pursued  him.  Each  party  seemed 
determined  to  put  forth  every  effort.  Williams  did  his  utmost  to 
prevent  pursuit,  but  in  vain.  The  British  general  gained  on 
him.  At  length,  so  close  became  the  pursuit,  that  Williams'  rear 
was  frequently  in  sight  of  Cornwallis'  advance  columns.  So 
close,  indeed,  were  they,  that  it  was  no  easy  matter,  on  the 


320  NATHANIEL     GREENE. 

part  of  the  officers,  to  prevent  the  exchange  of  hostile  demon 
strations.  Night  came  on, — cold,  wet  and  gloomy.  Still,  on 
went  the  gallant  Williams  and  his  gallant  band,  and  on  came  the 
British.  They  at  length  saw  lights  in  the  distance.  Supposing 
them  to  be  the  fires  of  the  main  army,  they  heroically  determined 
to  fall  upon  their  pursuers,  and  fight  for  a  brief  respite  for  their 
friends.  The  fires  turned  out  to  be  those  kindled  by  GEEENE  on 
his  march  to  the  ferries.  The  two  armies  finally  came  to  a  stand 
and  took  a  little  repose.  In  a  few  hours  they  were  again  in 
motion.  Cornwallis  thought  the  entire  army  in  his  power.  Little 
dreaming  that  GEEENE  had  provided  boats,  he  expected  to  over 
take  the  entire  force  at  the  Dan,  when  they  would  be  deprived  of 
all  possible  means  of  escape.  If  he  could  capture  Williams 
before  the  junction,  it  would  be  much  easier  work ;  he  could  beat 
GKEENE  when  he  came  upon  him,  and  thus  the  southern  cam 
paign  would  be  at  an  end.  These  were,  doubtless,  his  thoughts. 
Williams  and  his  brave  band  were  within  a  day's  march  of  their 
friends ;  they  were  anticipating  a  reunion  ;  eager  to  be  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  Dan,  where,  they  could  take  some  repose; 
eager  too,  to  see  their  commander,  and  to  be  in  successful  operation 
against  the  enemy.  These  different  feelings  pervading  the  two 
armies,  they  pushed  ahead, — on  they  went,  the  pursuer  and  the 
pursued.  They  finally  reached  the  river.  All  things  were  ready ; 
GEEENE  had  the  boats  waiting.  The  troops  were  quickly  in 
them.  They  pushed  for  the  north  shore,  which  they  reached  in 
safety,  just  as  the  troops  of  Cornwallis  drew  up  on  the  opposite 
bank. 

Such  was  GEEENE'S  retreat  through  North  Carolina.  Few 
achievements  in  military  history  afford  better  evidences  of  cool 
ness,  courage,  bravery,  and  prudence.  Washington  spoke  thus 
to  him,  in  regard  to  it :  "  You  may  be  assured,  that  your  retreat 
before  Cornwallis,  is  highly  applauded  by  all  ranks,  and  reflects 
much  honor  upon  your  military  abilities". 

The  meeting  of  the  soldiers,  after  so  much  toil  and  forbearance, 
was  one  of  the  happiest  imaginable.  Congratulation  and  general 
rejoicing  were  the  order  of  the  day,  for  some  time.  They  re 
counted  their  hardships,  and  felt  in  so  doing,  a  rich  reward  for  all 
they  had  undergone.  GEEENE,  during  this  brief  respite,  devoted 
himself  to  his  correspondence.  About  this  time,  it  was,  that 


NATHANIEL     GREENE. 

Patrick  Henry  and  himself  carried  on  a  highly  interesting  corres 
pondence. 

The  two  armies  continued  to  watch  each  other's  movements  for 
some  time,  without  attempting  active  measures.  On  the  17th 
of  February,  GREENE  learned  that  considerable  reinforcements 
were  at  hand.  His  resolutions  were  quickly  taken.  Making 
arrangements  for  the  baggage  to  be  conveyed  toward  Halifax,  he 
determined  to  recross  the  Dan,  and  seize  upon  the  first  oppor 
tunity  to  bring  Cornwallis  to  action.  That  general,  retracing  his 
steps,  finally  halted  at  Hillsborough.  Thence,  he  issued  a  procla 
mation,  calling  on  all  loyal  subjects  to  gather  to  his  standard. 
This  resulted  in  considerable  accessions  of  Tories  and  disaffected 
Americans.  GREENE,  meantime,  was  getting  himself  in  proper 
shape  to  cope  with  the  British  general.  Construing  his  march  to 
Hillsborough,  into  a  desire  of  escaping  from  the  country,  he 
dispatched  Pickens  to  follow  him,  hang  upon  his  rear,  and  annoy 
him  as  much  as  possible.  Lee,  with  his  gallant  legion,  boldly 
pushed  forward  to  gain  the  enemy's  front,  resolving  to  intercept 
him  in  case  of  protracted  retreat.  Cornwallis  was  evidently 
getting  himself  into  a  tight  place.  GREENE  drew  his  forces  around 
him,  in  a  manner  very  judicious  and  prudent.  The  Tories  and  dis 
affected,  who  had  flocked  to  his  tent  with  such  alacrity  on  the  first 
issue  of  his  proclamation,  now  began  to  drop  off.  Reinforcements 
now  flocked  to  GREENE,  and  others  were  looked  for.  On  the  22d 
of  the  month,  a  body  of  Pickens'  detachment  made  a  successful 
effort  against  a  corps  of  the  enemy  in  the  vicinity  of  Hillsborough. 
Tarleton  was  immediately  sent  against  them.  Being  joined  by 
Lee,  Pickens  took  a  good  position  and  prepared  to  engage  him. 
On  the  morning  of  the  23d,  they  started  in  pursuit.  They  met  a 
large  body  of  Tories  on  their  way  to  the  British  line,  whom  they 
entirely  dispersed,  leaving  a  large  number  dead  on  the  field.  The 
Haw  River,  which  Tarleton  barely  had  time  to  pass,  was  all  that 
saved  his  dragoons.  GREENE  had  been  active  and  vigilant.  He 
conferred  with  his  subordinates,  and  gave  minute  directions  for 
the  campaign,  cheering  all  by  his  energy  and  example.  By  a 
system  of  sharp  maneuvering,  he  entangled  his  enemy  in  a  per 
fect  web  of  perplexity  and  difficulty, — protected  his  reinforcements, 
alarmed  the  Tories,  and  raised  high  hopes  among  the  people. 
Encamping  on  Allemance  Creek,  the  British  general  was  deprived 
of  communication  with  the  country,  whence,  the  greater  part  of 


322  NATHANIEL     GREENE. 

his  assistance  was  to  be  expected.  The  maneuvers  of  GREENE, 
too,  kept  him  continually  in  alarm.  Indeed,  there  was  just  cause 
for  him  to  fear.  His  condition  was  becoming  eminently  critical. 
GREENE'S  headquarters  were  at  Boyd's  Mills,  while  the  brave 
Williams  was  stationed  some  fifteen  miles  distant.  Cornwallis  re 
solved  to  separate  them  and  prevent  a  junction  with  the  main  army, 
of  the  American  general's  expected  reinforcements.  Williams  was 
on  the  alert.  Learning  the  contemplated  design,  he  retreated  with 
the  main  body  of  his  men,  covered  by  light  troops  thrown  out  for 
their  protection,  to  a  place  of  safety.  GREENE  too,  marched  hastily 
to  Troublesome  Creek,  which  Williams  crossed  according  to  in 
structions,  and  effected  a  junction  with  that  officer.  Cornwallis, 
again  foiled,  fell  back  to  Bell's  Mills,  leaving  GREENE  in  a  good 
position,  and  in  undisputed  communication  with  his  officers  and 
expected  forces.  These  forces  soon  arrived,  bringing  supplies  for 
the  army.  GREENE  now  had  an  army  of  four  thousand  men  ;  with 
these,  he  determined  no  longer  to  avoid  an  engagement.  He 
remained  in  his  present  place  of  encampment  a  few  days,  inspirt- 
ing  his  men  and  preparing  them  for  a  general  action.  The  time 
was  favorable.  In  proportion  as  the  courage  and  spirits  of  his  own 
army  revived,  those  of  the  enemy  became  depressed.  Cornwallis 
felt  that  his  southern  affairs  were  verging  to  a  disastrous  catastro 
phe.  The  troops  being  finally  rested  and  reinvigorated,  the 
American  general  broke  up  his  camp  on  Troublesome  Creek,  and 
proceeded  to  Guilford  Court-house,  where  he  arrived,  March  14th, 
1781.  He  was  now  not  over  five  leagues  from  the  British  army, 
before  which  he  had  made  such  a  disagreeable  retreat,  not  long 
previous.  That  something  important  would  follow  these  move 
ments,  now  became  obviously  apparent. 

GREENE  chose  his  ground  with  caution  and  prudence.  Near 
the  road,  along  which  the  enemy  were  to  pass,  was  a  deep  wood ; 
skirting  this,  he  placed  his  first  line  of  battle.  In  front,  was  a 
large  cornfield  inclosed  with  a  fence,  that  extended  to  a  small 
stream ;  behind  the  fence,  in  this  field,  he  drew  up  his  line  of 
militia,  commanded  by  Butler  and  Eaton ;  in  the  rear,  protected 
by  the  wood,  he  placed  his  second  line  in  charge  of  the  dauntless 
Stevens.  This  gave  him  partial  mastery  of  the  road  and  the  level 
plain.  Still,  back  of  this  second  line,  led  by  Williams,  were 
stationed  the  old  continentals.  On  the  right,  were  the  dragoons 
under  Colonel  Washington,  sustained  by  Lynch's  light  troops  and 


NATHANIEL     GREENE,  323 

riflemen.  Here,  too,  at  the  head  of  his  old  regulars,  GREENE  took 
his  station.  Lee  and  his  legion  protected  the  left,  while  the  artil 
lery  was  planted  on  the  hill  overlooking  the  road.  These  dispo 
sitions  being  made,  they  waited  for  their  foes.  About  noon,  on 
the  15th  of  March,  the  British  came  up.  The  American  artillery 
began  the  engagement  by  opening  a  brisk  fire  upon  the  advance 
columns.  It  was  returned  with  spirit.  Under  cover  of  the  smoke 
from  his  own  pieces,  Cornwallis  crossed  the  little  stream,  near  the 
fence,  and  arranged  his  main  body  for  battle.  Tarleton  was 
placed  in  the  road,  at  the  head  of  the  cavalry.  General  Leslie  led 
the  right,  and  Colonel  Webster  the  left,  the  former  supported  by 
Boze's  regiment,  and  the  latter  by  the  troops  of  General  O'Hara. 
Having  formed  his  line,  Cornwallis  boldly  pushed  forward  against 
the  militia  behind  the  fence.  The  militia  fired  some  ineffective 
shots,  which  in  no  way  retarded  his  progress.  He  proceeded  to 
within  a  proper  distance,  when  his  experienced  troops  poured  in 
a  deadly  fire  upon  the  militia.  Seizing  their  bayonets,  they  then 
charged  upon  them  like  a  tornado.  The  militia,  frightened  out 
of  their  senses,  threw  down  their  arms  and  accouterments  and 
fled  in  every  direction.  In  vain  Butler  implored  them  to  stand, — 
in  vain  Eaton  entreated, — in  vain  Lee  dashed  up  to  them,  threaten 
ing  to  charge  them  with  his  legion,  unless  they  returned  to  the 
fight.  Never  was  the  rout  of  militia  more  complete.  As  they 
fled,  a  long  exultant  shout  rent  the  air,  from  the  British  troops. 
They  did  not  find  such  easy  work  with  the  main  lines.  Lee  and 
Colonel  Washington  protected  them.  Cornwallis  resolved  to 
disperse  the  troops  of  these  officers.  They  fell  back  in  good  order 
to  the  second  line,  returning  galling  fires  at  their  enemies  as  they 
did  so.  The  British  pushed  ahead  to  the  attack,  and  the  battle 
became  general.  The  militia  in  the  wood  being  better  stationed, 
stood  the  ground,  and  hurled  destructive  fires  into  the  British 
ranks,  that  began  to  manifest  evident  signs  of  confusion.  Eally- 
ing,  however,  they  succeeded,  after  a  hard  struggle,  in  forcing  the 
right  flank  to  retreat,  which  they  did  in  tolerable  order.  They 
now  had  to  face  men  of  a  different  stamp.  They  had  come  up  to 
the  old  regulars.  Elated  at  the  idea  of  having  routed  the  right 
wing  they  rushed  forward  with  loud  cries  of  victory,  against 
Gunby's  experienced  veterans.  They  were  warmly  received. 
Waiting  until  they  got  to  the  proper  distance,  the  regulars,  with 
deliberate  aim,  sent  a  volley  of  balls  into  their  ranks,  that  changed 


324  NATHANIEL     GEEENE. 

their  shouts  into  death-groans,  and  sent  them  recoiling  from  the 
murderous  charge.  Quick  as  thought,  the  Americans  charged 
suddenly  upon  them  with  their  bayonets.  They  were  instantly  and 
completely  routed  with  great  loss  and  confusion.  On  the  left, 
Lee  was  fiercely  engaged  with  Boze.  Stevens  had  been  disabled 
by  a  wound.  His  men,  though  they  fought  bravely,  began  to 
give  way.  Leslie  and  O'llara  now  made  a  combined  attack  upon 
the  Marylanders.  Had  they  stood,  the  day  would  have  been  a 
brilliant  one ;  but  they  broke  and  fled,  without  making  scarce 
any  resistance.  The  gallant  Gunby,  released  from  the  right, 
suddenly  came  upon  the  pursuers  through  the  trees,  and  checked 
their  progress.  Washington,  at  the  same  time,  charging  them 
with  his  cavalry,  opened  his  way  gallantly  through  their  ranks. 
Cornwallis  arrived  on  the  spot  opportunely  enough,  and  by  resort 
ing  to  the  most  terrible  expedient  of  directing  his  guns  against 
friends  and  foes  as  they  were  mixed  up  in  the  fight,  succeeded  in 
saving  his  army  from  destruction. 

GREENE  now  taking  a  correct  view  of  the  field,  felt  that  he 
ought  to  be  satisfied  with  the  results  of  the  day,  and  resolved  to 
draw  off  his  troops.  His  Virginians,  who  had  been  reserved  for 
this  emergency,  were  now  called  upon  to  cover  the  retreat. 
Desperate  efforts  were  made  by  the  enemy  to  gain  some  decisive 
advantage,  but  to  no  purpose.  GREENE  succeeded  in  reaching 
Keedy  Fork.  Here  he  waited  until  joined  by  the  different  corps 
that  would  follow.  The  American  general,  though  he  had  not 
gained  a  decisive  victory,  was  still  pleased  with  the  result.  So 
were  the  army.  They  had  lost  some  of  their  field-pieces,  and 
many  brave  men.  His  loss  could  not  have  exceeded  four  or  five 
hundred  in  all ;  though  it  was  impossible  to  find  out  the  precise 
number. '  The  loss  of  the  enemy  must  have  been  heavier.  The 
American  army  were  now  in  the  highest  spirits,  while  Cornwallis 
was  chagrined  and  depressed.  For  him,  nothing  for  the  present 
remained,  but  to  retreat.  Such  were  the  results  of  the  battle  of 
Guilford.  The  morning  after  the  engagement,  Cornwallis  with 
his  wounded  and  baggage,  began  his  retreat  toward  New  Garden. 
Lee  was  dispatched  by  GREENE  to  watch  his  movements.  After 
various  stratagems  to  deceive  the  American  general,  Cornwallis 
directed  his  march  to  Wilmington.  GREENE,  without  loss  of 
time,  prepared  to  pursue  him  with  his  main  army.  Thus,  from 
pursuers,  the  British  had  suddenly  become  the  pursued.  The 


NATHANIEL    GREENE.  325 

Americans  were  anxious  for  battle,  but  were  prevented  from  mak 
ing  an  attack,  by  scarcity  of  provisions.  March  28th,  found  the 
two  armies  within  four  leagues  of  each  other.  GREENE  deter 
mined  to  offer  battle.  They  pushed  rapidly  ahead  to  Ramsay's 
Mills,  where  the  enemy  were  stationed ;  but,  before  their  arrival 
on  the  ground,  the  retreat  had  been  resumed.  GKEENE,  therefore, 
pitched  his  camp  at  the  same  point,  resolved  to  give  his  men 
some  rest.  He  now  discharged  the  militia,  added  to  his  etock  of 
artillery,  and  provided  supplies  ahead,  with  a  view  of  concentrating 
his  forces  at  Camden.  The  daring  Sumpter  and  other  partisan 
leaders,  were  advised  of  these  movements.  On  the  17th  of  April, 
he  commenced  his  march,  and  reached  his  destination  on  the  19th. 
Rawdon  and  Watson  had  been  early  advised  of  his  movements. 
They  made  preparations  to  meet  them.  GREENE  had  stationed 
himself  at  Hobkirk's  Hill,  a  point  of  many  natural  advantages. 
He  held  this  position  until  an  unfounded  rumor  to  the  effect,  that 
the  British  were  marching  against  Camden,  induced  him  to  pro 
tect  that  place.  Learning  this  to  be  false,  he  returned  to  the  Hills. 
Here,  he  kept  himself  ready  for  any  emergency.  On  the  25th, 
while  his  soldiers  were  taking  the  first  meal  they  had  eaten  for 
twenty-four  hours,  they  were  surprised  by  the  enemy.  GREENE 
had  the  precaution  to  keep  sentinels  on  the  watch,  so  that  their 
sudden  appearance  did  not  throw  his  army  into  much  confusion. 
The  men  flew  to  their  posts  with  alacrity,  and  were  soon  in  order. 
Through  the  woods,  the  British  advanced  to  action.  They^  at 
length,  reached  the  opening,  where  they  had  to  encounter  the  main 
army.  Singular  enough,  they  came  to  the  attack  with  a  very  nar 
row  front.  GREENE  early  perceived  the  advantage  this  gave  him : 
"  Let  Campbell  and  Ford  turn  their  flanks,  the  center  charge  with 
the  bayonet,  and  Washington  take  them  in  the  rear,"  were  his 
prompt  commands.  The  execution  of  these  orders  was  attempted 
with  high  spirit.  The  extension  of  the  enemy's  front  was  all  that 
prevented  their  entire  destruction.  The  fight  now  became  hard  and 
bloody.  GREENE,  at  the  head  of  the  Virginians,  fought  like  a  hero. 
The  regulars  under  Gunby,  by  an  error  of  their  commander,  were 
thrown  into  confusion ;  deprived  of  their  co-operation,  Ford  was 
obliged  to  retreat.  The  defection  of  Campbell's  troops  followed. 
GREENE  now  galloped  his  horse  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  and  cast  a 
hasty  glance  over  the  field.  One  moment  was  sufficient  to  satisfy 
him  that  all  was  lost.  While  balls  passed  all  about,  he  coolly 
22 


326  NATHANIEL    GREENE. 

gave  orders  for  a  retreat.  Smith  had  deen  directed  to  protect  the 
artillery,  but  had  not  arrived ;  in  a  little  time  it  would  be  in  the 
hands  of  the  British.  In  this  strait,  GREENE  hastened  in  person 
to  the  spot,  leaped  from  his  horse,  and  seized  the  ropes  in  the  act 
of  pulling  his  guns  to  a  place  of  safety.  Seeing  this,  Smith 
hastened  to  perform  his  orders.  In  the  attempt  to  save  the  artil 
lery,  his  corps  of  forty-five  men  were  reduced  to  near  one 
fourth  that  number.  They  persevered  in  their  efforts,  however, 
until  the  last  man  was  left  dead  on  the  spot.  The  timely  arrival 
of  Colonel  Washington,  was  all  that  saved  the  artillery.  His 
troop  of  horse  checked  the  enemy,  and  he  was  enabled  to  cover 
the  retreat.  Mortified  at  the  result  of  the  battle  of  Hobkirk's 
Hill,  GKEENE  now  took  position  at  Rugeley's  Mills,  some  distance 
from  the  scene  of  action.  Rawdon  was  now  in  possession  of 
Camden,  where  the  principal  forces  of  the  British  army  were 
making  strong  efforts  to  concentrate  themselves.  GKEENE  made 
every  exertion  to  prevent  reinforcements  reaching  Rawdon,  but  in 
vain.  A  strong  corps  succeeded  in  entering  the  place.  Corn- 
wallis,  Tarleton  and  Colonel  "Watson  were  hastening  forward  to 
unite  their  several  forces  with  Rawdon  at  that  point.  GREENE'S 
prospects  were  gloomy  indeed.  Feeling  his  inability  to  prevent  a 
junction  of  these  forces,  he  resolved  to  retreat.  He,  accordingly, 
fell  back  to  Sawney's  Creek.  Rawdon  being  reinforced,  marched 
in  pursuit,  expecting  to  find  him  at  his  old  encampment.  Disap 
pointed  in  this,  he  went  back  to  Camden.  The  surrender  of  Fort 
Watson  by  the  British,  changed  the  face  of  things.  Rawdon 
determined  to  hasten  to  the  protection  of  his  posts.  Fort  Motte 
was  besieged  by  Marion  and  Lee,  and  in  imminent  peril ;  all  the 
British  posts,  in  fact,  were  threatened.  He,  therefore,  after  leaving 
Camden  in  ruins,  hastened  to  the  support  of  the  forts.  GREENE, 
also,  was  pushing  ahead  to  act  in  concert  with  Lee  and  Marion,, 
when  he  learned  the  destruction  of  Camden.  He  was,  soon  after, 
apprised  of  the  surrender  of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Motte.  Pros 
pects  began  to  brighten  up  again.  He  would  soon  have  an  open 
field.  Lee  was  now  sent  against  Fort  Granby.  By  a  rapid  march, 
he  soon  reached  it,  and  thundered  "surrender"  in  the  ears  of  its 
commander.  This  peremptory  order  was  quickly  obeyed.  He 
then  hastened  to  unite  with  Pickens  at  Augusta,  while  GREENE 
turned  his  thoughts  to  the  siege  of  Ninety-six.  He  immediately 
set  out  for  that  post.  It  was  one  of  the  strongest  and  most 


NATHANIEL     GREENE.  327 

important  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  It  was  formally  invested  by 
his  army,  on  the  22d  of  May.  That  night,  he  made  a  careful 
examination  of  the  fort.  The  troops  were  immediately  set  to 
work  upon  trenches  and  mines,  which  were  pushed  ahead  with 
great  activity,  and  in  all  the  form  of  a  regular  siege.  Frequent 
skirmishes  and  sallies  ensued,  but  without  much  loss  to  either 
party.  On  the  3d  of  June,  their  works  being  sufficiently  complete, 
Cruger,  the  commander  of  the  fort,  was  ordered  to  surrender.  He 
refused  peremptorily.  The  works  were  now  pushed  forward  with 
redoubled  activity ;  the  men  being  much  annoyed  by  the  enemy's 
guns,  they  had  recourse  to  an  excellent  expedient.  High  towers 
were  built  of  green  logs.  These  were  manned  with  their  finest 
sharpshooters,  who  silenced  the  guns  effectually. 

Meantime,  Augusta  had  fallen.     Fresh  and  flushed  from  his 
victorious  operations,  arrived  Lee  with  his  legion.     He,  too,  went 
to  work  with  zeal.     He  was  in  a  fair  way  of  cutting  off  the  water 
that  supplied  the  fort.     Never  was  siege  prosecuted  more  vigor 
ously.     Every  effort  was  made ;  success  seemed  certain.     Their 
guns  were  silenced ;  their  redoubt  overlooked  by  a  battery  built 
by  the  Americans.     Yictory  was  in  their  grasp.     Just  as  they 
were  reaching  for  it,  a  British  soldier,  on  horseback,  by  a  feat  of 
extraordinary  daring,  got  through  the  lines,  and  galloped  furiously 
toward  the  fort,  with  bullets  flying  thick  around  him.     He  was 
from  the  main  army,  and  bore  intelligence  that  Rawdon,  with  his 
whole  force  would  immediately  be  on  hand  for  their  relief.    Shouts, 
loud  and  prolonged  from  the  garrison,  in  the  fort,  followed  the 
reception  of  this  intelligence.     Sumpter  and  Marion,  had  been 
sent  to  harass   Rawdon.     Upon  his    movements,   every   thing 
seemed  to   hinge.     Rawdon   came    ahead,   by   bold   and   rapid 
marches  ; — he  would  soon  be  at  the  fort.     What,  now,  was  to  be 
done  ?     The  soldiers  begged  GREENE  to  lead  them  against  the  fort, 
by  assault.     He  consented.     On  the  17th,  the  attempt  was  made. 
Never  did  soldiers  act  more  heroically.     They  lost  in  the  assault 
many  brave   men,  and  several  valuable   officers;   though,  they 
would,  doubtless,  have  succeeded  in  capturing  the  fortress^  had 
not  GREENE,  who  perceived  that  it  would  be  attended  with  a  loss 
of  more  troops  than  the  speedy  arrival  of  Rawdon  warranted  him 
able  to  sustain,  drawn  off  the  men.     They  retired  to  their  lines  in 
good  order,  well  satisfied  with  their  undertaking. 

Much  as  he  regretted  seeing  the  almost  captured  fort  revert 


328  NATHANIEL     GREENE. 

to  the  enemy,  GREENE  knew  well  that  it  would  not  do,  in  his 
present  condition,  to  risk  a  general  action  with  Rawdon.  Pur 
suing  the  true  Fabian  policy,  he  drew  off  his  army  toward  the 
Catawba.  Rawdon,  after  arriving  at  Ninety-six,  began  an  im 
mediate  pursuit  of  GREENE,  hoping  early  to  engage  him.  Dis 
appointed  in  this,  he  returned  to  the  fort.  GREENE  took  position 
at  Big  Spring,  where  he  proposed  giving  his  army  a  little  rest. 
Rawdon,  soon  after,  withdrew  his  men  from  before  Ninety-six, 
and  proceeded  to  Orangeburg.  Thither  the  American  general 
prepared  to  follow  him.  He  was  further  actuated  in  this,  by 
the  hope  of  being  able  to  capture  a  large  quantity  of  supplies, 
expected  by  the  British  in  that  vicinity.  Before  he  reached 
that  point,  his  army  was  much  increased  by  the  accession  of 
several  minor  commands.  Arriving  at  Orangeburg,  he  made 
a  careful  inspection  of  the  place,  and  of  the  disposition  of 
Rawdon's  forces.  These,  he  found  so  strong  and  secure,  that  he 
was  unwilling  to  risk  an  engagement.  Rawdon  was  well  posted 
within  the  town.  One  narrow  pass  afforded  the  only  access  to 
his  position.  Disappointed  in  the  hope  of  a  favorable  eugage- 
.ment,  as  well  as  in  the  capture  of  the  supplies,  GREENE  encamped 
at  the  High  Hills  of  Santee.  Here,  while  his  army  could  get 
good  repose,  his  partisans  could  harass  the  enemy.  His  position 
was  well  selected.  Above  the  lowlands,  the  air  was  pure  and 
salubrious,  while,  near  by,  were  gurgling  streams  of  fine  water. 
It  was  just  such  a  spot  as  his  worn  troops  required.  It  was  easy, 
too,  of  access  for  reinforcements,  strong  efforts  to  obtain  which, 
were  being  made  in  the  south. 

Recent  achievements  reversed  the  hopes  of  the  people.  The 
legislature  of  South  Carolina  met,  and  resolved  to  adopt  vigorous 
measures  to  sustain  the  army.  Rutledge  visited  GREENE  in 
camp,  and  congratulated  him.  on  the  results  of  his  operations. 
Virginia  woke  up  to  her  duty,  and  signified  a  desire  to  lend  assis 
tance.  Marion  and  Sumpter  were  in  the  field,  and  with  usual 
vigor  and  success,  maneuvering  against  the  enemy.  Everywhere, 
were  to  be  seen  evidences  of  dawning  hope.  GREENE  had 
found  time,  amid  other  duties,  to  relieve  the  people  from  Indian 
annoyances,  by  an  expedition  against  them,  that  forced  submission, 
and  resulted  in  a  final  treaty  of  peace.  After  enjoying  much 
needed  repose  for  some  time,  GREENE,  on  the  22d  of  August,  left 
his  camp  at  High  Hills,  for  the  purpose  of  recommencing  offen- 


NATHANIEL     GREENE.  329 

sive  operations.  He  directed  his  course  toward  Camden,  which 
place  he  reached  on  the  25th.  Here,  he  met  only  a  portion  of 
the  reinforcements  expected.  Not  discouraged,  he  proceeded  to 
Howell's  Ferry,  where  he  was  joined  by  the  troops  of  Henderson 
and  Marion,  anfd  some  militia.  With  these,  he  was  resolved  on 
offering  battle  to  the  enemy.  Before  their  retreat  had  fairly  begun, 
however,  they  had  abandoned  their  position  at  McCord's  Ferry, 
some  fifteen  miles  from  his  own  point  of  starting. 

He  learned,  shortly  after,  they  had  encamped  at  Eutaw  Springs  ; 
a  portion  of  the  British  still  remaining  at  Orangeburg, — between 
which  and  Eutaw  Springs  GREENE  determined  to  keep  enough  of 
his  men  to  prevent  their  junction,  if  possible.  The  Tth  of  Sep 
tember  found  him  within  five  miles  of  the  British.  Stewart  was 
the  chief  in  command  at  the  Springs.  The  next  day  GREENE 
determined  to  make  an  attack.  It  was  after  sunrise,  on  the 
morning  of  the  8th,  before  Stewart  learned  the  proximity  of  the 
Americans.  He  immediately  prepared  for  battle.  He  sent  Coffin 
to  watch  the  movements  of  GREENE,  while  he  drew  up  his  other 
forces  for  the  emergency.  The  position  of  the  British  was  singu 
larly  favorable  for  them  to  make  a  good  defense.  A  deep  ravine, 
through  which  ran  Eutaw  Creek,  was  on  the  right.  A  large, 
strong  brick  house  overlooked  the  open  space  through  which  the 
Americans  had  to  pass,  affording  excellent  means  of  defense ; 
other  buildings  were  also  on  the  grounds.  In  the  rear  was  a 
large  inclosure,  stretching  to  the  creek ;  the  road  also  forked 
just  before  getting  to  the  brick  house.  The  whole  of  the  rear 
was  protected  by  thickets  of  blackjack. 

The  British  commander  drew  out  his  army,  2,300  strong  into 
the  open  space,  to  receive  GREENE.  His  right  protected  the 
Charleston  fork  of  the  road.  Majoribanks  was  placed  under 
cover  of  the  blackjack,  for  the  protection  of  this  corps.  The  cavalry 
sustained  the  left,  while  the  reserves  were  placed  in  the  rear.  At 
dawn  of  day  on  the  morning  of  the  8th,  GREENE  began  his  prepa 
rations.  His  center  was  composed  of  militia,  led  by  Colonel  Mal- 
medy.  Marion  was  placed  on  the  right,  and  Pickens  on  the  left, 
each  with  a  stout  battalion.  His  second  column  embraced  the 
continentals, — the  Carolinians,  led  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Ash, 
supported  by  Armstrong  and  Blunt, — the  whole  under  command 
of  General  Sumner,  who  was  stationed  on  the  right  of  this  column. 
Campbell  took  the  center,  Williams  and  Howard  the  left.  Lee 


330  NATHANIEL    GREENE. 

and  Hampton,  supported  by  Middleton  and  Polk,  protected  the 
flanks,  while  the  reserves,  under  Washington  and  Kirkwood,  were 
placed  in  the  rear.  Captains  Brown  and  Gaines  had  charge  of 
the  artillery  that  belonged  to  the  respective  columns. 

In  this  order,  and  in  high  spirits,  they  moved  t<J  battle.  When 
within  a  little  over  a  league  from  the  Springs,  they  fell  in  with  a 
small  body  of  the  enemy,  led  by  Coffin.  Lee  and  Henderson 
immediately  prepared  for  their  capture.  Henderson  poured  upon 
them  a  galling  fire.  They  were  thrown  into  confusion.  Lee 
charged  them  furiously  as  a  Murat.  They  fled  in  complete  disor 
der,  leaving  forty  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  victors,  and  quite 
a  number  killed  on  the  spot.  Soon  after,  Lee  met  the  enemy's 
infantry.  Sending  word  to  the  rear  for  aid,  he  rushed  to  the 
attack  with  a  sweeping  enthusiasm.  Williams  and  Gaines  were 
soon  on  hand,  and  joined  in  the  fight.  Lee  and  Henderson  at 
tacked  each  flank, —  Marion  and  Pickens,  at  the  head  of  the 
militia,  did  fine  execution.  The  guns  of  Gaines  had  deadly 
effect.  The  militia,  inspirited  by  their  gallant  leaders,  stood  their 
ground,  and  sent  death  through  the  British  ranks.  The  center 
militia,  however,  began  to  falter.  For  seventeen  rounds,  they 
had  stood  the  fire  of  the  British  with  firmness.  The  enemy  per 
ceived  them  faltering,  and  a  sudden,  energetic  effort  forced 
them  to  give  way.  Sumner  now  came  gallantly  into  action  to 
supply  their  place.  With  marked  impetuosity  he  led  to  the  fight. 
Precise  and  galling  was  the  stream  of  lead  his  men  sent  whizzing 
against  the  enemy. 

Stewart  now  brought  his  reserves  into  action,  while  Coffin  sup 
ported  his  left  with  his  horse.  GKEENE'S  reserves  had  not  yet 
engaged.  The  furious  onslaught  of  Stewart's  fresh  troops  forced 
the  Americans  to  fall  back,  after  a  brave  stand.  The  British 
now  rushed  ahead  like  madmen,  with  loud  shouts.  Their  eager 
ness  disordered  their  ranks.  With  the  sagacity  of  intuitive  mili 
tary  genius,  GREENE  saw  that  now  was  his  time.  He  instantly 
ordered  Williams  and  Campbell  to  charge  with  the  bayonet. 
Like  a  hurricane  they  swept  the  field,  that  bristled  with  theii 
steel.  Lee  now  ordered  a  raking  fire  against  the  enemy's  flank, 
which  did  heavy  execution.  The  Maryland  troops,  with  order, 
joined  in  the  bloody  charge.  Victory  !  victory  !  rang  along  the 
American  lines.  The  British  left  was  utterly  disordered.  The 
panic  spread  over  the  field.  One  by  one  the  regiments  and  bat- 


NATHANIEL     GKEENE.  331 

talioiis  gave  way.  Finally,  the  whole  enemy  broke  and  fled,  in 
great  consternation,  and  in  all  directions.  Never  was  victory  more 
sure.  The  Americans  pursued  them  to  their  camp  at  the  Eutaws. 
The  enemy  hurried  into  the  brick  house.  A  desperate  struggle 
ensued.  In  this,  GREENE  was  not  so  successful.  Col.  Washington 
was  taken  prisoner,  and  his  artillery  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  The  house  was  all  that  prevented  the  entire  defeat  of  the 
British.  Sheltered  under  cover  of  the  wood,  GKEENE,  satisfied 
with  his  first  victory,  concluded  not  to  renew  the  engagement. 
He  now  returned  to  his  former  position.  With  fatherly  kindness 
he  attended  to  the  wants  and  condition  of  his  sick  and  wounded. 
He  lost,  in  all,  over  five  hundred  men,  among  whom  were  some 
gallant  officers.  The  British,  less  anxious  to  renew  the  fight  than 
himself,  retreated  as  early  as  possible  from  the  field.  GKEENE 
remained  a  short  time  at  the  Eutaws,  and  then  proceeded  to  his 
old  encampment  at  High  Hills,  again  to  repose  his  army. 

With  the  battle  of  Eutaw  springs,  virtually  ended  British 
supremacy  in  the  south.  Having  given  his  troops  the  repose  they 
so  much  needed,  and  being  joined  by  reinforcements  from  the 
north  under  General  St.  Clair,  GREENE  prepared  for  active  oper 
ations.  The  surrender  of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown,  in  the  mean 
time,  showed  clearly  that  the  great  struggle  was  drawing  to  a 
close.  By  a  series  of  judicious  movements,  the  American 
general  succeeded  in  confining  the  enemy  under  command  of 
Leslie,  to  Charleston  and  its  immediate  vicinity.  With  these 
movements,  ended  the  summer  campaign  of  1781. 

The  Assembly  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina  met  at  Jackson- 
borough,  on  the  18th  of  January.  Among  their  first  acts,  was  to 
acknowledge,  in  terms  of  deserved  eulogy,  the  eminent  services 
rendered  by  the  American  general,  in  the  South.  GREENE, 
finally  succeeded  in  confining  the  British  to  the  city  of  Charleston, 
and  held  them  in  a  species  of  siege.  To  force  them  to  give  up  the 
place  was  his  main  object.  In  endeavors  to  accomplish  this,  the 
winter  passed  away.  In  the  spring,  signs  of  mutiny  were  mani 
fest  in  the  American  camp.  A  conspiracy  was  formed,  headed 
by  several  notorious  characters,  whose  object  was  the  delivery  of 
GREENE  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  opportune  discovery 
of  their  movements,  and  prompt  execution  of  one  of  the  ring 
leaders,  put  an  effectual  stop  to  their  machinations. 

Having  quashed  these  factious  malcontents,  he  pushed  operations 


332  NATHANIEL     GREENE. 

against  Charleston  with  vigor.  Every  day,  nearer  approaches 
were  made  to  the  city.  Negotiations  for  general  peace  were 
pending,  in  consequence  of  which,  General  Leslie  proposed  to 
GREENE,  that  active  movements  should  be  suspended.  The  matter 
was  referred  to  Congress,  while  the  American  general,  though 
anxious  for  peace,  watched  his  enemy  with  utmost  vigilance.  The 
war  was,  in  reality,  at  an  end ;  Savannah,  and  nearly  all  the 
important  posts  in  the  south  had  been  evacuated ;  Charleston,  it 
was  thought,  soon  would  be.  Many  of  the  officers  resigned  their 
commands  and  returned  home.  The  comparative  relaxation  of 
so  inactive  a  campaign,  was  greatly  trenched  upon  by  the  suffer 
ings  of  the  soldiers,  who  were  in  a  state  of  utter  destitution.  Ill 
feelings,  also,  arose  among  the  officers  of  the  army,  that  caused 
the  commander  infinite  pain. 

Active  war  was  now  over.  The  evacuation  of  Charleston  had 
been  decided  upon.  On  the  13th  of  December,  the  British 
marched  out  of  the  city,  of  which  the  Americans  took  immediate 
possession.  They  embarked  with  little  disturbance  on  board  their 
vessels,  and  left,  forever,  the  land  they  thought  to  deluge  in  blood, 
and  leave  fettered  with  the  manacles  of  despotism. 

His  long  and  arduous  services  being  now  over,  and  the  Ameri 
can  arms  being  crowned  with  success,  the  gallant  GREENE  returned 
to  the  north.  The  army  of  the  South, — noble  old  veterans, — was 
dissolved,  and  he  started  for  home  in  the  middle  of  the  summer. 
He  was  everywhere  hailed  as  one  of  the  deliverers  of  the  nation, 
and  became  the  recipient  of  every  conceivable  demonstration  of 
popular  favor.  On  reaching  his  beloved  Rhode  Island,  he  was 
warmly  received,  favored,  courted,  and  esteemed  by  all.  His 
campaigns  had  made  inroads  upon  his  health,  which  was  con 
siderably  shattered. 

Having  been  warmly  attached  to  the  south,  during  his  labors 
there,  and  thinking  a  change  of  residence  would  benefit  his  health, 
GREENE  determined  upon  removing  to  that  country.  The  State 
of  Georgia  had  given  him  a  beautiful  place  on  the  Savannah,  and 
thither,  he  concluded  to  pass  his  days  in  agriculture  and  study. 
In  the  Spring  of  1775,  he  visited  his  chosen  home,  and  made 
arrangements  for  the  removal  of  his  family,  which  was  accom 
plished  in  the  succeeding  autumn.  He  engaged  quite  extensively 
in  planting,  and  amid  his  corn  and  rice-fields,  a  balmy  atmosphere, 
and  pleasing  scenes,  passed  his  time  to  his  heart's  content. 


NATHANIEL    GKEENE.  333 

But  this  happy  quietude  was  destined  not  to  be  of  long  duration. 
On  the'13th  of  June,  the  summer  after  his  removal,  he  visited  a 
friend,  a  Mr.  Gibbons.  The  two  went  out  to  the  fields.  The  day 
was  intensely  hot,  and  the  sun's  rays  fell  burningly  upon  them. 
GEEENE  took  no  notice  of  it,  until  attacked  with  a  sudden  and  vio 
lent  pain  in  the  head,  on  his  way  home.  This  was  on  Tuesday. 
The  pain  increased  through  the  night  and  the  next  day.  By  Thurs 
day,  his  head  was  much  swollen  and  inflamed.  His  friends  now 
became  seriously  alarmed ;  a  physician  was  called  in,  but  without 
avail.  He  was,  finally,  overcome  by  a  stupor  and  insensibility, 
which  continued  till  his  death,  which  occurred  on  the  19th  of  June, 
1786,  in  the  forty-fifth  year  of  his  age.  He  was  buried  at  Savan 
nah,  with  every  demonstration  of  regard  and  popular  grief.  It 
was  well  that  the  theater  of  his  fame,  and  the  home  of  his  adoption 
should  receive  his  remains,  and  that  the  last  services  should  be 
rendered  to  him  by  those  for  whom  he  had  rendered  his  greatest, 
in  their  greatest  time  of  need. 


JOHN    JAY. 


IT  is  frequently  the  case  that,  in  forming  an  estimate  of  human 
character,  those,  whose  elevated  stations  and  superior  spheres 
of  action  make  them  the  center  of  great  events,  receive  the  most 
praise  for  results  which  could  never  have  been  attained  without 
the  aid  of  efficient  co-operators. 

While  the  fame  of  our  civic  and  military  leaders  wins  universal 
admiration,  others  there  were,  who,  though  not  occupying  positions 
as  elevated  or  responsible,  labored  with  equal  zeal  and  talent  in 
the  same  cause,  but  who  are  apt  to  be  comparatively  forgotten  in 
the  dispension  of  public  homage,  through  a  tendency  to  lay  it  at 
the  shrine  of  particular  individuals. 

History  is  a  vast  mirror  of  nations,  reflecting  the  images  of 
great  men,  foremost  in  whose  ranks  is  pictured  some  illustrious 
personage  with  proportions  so  full  as  to  monopolize  our  vision, 
while  those  who  contributed  to  place  him  thus  conspicuously  are, 
to  some  extent,  overlooked. 

To  correct  the  unjust  discriminations  of  history,  is  one  province 
of  biography.  Like  the  skillful  painter,  who  leaves  on  canvas 
the  image  of  his  subject  just  as  nature  formed  it,  with  its  beauties 
and  defects,  the  biographer  should  endeavor  to  delineate  human 
actions  and  characteristics  with  equal  fidelity.  As  not  least  un 
worthy  the  position,  we  shall  aim  to  place  as  compeer  with  those 
who  have  preceded  him,  the  name  of  JOHN  JAY. 

He  was  the  eighth  child  of  Peter  Jay,  and  was  born  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  December  12th,  1745.  His  paternal  lineage  was 
French;  his  mother's  people  were  from  Holland.  His  grand 
father,  Jay,  fled  from  France  to  England  to  avoid  religious 

(334) 


JOHN  JAY. 


JOHN    JAY.  335 

persecution.  His  father,  Peter,  came  thence  to  New  York,  and 
married  the  daughter  of  a  Mr.  Bayard,  whose  ancestry  also  fled 
the  religious  intolerance  of  France, — each  being  Protestants.  His 
father  settled  on  Long  Island,  near  New  York  City,  In  child 
hood  young  JAY  was  very  still  and  grave,  so  much  so,  that  his 
father  would  say,  "  My  Johnny  gives  a  very  pleasing  prospect. 
He  seems  endowed  with  good  capacity,  is  very  reserved  and  quite 
of  his  brother  James'  disposition  for  books." 

In  his  ninth  year  his  education  was  fairly  commenced,  and 
after  passing  the  general  preparatory  routine  with  credit,  he  entered 
King's  College  in  his  fifteenth  year,  where  he  graduated  with 
the  first  honors  in  his  twentieth.  Soon  after  graduation,  he 
entered  the  law  office  of  Benjamin  Kissane,  in  the  city  of  New 
York.  Here,  subjected  to  the  toilsome  mental  process  of  studying 
Coke  upon  Lyttleton,  Pufiendorff,  and  Fortescue,  and  others,  he 
soon  acquired  an  excellent  knowledge  of  his  chosen  profession. 
He  was,  after  submitting  to  the  regular  course,  formally  admitted 
to  the  bar,  and  soon  entered  upon  a  practice  lucrative  and  honor 
able.  Against  him,  in  the  argument  of  cases,  often  appeared  his 
former  preceptor,  Kissane,  whom  he  nearly  always  discomfited. 

On  one  occasion,  when  his  pupil  was  about  getting  the  better 
of  him,  after  wiping  the  sweat  from  his  brow,  Kissane  exclaimed : 
"  I  have  brought  up  a  bird  to  pick  out  my  own  eyes."  u  Not  to 
pick  them  out,  but  to  open  them,"  was  JAY'S  ready  rejoinder. 

From  the  commencement  of  his  profession  to  the  colonial  excite 
ments,  he  enjoyed  a  heavy  practice,  and  took  a  position  among 
his  professional  brethren,  at  once  lucrative  and  enviable.  At  the 
first  tocsin  of  alarm  from  England,  the  youthful  counselor  laid 
aside  his  legal  studies,  and  threw  his  talents  into  the  scale  of  colo 
nial  protection.  Among  those  who  were  first  and  warmest  in 
denouncing  the  cause  of  the  mother  country,  rang  the  voice  of 
JOHN  JAY.  He  attended  the  first  meeting  held  in  the  metropolis, 
to  consider  what  was  necessary  to  be  done.  He  was  one  of  the 
committee  to  consult  upon  the  state  of  affairs,  and  drew  the  report 
urging  the  necessity  of  a  general  Congress.  Of  the  first  Congress 
he  was  an  active  member,  and  drafted  one  of  the  three  addresses 
that  received  the  eulogistic  encomiums  of  Chatham. 

In  April,  1776,  he  was  selected  to  the  colonial  convention  of 
New  York,  upon  the  duties  of  which  he  entered  the  ensuing 
month.  He  was  still  a  member  of  Congress,  and  but  for  this 


336  JOHN    JA  Y. 

confliction  of  station  would  have  been  one  of  the  signers  of  the 
Declaration. 

In  the  colonial  convention  he  was  made  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  to  take  into  consideration  the  subject  of  independence  ;  he 
reported  the  following  resolution,  which  was  adopted  July  9th  : 
"  Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  reasons  assigned  by  the  conti 
nental  Congress  for  declaring  these  united  colonies  free  and  inde 
pendent,  are  cogent  and  conclusive,  and  that  while  we  lament  the 
cruel  necessity  which  has  rendered  that  measure  unavoidable,  we 
approve  the  same,  and  will,  at  the  risk  of  our  lives  and  fortunes, 
join  with  the  other  colonies  in  supporting  it." 

It  will  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  New  York  delegation  was 
instructed  to  pursue  a  conciliatory  course,  and  were,  in  conse 
quence,  somewhat  tardy  in  giving  their  support  to  the  measure. 
The  above  resolution  singles  JAY  from  the  pacific  views  of  others, 
and  designates  him  as  a  pioneer  from  that  State  in  the  cause  of 
independence. 

While  a  member  of  that  body,  at  his  instance,  a  State  conven 
tion  was  recommended,  to  take  into  consideration  the  authority, 
etc.,  of  colonial  assemblages.  This  convention  met  July  9th,  1776, 
and  ratified  the  proceedings  of  Congress  by  a  unanimous  confir 
mation  of  the  Declaration.  In  this  convention,  JAY,  though  com 
pared  with  many  other  members,  stood  in  a  position  of  juniority,  so 
far  as  age  was  concerned,  was  selected  to  draft  a  State  constitu 
tion.  No  longer  subject  to  the  sway  of  foreign  domination,  the 
United  States  had  each  to  adopt  for  its  regulation,  certain  consti 
tutional  laws.  This  was  an  untried  experiment,  and  JAY  a  young 
man.  His  theme,  the  preparation  of  a  State  constitution,  had 
been  the  subject  of  much  theoretical  speculation,  but  his  compa 
ratively  youthful  pen  was  to  bring  it  within  the  pale  of  practical 
observance.  To  JAY  the  first  State  constitution  of  New  York 
owes  its  principal  authorship.  It  was,  on  March  6th,  1777,  sub 
mitted,  and  soon  after  adopted  and  went  into  operation. 

This  constitution  evinced  much  legal  research,  a  wide  range 
of  vigorous,  and  correct  views  of  good  government,  and  was 
esteemed  an  able  production  by  men  gifted  in  the  abstruse  tech 
nicalities  of  the  science.  It  for  years  contained  the  embodiment 
of  New  York's  principal  laws.  Trial  by  jury,  the  habeas  corpus^ 
religious  freedom,  the  right  of  defense,  the  recognition  of  the 
people  as  the  source  of  power,  were  maintained  and  developed  by 


J  OH  N    J  A  Y.  337 

its  provisions.  Locally,  few  changes  were  made,  its  features 
being  mainly  political.  This  constitution,  upon  the  whole,  though 
the  property  requisite  to  the  franchise  was  not  done  away  with, 
nor  the  method  of  its  exercise  specified,  was  a  bold  step  in  the 
progress  of  republican  liberty. 

JAY'S  devotion  to  his  friends,  no  vicissitude  of  fortune  could 
dampen.  One  of  those  firm,  solid  gentlemen  who  act  from  prin 
ciple,  he  was  the  same  unflinching  friend  in  adversity  he  was  in 
prosperity.  Unlike  those  whose  "friendship,  like  your  shadow, 
follows  you  while  you  are  in  the  sunshine,  but  disappears  the 
instant  you  step  into  the  shade,"  he  stuck  to  his  friends  through 


gloom  as  well  as  sunshine. 


"When  the  brave  Schuyler  was  superseded  in  the  command  of 
the  northern  troops  by  Gates,  after  a  series  of  gallant  exploits  he 
wrote  him  thus:  "  Justice  will  yet  take  place,  and  I  do  not  de 
spair  of  seeing  the  time  when  it  will  be  confessed  that  the  founda 
tion  of  our  success  in  the  north  was  laid  by  yourself." 

Political  differences,  too,  he  separated  from  social  life ;  and 
though  in  his  sphere  of  duty  unbending  and  inflexible,  personally, 
with  his  old  friends  who  were  so  before  the  war,  he  maintained 
the  same  feelings  of  good- will.  To  a  colonel  of  the  British  army 
with  whom  he  was  intimate  in  his  younger  days,  he  thus  wrote : 
"The  friendship  which  subsisted  between  us  is  not  forgotten ;  nor 
will  the  good  offices  formerly  done  by  yourself  and  family  cease  to 
excite  my  gratitude.  How  far  you  may  be  comfortable  and  easy, 
I  know  not.  It  is  my  wish,  and  shall  be  my  endeavor,  that  it  be 
as  much  so  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  interest  of  that  great 
cause  to  which  I  have  devoted  every  thing  I  hold  dear  in  this 
world." 

The  establishment  of  courts  being  authorized  by  the  convention 
before  named,  JAY  was  appointed  Chief  Justice,  which  he  ac 
cepted. 

The  British  still  claimed  jurisdiction  over  the  country,  and  any 
official  act  counter  thereto,  was  equivalent  to  being  branded  by 
them  with  the  stigma  of  high  treason.  But,  sternly  resolute  in 
the  path  of  duty,  and  firmly  identified  with  the  revolutionary 
party,  with  coolness  and  decision  he  entered  upon  the  duties  of 
his  office,  and  donned  the  judicial  robes,  fearless  of  their  powers, 
when  directed  against  the  omnipotent  ramparts  of  truth  and 
justice. 


338  JO  HN    JA  Y. 

September  9th,  1777,  at  the  village  of  Kingston,  he  held  his 
first  court,  and  commenced  the  functions  of  his  office.  While 
Burgoyne's  grand  army  was  marching,  unchecked,  through  the 
country,  the  British  entire  masters  of  the  Hudson,  and  the  whole 
country  in  alarm,  in  the  Kingston  Court-house  JAY  delivered  his 
first  charge  to  the  grand  jury.  Fearless  and  intrepid  in  the  admin 
istration  of  justice,  as  though  his  country  had  been  the  mistress 
of  the  world,  he  arose  before  his  jurymen  and  delivered  the  charge 
with  due  solemnity,  and  in  a  manner  worthy  his  position.  After 
congratulating  them  upon  the  equity  of  their  laws,  he  adverted  to 
the  course  of  Great  Britain  and  the  new  Constitution,  and  closed 
his  charge  in  the  following  words : 

"  But  let  it  be  remembered,  that  whatever  marks  of  wisdom, 
experience,  and  patriotism  there  may  be  in  your  Constitution,  yet, 
like  the  beautiful  symmetry,  the  just  proportion,  and  elegant  forms 
of  our  first  parents  before  their  Maker  breathed  into  them  the 
breath  of  life,  it  is  yet  to  be  animated  ;  and  till  then,  may  indeed 
excite  admiration,  but  will  be  of  no  use.  From  the  people  it 
must  receive  its  spirit,  and  by  them  be  quickened.  Let  virtue, 
honor,  the  love  of  liberty  and  of  science,  be  and  remain  the  soul 
of  this  Constitution,  and  it  will  become  the  source  of  great  and 
extensive  happiness  to  this  and  future  generations.  Yice,  igno 
rance,  and  want  of  vigilance,  will  be  the  only  enemies  able  to 
destroy  it.  Against  these  be  forever  jealous." 

Resigning  the  office  of  chief  justice,  after  a  faithful  discharge 
of  its  duties  for  two  years,  he  was  elected  to  Congress,  of  which 
body  he  was  immediately  chosen  president.  JAY  was  not  a  fluent 
speaker,  but  an  able  writer, — not  fond  of  much  talking,  but  pos 
sessed  of  first-rate  sound  sense  and  correct  judgment.  For  the 
presidency  of  Congress,  no  man,  whether  .from  the  stability  of  his 
character,  his  manly  dignity,  or  power  of  commanding  respect, 
was  better,  qualified. 

At  the  time  he  was  placed  in  this  station,  the  American  Con 
gress  was  in  a  state  of  almost  hopeless  bankruptcy,  without  money 
or  credit.  It  had  flooded  the  country  with  continental  paper,  for 
whose  redemption  the  public  faith  was  pledged,  until  no  confi 
dence  was  placed  on  such  public  faith,  and  to  purchase  a  bushel 
of  corn,  it  took  a  bushel  of  the  paper.  Yet  money  was  needed, — 
the  war  must  be  prosecuted, — and  where  were  the  means  to  come 
from?  In  this  exigency  it  was  resolved  to  call  upon  the  several 


JOHN    JAY. 


339 


States.  The  pen  of  JAY  drew  the  appeal  to  the  States,  urging 
them  to  their  duty.  The  following  is  the  close  of  his  patriotic 
appeal :  "  Bouse,  therefore,  and  strive  who  shall  do  most  for  his 
country ;  rekindle  that  flame  of  patriotism  which,  at  the  mention 
of  disgrace  and  slavery,  blazed  throughout  America,  and  animated 
all  her  citizens  ;  determine  to  finish  the  contest  as  you  began  it, 
honestly  and  gloriously.  Let  it  never  be  said  that  America  had 
no  sooner  become  independent,  than  she  became  insolvent ;  or, 
that  her  infant  glories  and  growing  fame  were  obscured  and  tar 
nished  by  broken  contracts  and  violated  faith,  in  the  very  hour 
when  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  were  admiring,  and  most  adoring, 
her  rising  splendor." 

In  this,  though  performing  his  duty,  as  in  all  other  positions, 
with  unwavering  fidelity,  he  continued  but  a  short  time  until 
called  to  a  different  sphere  of  action.  This  was  the  mission  to 
Spain.  Patriotic,  he  had  entered  the  struggle,  and,  like  a  true 
public  servant,  was  willing  to  serve  in  whatever  capacity  his 
country  deemed  him  fitted.  On  the  2d  of  October,  1779,  he  sailed* 
for  Europe.  The  objects  of  his  embassy  were  to  bring  Spain  into 
the  treaty  of  alliance  with  the  United  States  and  France,  against 
England,  and  negotiate  a  loan  with  her  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
war.  Spain  he  found,  on  his  arrival,  wholly  averse  to  entering 
into  negotiations  upon  the  basis  of  acknowledging  the  United 
States  free  and  independent.  His  success,  in  regard  to  the  loan, 
was  not  much  better.  Congress,  in  the  meantime,  pressed  by  the 
stern  mandate  of  a  necessity  that  would  admit  of  no  delay,  though 
wholly  ignorant  of  the  progress  JAY  was  making  in  the  negoti 
ation  of  a  loan,  drew  on  him  to  the  amount  of  five  hundred 
thousand  dollars,*  to  be  paid  in  six  months.  Spain,  after  advanc 
ing  a  small  amount,  informed  JAY  that  they  would  pay  no  more, 
without  the  furnishing  an  equivalent  by  the  United  States,  either 
in  ships  of  war,  or  their  surrender  to  her  of  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi.  Actuated  by  stern  necessity,  contrary  to  his  usual 
cautionary  course,  JAT  resolved  upon  a  step  equally  bold  to  the 
one  taken  by  Congress.  This  was  the  acceptance,  at  his  own 
risk,  of  all  bills  presented.  The  consequence  was,  that  his  accep 
tances  soon  reached  near  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  dollars,  while 
but  about  thirty  thousand  had  been  paid  in.  After  bearing  up 


*  Lives  of  Chief  Justices. 
23 


34.0  JOHN    JAY. 

manfully  against  this  state  of  things  for  some  time,  and  battling 
with  true  courage  to  maintain  his  country's  honor,  he  was  at  length 
compelled  to  witness  his  bills  protested,  and  the  destruction  of 
both  public  and  private  credit. 

Soon  after,  he  received  a  letter  from  Franklin,  minister  to 
France,  stating  that  he  had  made  arrangements  for  the  payment 
of  his  acceptances,  and  saying :  "I  hope  in  God,  no  more  will  be 
drawn,"  without  prior  provision  of  funds, — that  "Spain  had  taken 
four  years  to  treat,"  and  closing  by  saying,  "  Give  her  forty  more 
and  let  us  mind  cur  own  business,"  and  insisting  that  JAY  should 
join  him  in  Paris.  Compliant  with  this  suggestion,  he  joined 
Franklin  in  that  city  June  23d,  1782. 

Though  with  the  court  of  Spain  all  that  man  could  do  had  been 
done  by  JAY,  his  mission  was  not  satisfactory  in  its  results,  nor 
justifiable  to  his  own  and  public  expectation. 

In  the  treaty  with  England  that  immediately  followed,  at  Paris, 
he  took  an  active  part,  drew  some  of  its  articles,  and,  in  its  final 
consummation,  more  credit  is  due  JOHN  JAY  than  any  other  man, 
except  Benjamin  Franklin.  That  treaty,  contrary  to  positive  min 
isterial  instructions,  which  were  from  the  American  Congress, 
"  to  make  the  most  candid  and  confidential  communications  upon 
all  subjects,  to  the  ministers  of  our  generous  ally,  the  King  of 
France ;  to  undertake  nothing  in  the  negotiations  for  peace  or 
truce  without  their  knowledge  and  concurrence,  and  ultimately  to 
govern  yourselves  by  their  advice  and  opinion"  was  concluded  in 
secret.  This  was,  in  fact,  a  violation  of  the  treaty  of  alliance 
between  America  and  France,  one  stipulation  of  which  was,  that 
no  treaty  should  be  consummated  with  England,  by  either  party, 
without  the  concurrence  of  the  other.  To  the  instructions,  espe 
cially  the  last  clause,  "  and  ultimately  to  be  governed,"  etc.,-  JAY 
objected  in  the  first  place. 

The  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  without  advising  with,  or  even 
giving  the  French  ministers  notice  of  such  negotiations,  was  a 
source  of  discontent  in  France,  and  subjected  the  American  envoys 
to  considerable  censure  at  home.  Notwithstanding  the  wide 
spread  joy  created  by  the  treaty  of  peace,  it  was  urged  that  France 
should  have  been  a  participant  in  making  a  peace  she  had  helped 
to  conquer.  Noticing  the  manner  in  which  our  ministers  had 
acted,  one  member  of  Congress,  in  a  set  speech,  accused  them 
of  "  meanly  stooping  to  lick  the  dust  from  the  feet  of  a  nation 


JOHN    JAY.  341 

whose  hands  were   still  dyed  with  the  blood   of  their  fellow- 
citizens." 

Indeed,  these  objections  were  not  without  plausibility.  France 
had  helped  us  in  the  battle-field,  and,  to  exclude  her  from  the 
council  where  peace  was  to  be  adjusted,  in  which  she  was  inter 
ested,  aside  from  having  shed  her  blood  in  its  purchase,  looked 
very  unjust. 

JAY  based  his  defense  upon  the  ground,  that  it  was  for  the 
benefit  of  America,  not  France,  for  which  he  was  laboring  ;  while 
John  Rutledge  contended,  in  the  ministers'  behalf,  that  "  instruc 
tions  ought  to  be  disregarded,  when  the  public  good  requires." 
After  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  JAY  expressed  his 
desire  of  returning  home,  and  to  the  enjoyments  of  private  life. 
One  main  motive  he  expresses  as  follows  :  "  When  I  embarked 
in  the  public  service,  I  said,  very  sincerely,  that  I  quitted  private 
life  with  regret,  and  should  be  happy  to  return  to  it  when  the 
object  which  called  me  from  it  should  be  attained.  To  be  consis 
tent,  therefore,  I  must  retire.  *  *  *  Pecuniary  considerations 
ever  held  a  secondary  place  in  my  estimation.  1  know  how  to 
live  within  the  limits  of  any  income"  This  is  the  pure,  honest 
simplicity  characteristic  of  our  primal  ancestry. 

He  reached  his  native  city  July  24th,  1784,  where  he  was  hon 
ored  with  many  manifestations  of  esteem  and  appreciation.  Im 
mediately  upon  his  arrival,  he  was  made  Secretary  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  upon  the  duties  of  which  station  he  entered  in  January 
of  the  ensuing  year.  "While  filling  this  position,  the  convention 
to  adopt  the  Federal  Constitution  was  called.  He  was  a  Feder 
alist,  favoring  the  views  of  Livingston  and  Hamilton,  upon  the 
constitutional  question.  He  was  not  of  the  number  who  formed 
it,  but  a  zealous  champion  in  its  support.  Some  of  the  views  he 
entertained  upon  the  subject,  at  the  present  time,  would  not  accord 
with  the  notions  of  correct  government  incident  to  the  expansion 
of  ideas,  and  the  unfettered  investigations  of  mind,  but  were  then 
.essentially  progressive,  and  more  liberal  than  those  of  Hamilton. 
Well  versed  as  he  was  in  the  science  of  political  economy,  less 
aristocratic  than  Hamilton,  and  not  so  purely  Democratic  as  Jef 
ferson,  he  occupied  between  the  two  a  medium,  position,  maintain 
ing  that  the  people  were  the  basis  of  power.  To  Washington  he 
thus  wrote :  "  The  mass  of  men  are  neither  wise  nor  good,  and 
the  virtue,  like  the  other  resources  of  a  country,  can  only  be 


342  J  0  H  N    J  A  Y. 

drawn  to  a  point  and  exerted  by  strong  circumstances,  ably  man 
aged,  or  a  strong  government  ably  administered." 

Again,  while  the  Constitution  controversy  was  progressing,  he 
wrote  to  another  gentleman  as  follows  :  "It  is  my  first  wish  to  see 
the  United  States  assume  and  merit  the  character  of  ONE  GREAT 
NATION,  whose  territory  is  divided  into  different  States  merely  for 
more  convenient  government,  and  the  more  easy  and  prompt 
administration  of  justice ;  just  as  our  several  States  are  divided 
into  counties  and  townships,  for  the  like  purposes." 

Again,  writing  to  Washington,  he  says  :  "  "What  powers  should 
be  granted  to  the  government,  so  constituted,  is  a  question  which 
deserves  much  thought ;  I  think,  the  more  the  better  ;  the  States 
retaining  so  much  only  as  may  be  necessary  for  domestic  purposes, 
and  all  their  principal  officers,  civil  and  military,  being  commis 
sioned  and  removable  by  the  national  government." 

He  further  suggests  Congressional  separation  into  twro  branches, 
Senate  and  House,  and  advocates  Senatorial  elevation  for  life, 
but  maintains  that  the  people  are  the  basis  of  government.  He 
further  adds  :  "To  vest  legislative,  judicial,  and  executive  powers 
in  one  and  the  same  body  of  men,  and  that  in  a  body  daily 
changing  its  members,  can  never  be  wise.  In  my  opinion,  those 
three  great  departments  of  sovereignty  should  be  forever  sepa 
rated  and  so  distributed  as  to  serve  as  checks  on  each  other." 
Such  were  his  views  upon  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  his 
relationship  with  the  political  parties  of  the  day. 

On  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  and  prior  to  its  final  sub 
mission,  the  instantaneous  opposition  it  encountered  met  stern 
resistance  from  the  pen  of  JAY.  To  the  "  Federalist,"  a  series  of 
papers  issued  under  the  supervision,  principally,  of  Hamilton  and 
Madison,  he  contributed  some  articles  of  marked  ability.  He 
also  wrote  an  anonymous  pamphlet  in  its  defense,  under  the  head 
of  the  following  interrogatories  : 

"  Is  it  probable  a  better  plan  can  be  adopted  ? 

"  If  attainable,  is  it  likely  to  be  in  season  ? 

u  "What  would  be  our  condition,  if,  in  the  rejection  of  this,  all 
efforts  to  obtain  a  better  should  prove  fruitless  ?" 

These  were  plain,  practical  questions.  Taking  the  negative  of 
the  two  former,  and  entering  ably,  upon  the  investigation  of  the 
latter,  conceding  the  imperfections  of  the  instrument,  he  handled 
his  subject  in  a  masterly  style,  and  without  the  least  assumption 


JOHN    JAY.  343 

or  arrogance,  manifesting  a  willingness  to  yield  to  the  majority,  in 
whatever  might  be  judged  for  the  country's  interest. 

To  the  convention  that  adopted  the  Constitution,  lie  was  elected 
a  member  from  the  State  of  New  York,  where  the  opposition  was^ 
more  warm  and  consolidated  than  anywhere  else,  by  a  vote 
highly  complimentary  to  his  worth  and  talents.  He  took  his  seat 
in  that  body,  on  its  assemblage.  Their  initiatory  proceedings 
began  by  an  address  from  Chancellor  Livingston.  Upon  the  sub 
ject  of  the  Constitution,  there  was  much  division  of  opinion,  and 
the  larger  portion  of  the  delegates  insisted  upon  some  amend 
ments.  It  was  agreed  to  consider  the  instrument  by  sections. 
The  main  amendment  urged  was  Jefferson's  favorite  measure,  the 
appendage  of  a  Bill  of  Rights,  which  was  finally  procured.  The 
great  question,  on  the  opening  of  the  convention,  was  absolute  or 
conditional  ratification.  A  majority  of  the  members  were  in  favor 
of  the  former,  but  contended  for  the  amendments.  JAY  wrote 
Washington,  of  the  delegates,  as  follows :  "  The  leaders  in  the 
opposition  [  to  absolute  adoption  ]  seem  to  have  more  extensive 
views  than  their  adherents  ;  and  until  the  latter  perceive  that  cir 
cumstance,  they  will  probably  continue  combined.  The  greater 
number  are,  I  believe,  averse  to  a  vote  of  rejection.  Some  would 
be  content  with  recommendatory  amendments  ;  others  wish  for 
explanatory  ones  ;  others  yet  would  not  be  satisfied  with  less  than 
absolute  and  previous  amendments ;"'  while  of  some  he  affirms 
his  belief,  that  they  were  opposed  to  any  government  at  all. 

Among  these  several  shades  of  opinion,  JAY  was  an  uncondi-( 
tional  ratificationist,  and  on  July  llth,  made  a  motion  accord 
ingly  ;  so  qualifying  his  motion  as  to  recommend  whatever  might 
be  thought  necessary.  On  the  15th,  Mr.  Morris  moved  its  adop 
tion,  "  on  condition  "  that  specific  amendments  were  to  be  made ; 
upon  which  quite  a  struggle  ensued.  On  the  25th,  Mr.  Jones 
moved  its  adoption,  "  in  full  confidence"  that  such  amendments 
would  be  agreed  to.  Thus  modified,  the  motion  passed  by  a  vote 
of  thirty  to  twenty-seven.  The  judicial  regulations  of  the  Consti 
tution  provided  for  the  establishment  of  a  Supreme  Court.  On 
Washington's  accession  to  the  presidency,  and  the  organization 
of  the  judiciary  effected,  JOHN  JAY  was  appointed  Chief  Justice. 
In  February,  1790,  this  first  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States 
held  his  first  Supreme  Court  in  the  city  of  his  nativity,  and  in  the 
ensuing  April,  his  first  Circuit. 


344  JOHN    JAY. 

JAY  was  not,  as  a  lawyer,  a  man  of  forensic  talent,  but  had  few 
superiors  as  a  judge  of  law,  and  a  better  selection  for  the  post  of 
chief  justice  could  not  have  well  been  made.  He  discharged  his 
duties  with  the  same  decisive  firmness  and  constant  fidelity,  that  he 
had  in  all  the  positions  to  which  he  had  been  elevated,  and  received, 
during  his  official  term,  the  highest  evidences  of  esteem  from  his 
fellow-citizens.  In  the  causes  that  came  before  him,  were  some, 
in  feature,  singular  and  extraordinary.  One  of  these,  as  the 
first  investigation  of  the  State  sovereignty  doctrine,  before  a  judi 
cial  tribunal,  deserves  notice. 

A  man  living  in  South  Carolina,  sued  the  State  of  Georgia, 
making  her  governor  and  attorney-general,  defendants  to  the 
action.  Against  these,  he  served  a  process.  They  failed  to 
appear.  The  United  States  attorney-general,  thereupon,  moved, 
iu  case  of  non-appearance,  at  the  succeeding  term,  the  rendition 
of  judgment  for  the  plaintiff,  and  the  issue  of  a  writ  of  inquiry. 
In  no  former  action  of  like  nature,  had  the  defendants  refused  to 
appear.  In  the  case,  JAY'S  opinion  was  able  and  lengthy.  Though 
not  analytic  or  replete  with  referential  authorities  and  parallels, 
deduced  from  similar  cases  of  other  courts,  like  all  his  opinions, 
the  constitutional  law  and  sovereign  principle  were  carefully  eluci 
dated,  in  the  plain,  practical,  and  common-sense  manner,  so 
eminently  characteristic  of  the  Chief  Justice. 

Another  case  of  considerable  importance,  whose  adjudication 
involved  some  nice  principles,  was  the  arraignment  of  one  Henfield 
before  the  Supreme  Court,  for  engaging,  contrary  to  law,  in  a 
French  privateering  cruise.  His  charge  to  the  grand  jury,  in  this 
case,  was  an  able  and  brief  condensation  of  our  neutrality  doctrine. 
It  closed  thus :  "  That  the  United  States  are  in  a  state  of  neutrality, 
relative  to  all  the  powers  at  war,  and  that  it  is  their  duty,  their 
interest,  and  their  disposition  to  maintain  it;  that,  therefore,  they 
who  commit,  aid,  or  abet  hostilities  against  these  powers,  or  any 
one  of  them,  offend  against  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and 
ought  to  be  punished ;  and,  consequently,  that  it  is  your  duty, 
gentlemen,  to  inquire  into,  and  prevent  all  such  of  these  offenses 
as  you  shall  find  to  have  been  committed  within  this  district." 

This  charge  was  deemed  so  accordant  with  the  neutral  policy, 
whose  strict  observance  was  urged  upon  all  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  that  it  was  published  under  governmental  super 
vision,  as  definitive  of  our  settled  convictions. 


J  OH  N    J  A  T.  345 

It  will  be  remembered,  that  a  lively  sympathy  had  been  awakened 
in  the  American  bosom  for  France,  and  that  a  strong  distaste  to 
the  neutrality  policy  prevailed ;  this  was  manifest  on  this  trial. 
Notwithstanding  JAY'S  charge,  and  his  unflinching  adherence  to 
the  laws,  the  jury  returned  a  verdict  of  acquittal  in  the  case, 
which  was  received  with  thundering  plaudits  from  the  French 
sympathizers  who  witnessed  the  proceedings. 

The  Chief  Justice,  in  this  case,  asserted  the  possession  of  com 
mon  law  jurisdiction  by  the  federal  court ;  a  doctrine  which  was 
subsequently  exploded. 

His  judicial  career  closed  in  April,  1794,  when  he  held  his  last 
court.  As  chief  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  he  was  faithful 
and  zealous,  maintaining  the  supremacy  of  the  law  with  decision 
and  dignity.  Upon  the  whole,  he  reflected  credit  upon  the  station, 
and  afforded  another  example  of  Washington's  wisdom  in  the 
selection  of  public  servants,  JAY  having  been  recommended  for  the 
post  by  him.  He  was,  soon  after,  appointed  minister  to  England, 
whither  he  sailed  in  May,  1794.  Having  briefly  endeavored  to 
follow  his  upward  step,  as  the  student,  the  counselor,  the  legis 
lator,  the  statesman  and  the  jurist,  we  must  now  notice  him  as 
the  diplomatist  and  the  executive. 

He  went  to  England  essentially  a  pacificator,  and  was  warmly 
received.  The  celebrated  instrument  known  in  our  diplomatic 
history  as  JAY'S  treaty,  was  consummated ;  in  regard  to  the 
fisheries,  the  West  India  trade,  and  other  features,  it  was  sadly 
defective,  severely  denounced  in  the  United  States,  and  its  author 
censured  in  unmeasured  terms.  Yet,  it  was  the  best  he  could  do. 
The  importance  of  peace  at  the  time  our  government  was  about 
being  put  into  operation,  and  when  all  Europe  was  in  commotion, 
was  felt  to  be  desirable,  if  even  attained  at  the  price  of  some 
concession.  The  excitement  incident  to  the  ratification  of  that 
treaty,  and  the  party  bickerings  thereby  engendered,  have  been 
briefly  adverted  to  elsewhere. 

On  his  return  to  the  United  States,  a  storm  of  abuse  burst 
upon  him.  The  Democratic  or  Jacobin  clubs,  whose  origin  is 
traceable  to  the  notorious  Genet,  talked  of  his  impeachment, 
while  his  effigy  was  hung  in  the  streets,  under  contemptuous 
inscriptions,  and  the  treaty  copies  burned  in  front  of  his  door. 
Hamilton  defended  him,  and  Jefferson  and  Madison  replied  to  his 
arguments,  and  thus  the  controversy  was  kept  up  through  the 


346  JOHN    JAY. 

public  press,  both  before  and  after  its  ratification.  Deficient  as 
the  treaty  may  have  been,  aside  from  prejudice,  the  motives  of 
JAY  were  above  impugnment.  It  was  ratified,  and  went  into 
effect  in  the  Spring  of  1795. 

Some  years  prior  to  this,  JAY  had  been  run  against  Clinton,  for 
governor  of  New  York,  and  was  beaten  by  a  small  majority  for 
Clinton.  During  his  embassy  to  England,  however,  he  was 
elected  to  that  position,  and  commenced  his  official  duties,  Janu 
ary  6th,  1796.  Though  in  his  address  to  the  legislature,  on  its  con 
vention,  he  avowed  his  purpose  "  to  regard  all  his  fellow-citizens 
with  an  equal  eye,  and  to  cherish  and  advance  merit  wherever 
found,"  in  the  disposition  of  executive  favors,  he  exemplified 
the  course  of  most  officers,  and  made  his  appointments  from  the 
ranks  of  his  own, — the  Federal  party. 

•  His  speech  drew  from  the  legislature  a  response,  couched  in 
confidential  expressions  of  his  wisdom  and  virtue,  as  "  invariably" 
exhibited.  "Invariably"  was  added  with  emphasis  by  that 
acute  politician,  Spencer,  and  was  designed  as  an  exculpation 
from  the  odium,  that  had  partially  fastened  upon  him,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  late  treaty  with  Great  Britain. 

Not  long  after,  however,  on  account  of  JAY'S  affirming  his  sole 
right  as  executive  to  the  appointing  power,  which  was  claimed, 
also,  by  the  council,  who  were  of  different  politics,  Spencer  with 
drew  his  support,  and  from  a  friend  became  an  enemy  to  his 
administration. 

JAY  continued  to  discharge  his  duties  as  governor,  with  charac 
teristic  firmness  of  purpose,  and  devotion  to  his  country.  No 
better  proof  is  wanting  of  JAY'S  scrupulous  regard  for  honor  and 
virtue,  than  the  warm  attachment  felt  for  him  by  Washington, 
by  whom  he  was  ever  regarded  as  one  whose  words  were  bonds. 

At  the  close  of  his  first  term,  he  was  again,  contrary  to  his 
personal  preference,  put  in  nomination  for  the  office.  This  was 
about  the  time  when  the  struggle  for  ascendency  between  the 
Federal  and  Republican  parties  was  fiercest ;  New  York  was  the 
principal  battle-ground.  The  Republicans  numbered,  in  their 
ranks,  the  subtle  Burr,  the  erudite  Livingston,  the  ingenious  De 
Witt  Clinton,  and  their  able  recruit,  Ambrose  Spencer.  Of  the 
Federal  party,  Hamilton  and  JAY  were  the  chief  pillars.  From 
this  time,  until  the  Republicans  asserted  their  supremacy  in  the 


JOHN    JAY.  347 

election  of  Jefferson  and  Burr,  the  excitement  of  party  politics 
ran  high. 

Against  JAY,  as  the  Republican  candidate  for  governor, 
was  nominated  Chancellor  Livingston.  The  result  was  JAY'S 
re-election  by  a  large  majority.  Soon  after  his  re-election,  proba 
bility  of  war  with  France  was  indicated  ;  to  consider  what  should 
be  done,  he  prorogued  the  legislature  in  extra  session.  Now,  when 
danger  spoke,  clamor  hushed,  and  JAY  was  invested  with  dis 
cretionary  powers,  in  the  disbursement  of  funds  appropriated  to 
meet  the  emergency;  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  both 
people  and  legislature,  being  unlimited.  During  the  regular 
session  of  the  legislature,  a  bill  was  introduced,  making  provision 
for  the  electors  of  president,  to  be  chosen  out  of  specified  districts, 
by  the  people.  This  was  advocated  by  the  Republicans,  but 
defeated  by  the  Federalists,  who  thus,  lost  their  only  chance  of 
electing  the  president.  On  casting  the  next  electoral  vote,  the 
difficulty  of  electing  Jefferson  proved,  that  a  few  Federal  electors 
chosen  by  them,  as  is  probable  would  have  been  the  case,  would 
have  beaten  him. 

JAY,  of  all  men,  was  among  the  most  conscientious.  After  it 
was  known  that  Jefferson  had  received  the  electoral  vote  he  had, 
it  was  intimated  to  JAY,  by  Hamilton,  who  averred  that  it  would 
not  do  to  be  "overscrupulous"  in  such  an  emergency;  that  it 
would  be  well  to  re-convene  the  legislature  (which  was  Federal), 
and  pass  the  bill,  its  former  vote  rejected,  for  the  purpose  of 
defeating  Jefferson.  Warm  as  were  JAY'S  party  ties,  and  greatly 
inimical,  as  he  firmly  believed  the  established  ascendency  of  the 
Republican  party  would  be  to  the  country,  ends,  he  did  not  think, 
justified  means,  and  promptly  rejected  such  an  abuse  of  his  power. 
This  proposition  from  Hamilton,  was  subsequently  found  among 
his  papers,  appropriately  labeled:  "A  proposition  for  party 
purposes,  which  I  do  not  think  it  becomes  me  to  adopt"  His 
honest  maintenance  of  republican  principles,  and  conscientious 
regard  for  duty,  is  further  shown  by  the  following,  a  part  of  an 
address  dictated  to  the  people,  during  Jefferson's  administration  : 

"  I  take  the  liberty  of  suggesting,  whether  the  patriotic  princi- 
ciples  upon  which  we  profess  to  act,  do  not  call  upon  us  to  give 
(as  far  as  may  depend  upon  us,)  fair  and  full  effect  to  the  known 
sense  and  intention  of  a  majority  of  the  people  in  every  consti 
tutional  exercise  of  their  will,  and  to  support  every  administration 


348  J  OHN    J  A  Y. 

of  the  government  of  our  country,  which  may  prove  to  ~bc  intelli 
gent  and  upright,  of  whatever  party  the  persons  comprising 
it  may  be.)" 

The  contest  for  the  appointing  power  was  kept  up  by  the 
council,  and  caused  the  governor  considerable  annoyance.  The 
reaction  that  had  taken  place,  threw  him  in  the  minority.  Of  the 
council,  three  were  Kepublican  and  one  Federalist.  In  making 
the  appointments,  the  governor  would  nominate,  and  the  council 
refuse  to  confirm.  At  their  last  meeting,  this  was  carried  to  an 
extreme.  JAY  continued  to  nominate  ( from  the  Federal  party ), 
and  the  council  to  reject,  for  the  office  of  sheriff,  until  some  dozen 
names  had  been  rejected.  At  length,  "  I  nominate  John  Blake, 
Jr.,"  boldly  exclaimed  a  shrill  voice,  who  was  a  member  of  the 
council.  That  was  one  destined  to  be  heard  in  the  national  halls ; 
it  was  young  DE  WITT  CLINTON'S. 

After  a  short  pause,  "I  nominate  John  Nicholson,"  remarked 
JAY  :  no  one  responded,  and  the  council  was  adjourned. 

His  last  official  term  closed  July  1st,  1801,  and  JAY  retired 
forever,  from  public  concerns,  to  the  enjoyments  of  a  private 
sphere,  for  which  he  was  most  happily  constituted.  Soon  after 
his  retirement,  John  Adams,  whose  administration  was  near 
closing,  tendered  him  the  appointment  of  Chief  Justice,  in  the 
following  language:  "It  appeared  to  me  that  Providence  had 
thrown  in  my  way  an  opportunity,  not  only  of  marking  to  the 
public  the  spot  where,  in  my  opinion,  the  greatest  mass  of  worth 
remained  collected  in  one  individual,  but  of  furnishing  my  country 
with  the  best  security  its  inhabitants  afforded,  against  the  increas 
ing  dissolution  of  morals."  This  appointment,  however,  JAY 
peremptorily  declined. 

Thus,  at  the  age  of  fifty-six,  he  withdrew  from  official  stations, 
and  in  the  bliss  of  domestic  quiet,  finished  his  days  as  he  had  lived, 
peacefully  and  honorably.  To  the  student  of  character,  JOHN  JAY 
presents  an  impersonation  of  the  greatest  firmness,  sound  sense, 
correct  judgment,  and  of  the  sternest  virtue.  His  long  and  useful 
life  was  terminated  in  May,  1829,  in  the  eighty-fourth  year  of  his 
age.  On  the  14th  of  that  month  he  retired  to  bed,  in  usual  good 
health.  During  the  night  he  was  attacked  with  palsy,  from  which 
he  never  recovered.  He  continued  to  sink  until  the  17th ;  then 
closed  his  eyes  forever.  Uuforgotten  in  his  silent  rest,  his  name 
yet  lives  an  honor  to  the  American  judiciary. 


FRANCIS  MARION. 


FEANCIS  MAEION. 


IT  was  Marshal  Macdonald  of  whom  historians  say,  that  at 
the  battle  of  "Wagram,  he  carried  upon  his  shoulders  the  throne 
of  Napoleon.  The  fact  that  the  aspects  of  southern  military  ope 
rations  were  changed  by  the  efforts  of  partisan  leaders,  during  the 
Revolution,  has  been  mentioned  in  the  character  previously  drawn 
of  General  Greene.  These  unpretending  patriots  did,  no  doubt, 
at  one  time,  hold  the  fortunes  of  that  officer  while  in  the  south. 
Their  heroic  deeds,  though,  to  some  extent,  "  unsung  by  poet,  and 
unrecorded  by  historian,"  form  a  glorious  page  in  the  early  annals 
of  our  country.  As  a  fit  representative  of  these  daring  subordi 
nates,  the  reader  will  surely  concede,  that  the  name  of  FRANCIS 
MARION  is  a  judicious  selection.  To  no  one,  among  all  the 
chivalrous  sous  of  the  south,  are  the  successful  results  of  the  war 
of  the  Revolution  in  that  quarter  more  attributable  than  to  him. 

FRANCIS  MARION,  one  of  six  children,  and  the  youngest  son  of 
Gabriel  and  Charlotte  Marion,  was  born  at  Winyah,  South 
Carolina,  in  the  year  1732.  The  Marion  family  were  from  France, 
and  emigrated  to  this  country  in  1690,  on  account  of  the  intoler 
ant  religious  persecutions  during  the  reign  of  Louis  XIYth. 
They  were  a  quiet,  unassuming  and  industrious  family,  noted  for 
their  integrity  and  devotion  to  the  Protestant  faith.  MARION,  at 
his  birth,  was  a  puny,  dwarfish  child,  with  seemingly  no  indi 
cation  of  ever  arriving  at  maturity.  Horry  and  Weems  both 
agree  in  the  assertion,  that,  "he  was  not  larger  than  a  New 
England  lobster,  and  might  easily  enough  have  been  put  into  a 
quart  pot." 

In  his  twelfth  year,  however,  he  became  healthy,  tough,  wiry, 

(349) 


350  FRANCIS    MARION. 

and  elastic.  At  this  time,  like  Washington,  he  became  absorbed 
with  the  idea  of  a  sea  voyage.  It  was  in  vain  that  his  mother 
tried  to  persuade  him  out  of  the  notion.  Go,  he  would.  He 
started  to  sea,  therefore,  at  the  earliest  opportunity,  in  a  frail, 
rickety  old  craft,  his  young  imagination  fired  to  the  highest  pitch, 
in  view  of  the  perils  he  had  to  brave.  The  vessel  soon  foundered 
and  sank,  leaving  every  man  to  perish  save  six  who  took  to  the 
jolly-boat.  Among  the  six,  was  young  MARION.  They  were 
buffeted  about  many  days,  in  a  condition  of  intense  suffering, 
living  part  of  the  time  on  the  raw  flesh  of  a  dog  that  accidentally 
came  into  their  hands,  before  they  were  picked  up  by  a  passing 
vessel.  Preserved  thus,  almost  by  miracle,  he  returned  home 
and  went  to  the  plow.  The  duties  of  farming  he  continued 
industriously  for  a  number  of  years,  without  the  occurrence  of 
any  thing  remarkable  to  interrupt  the  regular  routine  of  that 
peaceful  pursuit.  His  resources  were  limited,  as  was  also  his 
education, — of  the  latter,  in  fact,  so  far  •  as  the  schools  were  con 
cerned,  he  received  scarcely  any  thing. 

He  next  appears  in  a  position  relevant  to  our  sketch,  in  the 
Cherokee  war.  The  Cherokee  Indians,  on  their  return  from  the 
campaigns  in  the  North,  as  our  aids  against  Fort  Duquesne  and 
other  points,  committed  sad  depredations  upon  the  settlers  of 
Virginia  and  the  borders  of  South  Carolina.  The  people  flew  to 
arms,  to  resist  them.  The  governor  of  South  Carolina  called  out 
the  troops  of  the  State,  designating  a  point  some  thirteen  leagues 
from  Charleston  as  their  head-quarters.  Thither  hastened  MARION 
as  a  volunteer,  eager  to  draw  his  maiden  sword.  These  prompt 
preparations  rather  overawed  the  Indians  and  forced  from  them  a 
reluctant  treaty.  As  soon,  however,  as  the  colonial  forces  were 
disbanded,  they  raised  the  war-cry  afresh,  and  came  upon  Caro 
lina  with  redoubled  strength.  MARION  again  hastened  to  the  gov 
ernor  with  the  tender  of  his  services.  The  governor,  pleased  with 
his  ardor,  gave  him  a  lieutenant's  commission.  He  went  into 
service  in  the  company  of  Captain  William  Moultrie.  Colonel 
Grant,  in  view  of  the  alarming  state  of  affairs,  was  ordered  out 
with  twelve  hundred  British  regulars. 

In  May,  1761,  general  operations  against  the  enemy  began. 
Grant  resolved  to  push  the  war  forward  into  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  country.  The  only  possible  way  to  effect  this,  was  to  pass 
a  dangerous  and  narrow  defile,  so  dark  as  almost  to  exclude  the 


FRANCIS    MARION.  35} 

light  of  day.  A  corps  of  thirty  picked  men  was  selected  for 
the  hazardous  exploration  of  this  pass.  It  was  no  common  mark 
of  MARION'S  courage  and  capacity,  that  he  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  this  thirty.  Gallantly  he  pushed  forward  in  advance  of  the  main 
army  to  the  pass.  His  party  had  scarcely  reached  the  center  of 
the  defile,  when  a  shower  of  bullets  from  behind  the  trees  sent 
destruction  into  his  ranks.  This  fearful  discharge  from  the  Indians 
in  ambush,  cut  down  twenty-one  of  his  party.  Rushing  from  their 
hiding  places,  with  the  ferocity  of  hyenas,  they  raised  their  toma 
hawks  upon  the  remainder  of  the  band,  which  must  have  been 
entirely  annihilated  but  for  the  timely  arrival  of  the  main  body. 
Coming  up  to  the  scene  of  slaughter,  Grant  extended  his  wings, 
posted  his  men  as  much  under  cover  of  the  woods  as  possible,  and 
began  the  fight,  determined  to  drive  the  savages  from  their  strong 
hold.  In  this  way  the  battle  raged  several  hours,  most  furiously. 
Streams  of  fire  blazed  in  every  direction,  while  the  roar  of  the 
guns  resounded  through  the  woods,  and  the  clash  of  small  arms 
mingling  with  savage  yells  and  dying  groans,  rendered  the  scene 
still  more  terrific.  The  Indians,  though  they  fought  bravely,  saw 
their  numbers  rapidly  decreasing  and  finally  dispersed  and  fled, 
leaving  their  country  to  the  mercy  of  the  conquerors.  Such  was 
the  battle  of  Etchou,  in  many  respects,  similar  to  Braddock's 
engagement,  though  not  attended  with  the  same  disastrous  results. 
Thus  victorious,  the  colonial  army  entered  the  Indian  settlements, 
demolished  their  towns,  destroyed  their  substance,  and  conquered 
a  formal  peace.  The  troops  were  now  disbanded,  and  MARION 
returned  to  his  farming  avocations.  Like  Washington,  he  had 
prepared  himself  for  higher  duties  amid  the  perils  of  Indian 
warfare. 

He  continued  the  pursuits  of  agriculture  until  the  war  broke 
out  with  England.  On  hearing  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  it  was 
resolved  by  the  South  Carolina  legislature  to  raise  two  regiments 
for  immediate  service.  This  was  done  in  the  spring  of  1775,  and 
MARION  was  appointed  captain  of  a  company,  while  Moultrie  was 
advanced  to  the  position  of  Colonel  of  a  regiment.  Horry,  his 
biographer,  was  also  made  captain  in  the  same  regiment.  Ilorry 
confesses  his  joy  at  being  placed  thus  near  MARION,  whom  he 
acknowledged  to  have  loved:  "For,"  says  he,  "though  he  was 
neither  handsome,  nor  witty,  nor  wealthy,  yet  he  was  universally 
beloved.  The  fairnesss  of  his  character, — his  fondness  for  his 


352  FRANCIS    MARION. 

relatives, — his  humanity  to  his  slaves,  and  his  bravery  in  the 
Indian  war,  made  him  the  darling  of  the  country." 

Their  commissions  being  made  but,  MARION  and  Horry,  in  the 
summer  of  1775,  almost  penniless,  set  out  upon  a  recruiting 
expedition.  They  each  succeeded  in  enlisting,  for  six  months,  a 
company  of  sixty  men.  In  the  latter  part  of  autumn,  they  took 
up  head-quarters  at  Charleston,  whence  they  soon  after  went 
to  Fort  Johnson.  During  the  comparative  inactivity  that  pre 
vailed  while  their  rendezvous  was  at  the  fort,  an  incident  occurred 
illustrative  of  the  character  of  our  subject : 

A  dashing  young  lieutenant,  who  was  more  a  gamester  than  a 
soldier,  wished  to  go  to  a  cock  fight,  several  miles  distant  from 
camp  and  resorted  to  the  following  method  of  getting  off  from 
MARION.  He  told  him  that  his  father  was  about  to  die,  and  he 
wished  to  visit  him  for  a  few  days.  MARION  consented  to  his 
absence.  He  hurried  to  the  cock  fight,  and  remained  absent  some 
two  weeks,  when  he  returned  to  camp.  MARION  had  learned,  in 
the  meantime,  the  nature  of  the  trick.  Entering  MARION'S  tent, 
he  began  an  embarrassed  apology  for  his  long  stay.  MARION 
turned  upon  him,  and  very  sarcastically  exclaimed:  "Eh,  lieu 
tenant,  is  that  you  ?  Well,  never  mind  it,  there  is  no  harm  done. 
/  never  missed  you"  Mortified  and  chapfallen,  the  lieutenant 
walked  away,  declaring  that  he  "  was  never  at  such  a  loss  before." 
He  afterward  became  a  good  and  vigilant  officer. 

Amid  the  dangers  that  were  thickening  over  the  colonies, 
MARION  and  others  were  advanced  to  the  rank  of  major,  and  tho 
continental  forces  considerably  increased.  He  devoted  himself 
with  marked  assiduity  to  drilling  and  disciplining  his  troops, 
whom  he  soon  found  in  efficient  military  condition.  "Indeed," 
says  Weems,  "I  am  not  afraid  to  say  that  MARION  was  the 
architect  of  the  second  regiment,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  that 
excellent  discipline  and  confidence  in  themselves,  which  gained 
them  such  reputation  whenever  they  were  brought  to  face  their 
enemies." 

MARION  was  now  ordered  with  his  command  to  Fort  Moultrie, 
and  participated  gallantly  in  its  brilliant  defense ;  for  more  full 
particulars  of  which,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  sketch  of  Chief 
Justice  Kutledge,  which  will  be  found  in  subsequent  pages  of  this 
work.  After  the  American  victory  at  Fort  Moultrie,  important 
to  the  cause,  from  the  fact  that  it  was  the  commencement  of 


FRANCIS    MARION.  353 

operations  in  that  quarter,  and  tended  to  inspire  the  southern 
people  with  confidence  in  themselves.  Moultrie  was  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  while  MARION  received  a  lieu 
tenant-colonel's  commission.  This  victory,  also,  as  before  inti 
mated,  gave  to  South  Carolina  a  sufficient  respite  to  more  properly 
prepare  herself  for  greater  emergencies,  destined  to  call  forth  her 
energies  some  time  after.  Much  of  the  time  of  the  southern  army 
was  taken  up  against  the  Indians  and  Tories,  who  caused  no  little 
annoyance.  MARION,  during  these  operations,  was  constantly  on 
the  alert,  watching  the  movements  of  the  enemy  with  character 
istic  vigilance.  In  1777,  he  was  placed  in  command  of  Fort 
Moultrie,  a  point,  justly  esteemed  of  considerable  importance.  A 
seal,  in  the  meantime,  had  been  put  to  the  glory  of  the  American 
cause,  by  the  4  Declaration,'  a  measure  which  was  received  with 
every  demonstration  of  joy  by  the  people  of  the  south. 

In  December,  1778,  the  British,  in  formidable  force,  appeared 
before  the  city  of  Savannah, — defended  by  a  weak  American  gar 
rison,  under  a  still  weaker  general.  After  slight  resistance,  the 
city  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  MARION,  at  this  time,  was 
probably,  still  at  Fort  Moultrie,  or  perhaps  at  Perrysburg, — 
authorities  differ  as  to  his  whereabouts.  The  British  being  in 
possession  of  Savannah,  made  it  a  point  of  delivery  for  the 
prisoners  taken  by  their  different  predatory  parties  that  dispersed 
themselves  over  the  country.  It  was  about  this  time  when,  the 
Protsean  sergeant,  Jasper,  and  his  brother  Newton,  so  heroically 
rescued  a  husband,  wife  and  child,  from  the  hands  of  thrice  their 
numbers  at  the  Springs,  well  known  as,  the  Spa. 

The  operations  that  followed  were  discouraging  to  the  American 
arms.  General  Ashe  was  surprised,  and  completely  routed  from 
his  camp,  with  considerable  loss.  The  enemy  penetrated  the 
heart  of  Georgia,  and  made  efforts  for  the  entire  subjection  of 
South  Carolina.  Moultrie  kept  the  field,  and  annoyed  them 
whenever  opportunity  offered.  No  reliance  could  be  placed  on 
the  militia,  who  grew  dispirited  and  mutinous.  General  Lincoln 
marched  his  regulars  toward  Augusta,  leaving  the  sea-coast  open 
to  the  British, — a  movement  of  which  their  general,  Provost,  im 
mediately  availed  himself,  and  pushed  forward  to  capture  the  city 
of  Charleston,  intending,  in  the  meantime,  to  cut  off  the  com 
mand  of  Moultrie,  who  was  stationed  at  Black  Swamp  with  twelve 
hundred  men.  Moultrie  learning  his  adversary's  intentions,  also 


354  FRANCIS    MARION. 

made  for  Charleston,  while  Provost  continued  the  pursuit.  Moul- 
trie  reached  the  city  a  few  hours  in  advance,  and  prepared  it  as  best 
he  could,  for  the  reception  of  the  enemy.  Provost  arrived  soon 
after,  and  demanded  a  surrender,  which  was  refused.  Hearing 
that  reinforcements  were  at  hand,  he  immediately  decamped.  At 
Stono  Ferry,  he  was  attacked  by  Lincoln,  but  with  no  effect.  The 
British  now  retreated  to  Beaufort  and  Savannah,  at  which  latter 
place  they  proposed  concentrating  their  forces,  for  the  purpose  of 
coping  with  the  combined  efforts  of  the  French  and  Americans. 
MARION  now  abandoned  Fort  Moultrie, — the  necessity  for  its 
occupancy  no  longer  existing. 

In  the  fall  of  1779,  Count  D'Estaing,  with  the  French  fleet, 
appeared  on  the  coast  to  act  in  concert  with  the  southern  land 
armies.  General  Lincoln  now  hastened  to  Savannah  with  the 
intention  of  forcing  the  British  to  evacuate  the  city.  The  French 
troops  also  landed  with  the  same  view.  The  city  was  ordered  to 
surrender;  the  enemy  asked  twenty-four  hours  to  consider  the 
matter,  which  was  foolishly  granted.  Before  the  expiration  of 
the  time,  the  garrison  was  largely  reinforced,  and  its  fortifica 
tions  greatly  strengthened.  "With  the  American  demand  to  sur 
render,  the  British  now  refused  to  comply.  A  slight  effort  at 
the  commencement  would  have  wrested  the  place  from  the  hands 
of  the  enemy.  "  My  God !"  exclaimed  MARION,  when  he  heard 
the  way  things  were  going,  "  who  ever  heard  of  any  thing  like 
this  before  ?  First,  allow  an  enemy  to  intrench,  and  then  fight 
him !  See  the  destruction  brought  upon  the  British  at  Bunkers 
Hill, — yet  our  troops  there  were  only  raw  militia,  half  armed 
clodhoppers,  and  not  a  mortar  or  cannon,  not  even  a  swivel, 
only  their  ducking  guns !  "What,  then,  are  we  to  expect  from 
regulars  completely  armed  with  a  choice  train  of  artillery,  and 
covered  by  a  breastwork?"  This  grant  of  twenty-four  hour's 
time  for  c  consideration,'  lost  to  the  Americans  the  city,  and  near 
fifty  men  to  the  hour.  With  gallantry  they  began  operations  for 
a  siege.  Having  advanced  their  works  to  a  state  of  completion 
sufficient,  it  was  presumed,  to  justify  it,  they  opened  their  guns 
upon  the  city.  Their  fire  had  little  or  no  effect.  It  was  then 
resolved  to  take  the  place  by  storm.  The  9th  of  October  was  fixed 
for  the  attempt.  Count  D'Estaing  was  first  to  lead  the  attack,  but 
was  immediately  forced  back  by  the  fire  of  the  guns  from  the  city. 
The  other  French  columns  shared  the  same  fate.  The  brave  Count 


FRANCIS    MARION.  355 

Pulaski,  while  leading  his  cavalry  forward,  received  a  mortal 
wound,  and  his  troops  fell  back  toward  the  wood.  The  Ameri 
can  troops  fared  little  better.  Headed  by  Laurens  and  MARION, 
they  rushed  gallantly  to  the  assault  upon  the  redoubt.  They  got 
to  the  ditch,  when  a  murderous  discharge  from  the  enemy  made 
them  reel  back  with  great  slaughter.  The  colors  they  bore  were 
the  same  presented  to  Jasper  at  Fort  Moultrie,  for  his  daring,  on 
the  occasion  of  its  defense ;  these  were  about  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  British.  Fierce  and  bloody  was  the  contest  that 
ensued.  The  Americans  fell  in  heaps  around  their  proud  banners. 
Bush  and  Jasper  were  both  mortally  wounded.  One  of  the 
banners  (Jasper's),  fell  into  the  ditch,  wrapping  the  corpse  of 
Bush  who  fell  with  it.  The  other  was  snatched  from  the  hands  of 
Grey,  by  McDonald,  just  as  the  former  fell  to  the  earth  by  a 
musket  ball,  and  was  saved.  After  a  terrible  waste  of  life  they 
withdrew.  The  French  and  American  loss  amounted  to  over 
eleven  hundred,  among  whom  were  Jasper,  Bush,  and  Count 
Pulaski.  The  British  loss  amounted  to  a  mere  trifle.  Laurens, 
on  this  occasion,  behaved  with  great  bravery.  Stopping  amid 
the  balls  that  whizzed  around  him  when  the  retreat  was  ordered, 
he  looked  at  the  slaughtered  heaps  of  his  brave  men,  and 
exclaimed :  "  Poor  fellows,  I  envy  you,"  then  wrathfully  threw 
his  sword  toward  the  enemy.  Turning  to  Horry,  he  then  added : 
"  My  life  is  a  burden  to  me ;  I  would  to  God  I  was  lying  on  yonder 
hill  with  my  poor  men." 

After  the  disastrous  attempt  upon  Savannah,  matters  looked 
gloomy  enough.  The  French  withdrew  from  the  coast,  while 
General  Lincoln,  with  the  remains  of  his  army  retreated  to  Shel 
don.  Thence,  leaving  MARION  in  command,  he  hastened  to 
Charleston.  The  task  of  disciplining  the  militia  fell  chiefly  to 
MARION  ;  he,  soon  after,  proceeded  to  Bacon's  Bridge ;  a  point 
where  Moultrie  had  collected  some  raw  recruits  for  that  purpose. 

South  Carolina  was  now  virtually  subjugated.  Savannah  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  invaders,  and  Charleston  was  threatened.  The 
regular  troops  had,  in  various  skirmishes,  and  by  sickness,  melted 
away.  The  Georgia  corps  had  been  taken  prisoners;  the  militia 
were  refractory ;  the  State  was  out  of  funds,  and  the  people  every 
where  were  disheartened.  The  British  now  determined  to  besiege 
Charleston.  In  1780,  the  city  was  formally  invested  by  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  at  the  head  of  a  large  body  of  troops  fresh  from  the 


356  FRANCIS    MARION. 

north.  After  a  siege  of  six  weeks,  the  city  was  surrendered  to 
the  superior  forces  of  the  enemy,  and  the  garrison  became 
prisoners  of  war.  MARION  was,  on  this  occasion,  somewhat 
curiously  kept  from  being  among  the  prisoners.  Obeying  the 
command  of  his  superior  officer,  he  had  hastened  to  the  city  to 
join  in  its  defense.  While  it  was  being  invested  by  the  enemy, 
however,  he  was  invited,  along  with  some  others,  to  dine  with  a 
friend.  The  invitation  was  accepted.  After  dinner,  the  over- 
hospitable  host  locked  his  friends  in  the  room,  declaring,  in  accor 
dance  with  the  custom  of  the  times,  that  they  should  try  his 
liquors.  -Most  of  the  company  were  not  averse  to  potations  of 
the  kind.  MARION  was  too  temperate.  To  avoid  both  drinking 
and  censure,  he  slipped  himself  out  at  the  window,  and  falling  a 
considerable  distance  to  the  ground,  broke  his  ankle.  This  dis 
abled  him  from  active  service.  He  was  carried  on  a  litter  to  the 
country,  whence  he  proceeded  to  his  residence. 

The  fall  of  Charleston  was  a  heavy  blow.  During  previous 
operations,  it  had  been  well  stored  with  provisions  and  necessaries 
for  the  army,  all  of  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
Beside,  it  gave  them  command  of  the  entire  coast.  Scenes,  the 
most  revolting,  succeeded  the  surrender  of  Charleston.  Corn- 
wallis  took  command  of  the  British  forces  in  the  south,  while  the 
impetuous  Taiieton,  dashed  with  his  dragoons  over  the  country, 
with  effect  more  destructive  than  a  pestilence.  Prisoners  were 
taken  and  crowded  into  ships'  holds  to  die  a  wretched  death, — 
property  was  destroyed  without  considering  its  value ;  farms  were 
overrun  and  devastated,  while  slaves  were  torn  from  their  plan 
tations  and  sold  in  the  India  markets.  Gloom  and  distress  were 
•  on  all  sides.  In  the  midst  of  these  difficulties,  it  was  ascertained 
that  Colonel  Beaufort  was  on  his  way  from  the  north,  with  a  stout 
reinforcement  of  regulars.  This  force,  however,  was  intercepted 
by  Tarleton,  and  utterly  annihilated.  The  last  ray  of  hope  seemed 
dimmed.  Rutledge,  Horry  and  Sumpter  went  north,  imploring 
assistance  for  their  distracted  country. 

MARION  now  retired  to  the  swamps,  where  he  remained,  until 
learning  that  a  strong  reinforcement  under  Baron  De  Kalb,  was 
on  the  way  to  their  assistance,  he  then  mounted  his  horse,  and 
proceeded  to  North  Carolina  for  the  purpose  of  joining  it.  When 
he  came  up  to  the  army,  instead  of  De  Kalb,  he  found  Gates  in 
command.  That  arrogant  officer  had  a  very  poor  opinion  of 


FRANCIS    MARION.  357 

MARION  and  his  twenty  followers,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the 
following  description  given  of  them  at  the  time,  by  one  of  his 
officers :  "  Colonel  MARION,  a  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  had 
been  with  the  army  a  few  days,  attended  by  a  very  few  followers, 
distinguished  by  small  leather  caps  and  the  wretchedness  of  their 
attire ;  their  number  did  not  exceed  twenty,  men  and  boys,  some 
white,  some  black,  and  all  mounted,  but  most  of  them  miserably 
equipped  ;  their  appearance  was,  in  fact,  so  burlesque,  that  it  was 
with  much  difficulty,  the  derision  of  the  regular  soldiery  was 
restrained  by  the  officers ;  and  the  general  himself  was  glad  of 
an  opportunity  of  detaching  Colonel  MARION,  at  his  own  instance, 
toward  the  interior  of  South  Carolina,  with  orders  to  watch  the 
movements  of  the  enemy,  and  furnish  intelligence."  MARION 
now  proceeded  to  the  center  of  South  Carolina  with  his  followers, 
destroying  the  boats  on  the  route,  according  to  the  instructions  of 
Gates,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  escape  of  Cornwallis  from 
the  country. 

After  the  departure  of  MARION,  Gates  marched  ahead,  thinking 
of  nothing  less  than  the  speedy  capture  of  the  British  army. 
August  15th,  1T80,  found  him  encamped  at  Rugely's  mills.  Leav 
ing  that  point  near  midnight,  and  pursuing  his  march,  he  came 
upon  the  enemy,  without  so  much  as  knowing  they  were  any 
where  in  the  vicinity.  Prudent  man,  truly !  Resting  under  arms, 
the  two  armies  closely  watched  each  other  until  daylight,  which 
found  the  Americans  partially  formed  for  battle.  They  were 
already  worn  out  by  long  and  fatiguing  marches,  and  murmurs 
of  discontent  ran  along  the  lines  as  they  found  themselves  thus 
pitched  against  the  foe.  De  Kalb  was  stationed  on  the  right, 
at  the  head  of  the  Maryland  and  Delaware  troops ;  Stevens  on 
the  left  with  the  Virginians ;  Caswell  in  the  center  with  the  North 
Carolinians, — while  the  artillery  was  placed  in  the  road.  The 
British  came  to  action  in  a  single  column,  with  both  wings  pro 
tected  by  select  reserves.  Gates'  militia  became  frightened  the 
moment  they  saw  the  enemy.  The  battle  began  by  an  attack 
upon  Stevens'  troops  on  the  left,  who,  panic  stricken,  fled  im 
mediately,  many  of  them  without  firing  a  shot.  The  North 
Carolina  militia  did  the  same  thing ;  Armand's  cavalry  followed 
their  example,  and  Gates,  under  pretense  of  rallying,  did  the 
same  thing. 

The  brave  veterans  of  De  Kalb  were  now  left  alone  to  bear  up 


358  FRANCIS    MARION. 

under  the  efforts  of  the  entire  British  army.  Steel  to  steel  now 
rushed  the  combatants  in  bloody  fight.  With  hearts  of  oak,  led 
by  De  Kalb,  the  old  continentals  stood  their  ground,  and  fought 
with  the  courage  of  desperation.  Like  a  Roman  Dentatus,  the 
old  veteran  braved  every  peril,  and  urged  on  his  men.  The 
contest  was  too  unequal.  A  sweeping  charge  from  the  British 
cavalry,  and  the  inclosure  of  the  Americans  by  their  reserves,  put 
them  to  flight.  De  Kalb  fell,  pierced  with  eleven  wounds, — each 
of  which  opened  its  bloody  mouth  to  proclaim  his  undying  glory. 
The  American  loss  was  heavy,  that  of  the  enemy,  comparatively 
light.  Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Camden, — the  results  of  which 
were  peculiarly  embarrassing  to  the  cause  at  that  time.  Sumpter 
had,  by  a  successful  attack  upon  the  enemy  at  another  point,  taken 
several  hundred  prisoners,  and  a  large  quantity  of  stores  and 
provisions.  Flushed  with  his  victory,  he  was  hastening  toward 
the  foe,  when  he  learned  the  dispersion  of  Gates'  entire  army. 
It  was  too  late  to  take  precautionary  steps  to  avoid  the  collision, 
and  falling  in  with  the  dragoons  of  Taiieton,  he,  too,  lost  the 
fruits  of  his  hardy  and  intrepid  enterprise,  and  became  a  fugitive 
without  a  command.* 

Upon  these  results,  South  Carolina  was  virtually  a  British 
province.  It  was  now,  that  the  high  qualities  of  MAKION  de 
veloped  themselves,  and  revived  the  hopes  of  the  disheartened 
people. 

MARION,  it  will  be  remembered,  left  the  army  of  Gates,  with  his 
leather  capped  followers,  for  Carolina ;  he  left,  in  compliance  with 
the  request  of  the  patriots  of  Williamsburg,  to  take  command  of 
a  newly  raised  corps,  that  was  ready  to  take  the  field.  This  corps 
was  composed  of  men  of  intrepid  bravery,  who  excelled  in  horse 
manship,  and  could  bring  a  squirrel  from  the  tops  of  the  tallest 
trees,  without  difficulty.  These  men  had  met  spontaneously,  for 
the  purpose  of  considering  measures  for  the  defense  of  the  country, 
and  proffering  their  services  in  whatever  capacity  they  might  be 
required.  Clinton's  proclamations,  issued  after  the  fall  of  Charles 
ton,  offering  pardon  to  all  who  would  return  to  allegiance,  induced 
the  idea  with  many  who  looked  upon  the  cause  as  hopelessly  lost, 
that,  by  accepting  the  terms,  they  could,  at  least,  enjoy  repose  at 
their  own  homes.  The  first  proclamation,  upon  this  presumption, 

*  Weeras.    Sirams. 


FRANCIS    MARION.  359 

had  weighty  effect ;  but,  upon  the  issue  of  the  second,  setting  forth 
the  expectation,  that  all  who  accepted  the  terms  of  British  pro 
tection,  guaranteed  in  the  first,  would  rally  to  the  standard  of  the 
British  army,  rather  changed  the  face  of  affairs.     If  fight  they 
must,  it  was  but  reasonable  that  they  should  fight  their  own 
battles.     The  hardy  Williamsburgers,  not  being  very  well  versed 
in  proclamations,  after  forming  themselves  into  the  brigade  just 
mentioned,  placed  themselves  temporarily  under  the  command 
of  Major  John    James,   a  hardy  yeoman   of   intelligence  and 
considerable  mettle.     James'   first  duty  was   to  go   to   George 
town,  and  inquire  of  the  British  captain,  Ardesoif,  what  they 
were  to  understand  by  the  proclamations.     In  answer  to  his  inter 
rogatory,  the  insolent  captain  replied,  that :  "  His  Majesty  offers 
you  pardon  of  which  you  are  undeserving,  for  you  all  ought  to  be 
hung ;  but,  it  is  only  on  condition  that  you  take  up  arms  in  his 
cause."     To  this  James  tartly  replied :  "  The  people  whom  I  have 
the  honor  to  represent,  will  never  submit  on  such  conditions." 
"The  people  whom  you  have  the  honor  to  REPRESENT!"  said 
Ardesoif,  "  you  d — d  rebel,  if  you  dare  speak  such  language  to 
me,  I  will  have  you  hung  up  in  an  instant."     The  sentence  was 
scarcely  uttered,  when,  springing  to  his  feet,  the  gallant  James, 
with  his  chair,  knocked  the  English  captain  full  length  on  the 
floor.     He  then  mounted  his  horse,  and  was  soon  on  his  way  to 
Williamsburg,  and  beyond  the  reach  of  pursuit.     On  his  return, 
he  gave  the  result  of  his  interview  to  eager  listeners,  who  highly 
extolled  his  conduct,  and  resolved  to  fight  to  the  death  for  their 
native  soil.     Such  was  the  formation  of  MARION'S  famous  brigade. 
Under  Major  James,  they  immediately  commenced  operations. 
MARION  met  their  advance  at  Lynch's  Creek,  on  the  12th  of 
August.    He  was  now  General  MARION,  duly  commissioned  by 
Kutledge,  who  well  knew  his  sterling  worth.     Judge  James,  then 
a  boy  of  fifteen,  serving  in  the  brigade,  has  left  the  following 
of  MARION'S  personal  appearance,  at  the  time  he  received  this 
commission :  "  He  was  a  stranger  to  the  officers  and  men,  and 
they  flocked  around  him  to  obtain  a  sight  of  their  future  com 
mander.     He  was  rather  below  the   middle  stature,  lean   and 
swarthy.     His  body  was  well  set,  but  his  knees  and  ankles  were 
badly  formed,  and  he  still  limped   upon  one  leg.     He  had  a 
countenance    remarkably  steady ;    his    nose   was   aquiline,   his 
chin  projecting ;  his  forehead  large  and  high,  and  his  eyes  black 


300  FKANCIS    MARION. 

and  piercing.  He  was  then  forty-eight  years  of  age,  with  a  frame 
capable  of  enduring  fatigue  and  every  privation.  He  was  dressed 
in  a  close  round -bodied  crimson  jacket,  of  a  coarse  texture,  and 
wore  a  leather  cap,  part  of  the  uniform  of  the  second  regiment, 
with  a  silver  crescent  in  front,  inscribed  with  the  words :  '  Liberty 
or  Death.' " 

Such  was  the  man  who  was  to  change  the  face  of  affairs. 
MARION'S  first  duty,  on  assuming  his  command,  was  to  supply  his 
soldiers  with  good  heavy  braodswords.  These  he  had  manufactured 
of  the  old  saws  procured  from  the  various  mills  in  the  country. 
Having  made  this  provision,  he  put  his  troops  in  motion.  His 
first  attempts  were  against  the  Tories.  Learning  that  a  large  body 
of  these  were  in  the  neighborhood  of  Nelson's  Ferry  on  the  main 
road  leading  from  Charleston  to  Camden,  at  which  points  the 
larger  portions  of  the  British  army  were  posted,  he  resolved  to 
surprise  them.  Concealing  his  men  in  the  swamp,  during  the 
day,  he  sent  active  scouts  to  watch  the  road  and  bring  in  intelli 
gence;  these' soon  reported  that  a  body  of  ninety  Tories,  with 
some  three  hundred  prisoners,  were  on  the  way  to  Charleston. 
Near  night-fall,  MARION  and  his  men  started  in  pursuit,  and 
crossed  the  river  just  after  the  enemy,  resolving  to  surprise  them. 
The  Tories  halted  at  the  first  tavern,  called  the  Blue  House. 
MARION  and  his  men,  by  a  little  circuit,  came  upon  them  the  next 
morning  about  daylight.  The  surprise  was  nearly  complete.  The 
whole  party  was  captured  without  the  loss  of  a  man  on  his  part, 
and  but  three  on  the  other  side.  All  their  prisoners,  arms,  etc., 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans.  Strange  as  it  may  seem, 
not  one  of  the  liberated  prisoners  could  be  prevailed  on  to  shoulder 
a  musket,  and  join  their  deliverers. 

MARION  now  retired  to  Britton's  Neck,  where  he  remained  but 
a  short  time,  when  learning  that  a  large  body  of  Tories  were 
gathering  on  the  Pedee,  he  determined  upon  another  bold 
stroke.  By  a  forced  march  of  forty  miles,  they  reached  the  Tory 
camp  before  the  wretches  knew  they  were  in  the  vicinity.  Again 
he  was  successful.  Nearly  the  entire  party  were  either  killed  or 
taken  prisoners.  He  again  returned  to  Britton's  Neck,  without 
the  loss  of  a  soldier.  The  British  determined  to  put  a  stop  to 
these  proceedings,  and  sent  a  large  force  to  take  the  brigade. 
MARION  retreated  before  them,  until  the  enemy  fell  back  and  be 
came  separated  into  three  divisions.  One  of  these,  a  body  of  Tories, 


FRANCIS    MARION.  3(5} 

was  stationed  at  Black  Mingo.  These  MARION  resolved  to  attack. 
Facing  about,  they  took  up  their  line  of  march,  crossed  the  Black 
Mingo,  and  fell  upon  them  when  least  expected. 

Over  half  their  number  was  killed,  mortally  wounded,  or  taken 
prisoners.  After  these  brilliant  engagements,  MARION  and  his 
men  went  into  the  valley  of  Waccamaw,  among  good  friends,  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  some  rest.  They  were  received  by  the  over 
joyed  Whigs  with  open  doors  and  open  arms.  They  were  not 
long  permitted  to  repose  in  this  miniature  Capua  of  plenty. 
They  had  not  more  than  fairly  recruited  themselves,  when  a  young 
man,  the  son  of  a  good  patriot  from  the  interior,  dashed  up  to  the 
outposts  and  informed  MAKION  that  the  Tories  were  gathering  in 
mass,  about  seventy  miles  above,  on  the  Pedee.  MARION'S  reso 
lution  was  instantly  taken ;  he  resolved  to  surprise  them.  His 
brigade  was  immediately  put  in  readiness,  to  begin  a  rapid  march? 
in  the  night  time,  the  light  of  the  full  moon  greatly  facilitating 
their  progress.  By  daylight  they  had  gained  the  swamp,  where 
they  effectually  concealed  themselves.  His  spies  were  sent  to 
watch  the  road,  and  bring  in  intelligence  of  the  enemy.  Toward 
evening,  they  returned  to  the  ambush  of  the  troop,  with  marvelous 
accounts  of  the  Tories  that  had  lined  the  road  through  the  day 
with  loaded  wagons  and  furbished  arms,  marching  toward  the 
Pedee.  Soon  as  it  was  fairly  dark,  MARION  and  his  men  dashed 
ahead  at  full  gallop  in  pursuit.  A  few  hours  brought  them  in 
sight  of  the  camp  fires.  They  now  dismounted,  and  noiselessly 
tied  their  horses.  The  Tories  were  regaling  themselves  in  high 
glee ;  drinking,  smoking,  cooking  their  supper  and  playing  cards, 
a  livelier  party  was  scarce  ever  seen  to  grace  a  wedding  feast, — 
they  had  not  even  posted  a  guard  to  watch  their  outposts.  MARI 
ON'S  lip  curled  with  pleasure  as  he  saw  they  were  in  his  power. 
Surveying  them  for  a  moment,  he  separated  his  men  into  three 
divisions,  which,  circling  around  their  foes  on  as  many  sides, 
crouched,  like  tigers,  to  pounce  upon  their  prey.  So  cautiously 
had  these  movements  been  effected,  that  each  division  reached  its 
post,  and  had  their  steady  muskets  pointed  to  the  Tories,  without 
their  even  dreaming  of  danger.  So  close  were  they,  that  the 
"jibes  and  jeers "  of  the  card-players  could  be  easily  heard. 
MARION  took  a  central  position,  and  was  to  fire  his  pistol  as  the 
signal.  All  things  were  ready.  MARION  raised  his  pistol  and 
fired.  Three  livid  streams  of  death  poured  upon  the  Tories,  who 


362  FRANCIS    MARION. 

could  not  have  been  more  surprised  had  a  volcano  burst  under 
their  feet.  The  scene  that  followed  was  indescribable.  The  sharp 
crack  of  the  rifle  echoed  far  and  near  ;  the  horses  snapped  their 
bridles  and  ran  furiously  away  ;  the  woods  blazed  with  the  lurid 
flash  of  the  powder ;  the  shouts  of  the  victors,  the  groans  of  the 
dying,  the  shrieks  of  the  survivors,  all  conspired  to  make  that 
night  scene  sublimely  terrible.  Victory  could  not  have  been  more 
signal.  On  their  first  fire,  twenty-three  Tories  fell  dead.  MARION 
captured  almost  the  entire  party,  took  eighty-four  stands  of  arms, 
and  a  large  quantity  of  baggage  and  provisions,  without  the  loss 
of  a  man. 

These  brilliant  achievements  gave  fresh  hopes  to  the  country, 
and  induced  many  to  rally  to  the  cause.  To  capture  "Mr. 
MARION,"  as  Cornwallis  called  him,  now  became  an  object  of 
leading  interest  with  the  British,  and  Tarleton  was  deputed  for 
the  task.  He  rose  from  a  sick  bed,  and  undertook  its  execution. 
He  set  out  from  Charleston  to  join  his  legion,  then  at  Camden. 
MARION,  in  the  meantime,  made  an  effort  to  capture  his  dragoons, 
but,  owing  to  some  misunderstanding  on  the  part  of  his  scouts, 
did  not  succeed.  Tarleton,  by  rapid  marches,  after  having  joined 
his  legion,  encamped  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  MARION'S  force. 
The  latter  resolved  to  fall  back.  Reaching  a  strong  position,  trees 
were  piled  across  the  road,  and  other  rude  defenses  prepared. 
This  being  done,  he  resolved  to  await  the  enemy's  approach. 
About  the  time,  however,  he  made  this  stand,  Tarleton  abandoned 
the  pursuit,  and,  directing  his  thoughts  to  Sumpter,  remarked  to 
his  troops,  "  Come,  my  boys !  let  us  go  back,  we  will  soon  find 
the  game  cock;  but  as  for  this  d — d  swamp-fox  (MARION)  the 
devil  himself  could  not  catch  him." 

MARION  now  directed  his  movements  against  Georgetown.  His 
bold  dashes  at  the  enemy,  aroused  the  country  and  perplexed  the 
invaders,  more  than  any  other  species  of  warfare.  The  position 
of  the  British  was  highly  favorable.  With  a  chain  of  posts  stretch 
ing  from  Charleston  to  Augusta,  embracing  Ninety-six,  George 
town,  Camden,  and  Winnsboro',  the  coast  was  secure.  These 
posts  were  protected,  in  front,  by  a  chain  of  smaller  posts,  con 
sisting  of  forts  Granby,  Watson,  and  Motte.  Beside  these,  nearly 
all  the  towns  and  cities  of  importance,  were  in  their  possession. 
Nothing  but  this  bold  partisan  species  of  warfare,  to  carry  on  which 
no  one  was  better  qualified  than  MARION,  could  have  succeeded 


FRANCIS    MARION.  3Q3 

against  such  combined  preparation  and  strength.  Dashing  from 
point  to  point,  with  his  ubiquitous  brigade,  like  a  Koderick  Dhu, 
his  bold  warriors  would  constantly  cut  off,  from  the  enemy,  small 
detachments,  when  least  expected,  and  then  escape  to  their  hiding- 
places  with  a  celerity  that  bid  defiance  to  pursuit. 

Crossing  Black  Kiver,  MAKION  now  concealed  himself  in  the 
swamps  whence  Horry  was  sent  to  reconnoiter  Georgetown. 
Lying  in  concealment  for  some  time,  without  making  any  dis 
covery,  Horry  took  his  little  band  to  a  Mr.  White's  for  refresh 
ment.  Before  they  were  procured,  however,  he  was  surprised  by 
seventeen  mounted  British,  under  Captain  Merrit.  They  imme 
diately  sprang  to  their  saddles  and  faced  the  enemy,  who  as 
quickly  turned  and  fled.  A  brisk  chase  ensued.  Every  man  of 
the  surprising  party,  save  three,  are  said  to  have  fallen.  Merrit 
reached  a  dense  swamp,  after  a  narrow  escape,  and,  in  the  night, 
made  his  way  into  Charleston,  according  to  Weems,  "  as  gray  as 
a  badger,"  in  consequence  of  his  fright.  Another  party,  dis 
patched  on  the  same  business,  under  Captain  Melton,  did  not  fare 
so  well.  They  fell  in  with  a  party  of  Tories,  and  were  driven  off 
with  the  loss  of  some  prisoners ;  among  whom  was  young  Gabriel 
Marion,  a  nephew  of  our  hero,  who  was  most  inhumanly  murdered. 
Thus  warned  of  MARION'S  designs  upon  Georgetown,  the  British 
so  strengthened  it,  that  the  Americans  withdrew  to  Snow's  Island, 
aud  pitched  their  camp.  Snow's  Island  was  well  adapted  to  his 
operations.  Having  secured  the  boats,  and  fortified  the  place  as 
well  as  circumstances  would  permit,  he  prepared  to  cut  off  what 
ever  parties  of  the  enemy  vigilance  and  caution  could  bring  in  his 
way. 

The  cruelties  now  practiced  over  the  country,  by  the  enemy, 
created  a  revengeful  spirit  in  the  minds  of  the  yeomanry,  and 
induced  daily  accessions  to  his  little  force.  Thus  was  MARION 
situated  in  December,  1780. 

During  the  encampment  at  Snow's  Island,  many  daring  exploits 
were  performed  by  both  MARION  and  his  officers.  The  Horry s, 
the  Conyers,  the  Witherspoons,  and  the  Baxters,  brave  men  all, 
were  true  as  steel  to  his  fortunes.  Of  Peter  Horry,  several  amus 
ing  incidents  have  been  related.  He  was  a  man  of  true  courage 
and  devotion,  but  no  great  martinet.  Though  no  rider,  he  had  a 
passion  to  lead  mounted  men,  and  was  often  saved  from  death  by 
his  soldiers.  Swimming  a  stream,  on  one  occasion,  he  became 


364  FRANCIS    MARION. 

tangled  in  the  boughs  of  a  tree,  where,  Absalom  like,  he  remained 
swinging  over  the  water,  while  his  horse  swam  to  the  shore. 
He  would  certainly  have  perished,  had  not  his  men  come  to  his 
relief.  On  another  occasion,  he  was  sent  to  intercept  a  detach 
ment  of  the  British.  He  concealed  his  men  in  a  thicket,  most  dex- 
trously,  and  awaited  the  enemy's  approach,  with  orders  for  them 
to  tire  immediately  on  his  giving  the  word.  He  stammered  con 
siderably,  particularly  when  excited.  The  British  came  on  right 
in  the  midst  of  the  ambush.  All  excitement,  Horry  attempted  to 
give  the  word,  fire  !  It  was  no  go.  "Fir—fi—fi!"  he  cried,  but 
the  "  r-e  "  would  not  out.  At  length,  irritated  beyond  measure, 
as  the  enemy  was  about  stepping  unhurt  through  the  ambush,  he 
bawled  out :  "  Shoot  !  d — n  you,  SHOOT  1  you  Icnoiv  what  I  would 
say.  Shoot,  and  be  d — d  to  you!"  At  another  time,  while  he 
was  engaged  in  a  skirmish,  Captain  Baxter  was  posted  where  he 
was  much  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  Being  struck  by  a 
ball,  he  cried  out:  "I'm  wounded,  Colonel."  "Think  no  more 
of  it,  Baxter,  but  stand  to  your  post,"  said  Horry.  A  moment 
after,  being  struck  by  another  bullet,  Baxter  said  :  "  I  'in  wounded 
again,  and  can't  stand."  "  Lie  down  then,  Baxter,  but  don't  quit 
your  post,"  coolly  answered  the  Colonel.  "  I  'm  wounded  a  third 
time,  and,  if  I  stay  here  any  longer,  I  shall  be  shot  all  to  pieces," 
immediately  exclaimed  the  seeming  martyr.  "  Be  it  so,  Baxter, 
but  stir  not,"  replied  the  incorrigible  Colonel.  Baxter  obeyed, 
and  received  another  shot  soon  after. 

It  was  about  this  time,  that  a  British  officer,  whose  object  was  to 
confer  with  MARION  in  regard  to  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  was 
carried  to  his  camp,  and  so  politely  feasted  on  sweet  potatoes. 
Asking  MARION  if  it  was  his  usual  fare,  and  being  answered  in 
the  affirmative,  and  that  his  men  thus  lived  among  their  forests, 
and  fought  without  pay  for  their  liberty,  it  made  such  impression 
on  his  mind,  that  he  is  said  to  have  returned  to  camp  a  changed 
man,  and  to  have  immediately  resigned  the  service. 

The  efforts  of  MARION  and  his  brave  colleagues,  had  kept  the 
banner  of  liberty  waving,  and  the  camp-fires  of  resistance  burn 
ing,  until  a  more  glorious  page  in  the  records  of  southern  warfare 
was  about  to  be  turned.  In  1781,  General  Greene  assumed  the 
command  of  the  forces  of  the  south.  Not  so  haughty  and  self- 
willed  as  Gates,  he  knew  full  well  how  to  appreciate  the  daring 
heroes,  who,  unaided,  had  breasted  the  storm  against  odds  over- 


FRANCIS    MARION.  3(55 

whelming,  resources,  between  which  and  their  own,  no  shade  of 
comparison  could  justly  be  instituted.  The  hopes  infused  into  the 
minds  of  the  people,  on  this  assumption  of  command  by  Greene, 
were  elevated  by  the  fall  of  Clermont,  a  British  post  of  consider 
able  strength,  commanded  by  Colonel  Hugely.  It  was  attacked 
by  Colonel  Washington,  and  taken.  This  seemed  to  be  a  good 
omen  of  Greene's  successes  in  the  south,  and  was  so  construed  by 
the  people. 

Greene  immediately  addressed  the  following  letter  to  MAKION, 
which  shows  he  had  the  proper  estimate  of  the  brave  partisan : 

u  I  have  not  the  honor  of  your  acquaintance,  but  am  no  stranger 
to  your  character  and  merit.  Your  services  in  the  lower  part  of 
South  Carolina,  in  awing  the  Tories  and  preventing  the  enemy 
from  extending  their  lines,  have  been  very  important;  and  it  is 
my  earnest  desire  that  you  continue  where  your  are  until  further 
advice  from  me.  Your  letter  of  the  22d  of  last  month,  to  General 
Gates,  is  before  me.  I  am  fully  sensible  that  your  service  is  hard 
and  that  your  trials  are  great,  but  how  great  the  prize  for  which 
we  contend  !  I  like  your  plan  of  frequently  shifting  your  ground. 
It  frequently  prevents  a  surprise,  and  perhaps  the  loss  of  your 
whole  party.  Until  a  more  permanent  army  can  be  collected 
than  is  in  the  field  at  present,  we  must  endeavor  to  keep  up  a 
partisan  war,  and  preserve  the  tide  of  sentiment  among  the 
people  in  our  favor  as  much  as  possible.  Spies  are  the  eyes  of 
an  army,  and  without  them  a  general  is  always  groping  in  the 
dark,  and  can  neither  secure  himsef  nor  annoy  his  enemy.  At 
present,  I  am  badly  off  for  intelligence.  It  is  of  the  highest  im 
portance,  that  I  get  the  earliest  intelligence  of  any  reinforcements 
which  may  arrive  at  Charleston.  I  wish  you,  therefore,  to  fix 
some  plan  for  procuring  such  information  and  conveying  it  to  me 
with  all  possible  dispatch.  The  spy  should  be  taught  to  be  par 
ticular  in  his  inquiries,  and  get  the  names  of  the  corps,  strength, 
and  commanding  officer's  name, — place  whence  they  came,  and 
where  they  are  going.  It  will  be  best  to  fix  upon  somebody  in 
town  to  do  this,  and  have  a  runner  between  you  and  him  to  give 
you  the  intelligence ;,,  as  a  person  who  lives  out  of  town  can  not 
make  the  inquiries  without  being  suspected.  The  utmost  secrecy 
will  be  necessary  in  the  business." 

MARION  was  at  Black  River,  still  watching  a  favorable  moment 
to  attack  Georgetown,  when  he  received  this  letter.  It  is  needless 


366  FRANCIS    MARION. 

to  say  its  contents  were  carefully  noted,  and  the  requests,  as  far 
as  possible,  complied  with.  McArthur  and  Coffin,  with  some 
British  troops,  were  between  Hick's  Creek  and  the  High  Hills  of 
Santee.  To  watch  their  movements,  MARION  took  position  at 
Lynch's  Creek ;  pretty  strong  forces  were  also  sent  to  the  vicinity 
of  Georgetown,  while  others  were  busily  engaged  in  storing  pro 
visions  and  necessaries  at  Snow's  Island.  Quite  a  series  of 
maneuvers  were  now  directed  against  Georgetown,  which,  owing 
to  the  want  of  artillery,  proved  of  little  avail.  Not  long  after, 
MARION  was  joined  by  Lee  and  his  famous  legion.  The  following 
impressions  left  by  Lee  of  MARION,  at  this  time,  are,  no  doubt, 
about  correct:  "MARION,"  he  says,  "  was  'about  forty  eight  years 
of  age,  small  in  stature,  hard  in  visage,  healthy,  abstemious  and 
taciturn.  Enthusiastically  wedded  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  he 
deplored  the  condition  of  his  beloved  country.  The  common 
weal  was  his  sole  object;  nothing  selfish,  nothing  mercenary 
sullied  his  ermine  character.  Fertile  in  stratagem,  he  struck 
unperceived,  and  retiring  to  those  hidden  retreats  selected  by  him 
self  in  the  morasses  of  Pedee  and  Black  Kiver,  he  placed  his  corps, 
not  only  out  of  the  reach  of  his  foe,  but  often  out  of  the  discovery 
of  his  friends.  A  rigid  disciplinarian,  he  reduced  to  practice  the 
justice  of  his  heart;  and,  during  the  difficult  course  of  warfare 
through  which  he  passed,  calumny  itself,  never  charged  him  with 
molesting  the  rights  of  persons,  property,  or  humanity.  Never 
avoiding  danger,  he  never  rashly  sought  it,  and  acting  for  all 
around  him,  as  he  did  for  himself,  he  risked  the  lives  of  his  troops 
only  when  necessary.  Never  elated  with  prosperity,  nor  depres 
sed  by  adversity,  he  preserved  his  equanimity,  which  won  the 
admiration  of  his  friends  and  exalted  the  respect  of  his  enemies."* 

MARION  and  Lee  now  made  a  bold  attempt  to  surprise  George 
town,  but  owing  to  a  variety  of  causes,  were  unsuccessful.  Had 
they  possessed  the  requisite  artillery,  they  would,  no  doubt,  have 
taken  the  place.  They  next  undertook  the  surprise  of  Colonel 
Watson  at  Nelson's  Ferry,  and  pushed  rapidly  forward  for  that 
purpose ;  the  colonel  was  apprised  of  their  designs,  and  threw  his 
men  into  Fort  "Watson,  some  distance  above. 

Lee  was  now  ordered  to  rejoin  Greene ;  and,  deprived  of  his 
co-operation,  MARION  was  again  thrown  comparatively  upon  his 

*  Lee's  Memoirs.    Simms. 


FRANCIS    MARION.  367 

own  resources.  Far  from  relaxing  his  efforts,  he  sent  active 
parties  across  the  Santee  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Monk's  Corner, 
with  instructions  to  destroy  the  British  stores  and  annoy  the 
enemy.  These  were  very  successful,  and  rendered  important 
service.  MARION  now  organized  a  troop  of  cavalry,  the  command 
of  which  was  given  to  Colonel  Horry ;  he,  also,  had  new  swords 
manufactured  for  his  soldiers.  The  cavalry  proved  of  considerable 
service.  This  troop  it  was,  to  which  Scotch  McDonald  belonged, 
who  wheedled  the  old  Tory  out  of  his  fine  horse,  Selim,  astride 
of  which  he.  galloped  through  Georgetown,  and  had  such  a  chase 
after  Major  Gainey. 

The  direction  of  his  course  toward  Yirginia,  by  Cornwallis, 
induced  a  temporary  absence  of  Greene  from  Carolina,  of  which 
the  British  availed  themselves  to  pour  their  myrmidons  over  the 
country,  pillaging  and  plundering  in  every  direction,  MARION 
and  his  gallant  followers  were  the  chief  obstacles  to  their  progress. 
Colonel  Watson  was  sent  to  take  the  "  Swamp-fox,"  as  Tarleton 
styled  him,  on  his  failure  to  accomplish  the  same  business. 
Colonel  Tynes,  in  the  meantime,  had  collected  another  stout 
force,  with  which,  smarting  under  his  former  defeat,  and  burning 
for  revenge,  he  went  into  the  forests  to  encounter  the  Americans. 
MARION  proved  more  than  a  match  for  him,  and  he  was  again  sur 
prised  and  beaten,  with  the  loss  of  almost  the  entire  party.  His 
next  operations  were  against  Major  Mcllraith,  a  British  officer, 
who  was  sent  in  advance  of  "Watson,  to  watch  the  movements  of 
the  Americans.  MARION  started  in  pursuit  of  that  officer,  whom 
he  overtook  at  "  Half-way  Swamp."  An  attack  immediately  took 
place.  With  little  loss  to  either  party,  the  Major  drew  his  troops 
to  open  ground.  Here,  MARION  challenged  him  to  a  combat 
between  twenty  picked  men  from  each  side.  Mcllraith  consented, 
and  the  preliminaries  were  arranged.  No  sooner,  however,  had 
the  twenty  Americans  started  to  meet  their  antagonists,  than  the 
twenty  British  selected  for  the  fight,  wheeled  round  and  fell  back 
to  their  own  lines.  That  night  Mcllraith  abandoned  his  heavy 
baggage,  and  retreated  to  a  strong  position. 

Watson  and  Doyle  were  now  coming  with  a  strong  force  upon 
the  partisan  hero.  MARION,  by  a  rapid  march,  hastened  to  meet 
Watson  at  Watboo  Swamp.  Colonel  Horry  was  sent  in  advance 
with  the  horse.  Colonel  Richbourg  was  sent  in  advance  by  the 
enemy,  with  their  horse,  also.  The  two  colonels  met.  Each 


368  FRANCIS    MARION. 

being  surprised,  seemed  disposed  to  fall  back.  Recovering,  how 
ever,  Horry  charged  the  foe  with  great  coolness  and  drove  them 
back,  until  arrested  by  the  main  body  of  the  enemy.  He  now 
retreated,  and  was  pursued  in  turn,  until  falling  back  to  the 
advance  of  the  regular  forces,  a  stand  was  made.  Here,  after  a 
series  of  brilliant  displays  of  personal  daring,  the  Tories  were 
again  driven  to  the  shelter  of  Watson's  regulars.  MARION,  next 
morning,  began  a  slow  retreat,  hoping  to  lure  the  enemy  into  an 
ambuscade.  In  this  hope  he  was  not  wholly  disappointed.  Cross 
ing  Black  River,  ne  destroyed  the  bridge,  and  so  posted  his  sharp 
shooters  as  to  dispute  its  passage.  "Watson  came  up,  and  opened 
his  artillery  against  them  across  the  stream,  but  with  no  effect. 
Every  British  soldier  that  approached  the  river  was  shot  down. 
Watson  was  in  great  perplexity.  He  sent  MARION  a  note,  com 
plaining  of  the  uncivilized  manner  of  his  fighting,  to  which  the 
latter  paid  no  attention.  An  attempt  was  now  made  to  pass  the  ford, 
but  no  sooner  did  the  men  approach  the  river  than  they  were  shot 
down.  Some  of  MARION'S  men,  in  fact,  climbed  trees  with  their 
rifles,  in  order  to, get  better  aim  at  those  who  would  not  approach 
the  stream  on  the  opposite  side.  McDonald,  the  Murat  of  the 
southern  army,  was  quite  conspicuous  on  this  occasion.  He  sent 
Watson  word,  that  if  he  did  not  return  his  wardrobe,  which  had 
been  stolen  from  him  by  the  Tories,  some  time  before,  he  would 
kill  eight  of  his  men.  Knowing  he  would  do  what  he  said,  his 
clothes  were  returned.  "Tell  Watson,"  said  McDonald. to  the 
bearer,  "that  I  will  now  kill  but  four  of  his  men."  He  kept  his 
word.  Watson,  after  being  harassed  to  death,  retreated  rapidly 
to  Ox  Swamp.  Again  he  found  MARION  ready  to  intercept  him. 
He  now  took  to  the  woods,  and  made  for  the  Santee,  but  again 
MARION  was  on  his  back.  Horry's  cavalry  was  in  full  pursuit, 
and  cut  off  his  men  at  every  turn.  At  Sandpit  Bridge,  he  was 
again  discomfited  by  an  ambuscade  prepared  for  his  reception. 
Beaten  at  every  turn,  and  filled  with  mortification,  he  finally 
reached  Georgia. 

Watson,  Doyle,  and  the  Tories  of  Gainey,  now  aimed  to  com 
bine  their  forces,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  final  effort  at 
MARION'S  expulsion  from  the  province,  which  would  leave  it 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  British.  Greene  having  returned  to 
South  Carolina,  Lee  hastened  with  his  legion  to  rejoin  MARION. 
Soon  after  the  junction,  these  officers  formally  invested  Fort 


FRANCIS    MARION.  3(59 

Watson,  built  upon  an  Indian  mound,  immediately  on  the  banks 
of  the  Santee.  After  a  siege  of  eight  days,  the  fort  was  sur 
rendered  to  the  Americans,  with  its  garrison  and  contents. 
Watson  and  Doyle  were,  soon  after,  called  to  assist  Kawdon  at 
Camden,  which  considerably  weakened  the  enemy's  forces  in  that 
part  of  the  country.  After  the  fall  of  the  fort,  Lee  was  recalled 
to  the  main  army  of  Greene,  and  MARION  again  left  upon  his  own 
resources. 

MARION  now  did  every  thing  possible  to  second  the  efforts  of 
Greene.  The  brave  Colonel  Harden  was  sent  against  Fort  Balfour, 
which  soon  surrendered  to  his  men.  He  continued  his  efforts 
with  success,  cutting  the  enemy's  small  parties  to  pieces,  annoying 
their  foragers,  and  stirring  up  the  people.  So  energetic  was  he, 
that  from  ninety,  his  command  had  soon  swollen  to  two  hundred 
effective  men.  MARION  next  invested  Fort  Motte,  which,  after  a 
stout  resistance,  was  forced  to  surrender. 

The  manner  in  which  this  fort  was  taken  must  be  recorded. 
It  was  named  Fort  Motte,  after  the  owner  of  the  fine  mansion 
adjoining  it.  He  had  been  some  time  dead,  but  the  house  was 
still  owned  by  his  widow,  Mrs.  Motte  (her  name  should  be  written 
in  gold.)  After  the  fort  was  invested,  and  operations  began, 
Rawdon  hastened  from  Camden  to  its  relief.  He  was  near  at 
hand,  with  forces  twice  the  number  of  the  Americans.  Before  it 
could  be  forced  to  surrender  by  the  ordinary  process,  he  would  be 
there.  What  was  to  be  done  ?  To  set  Mrs.  Motte's  house  on  fire, 
would  force  the  garrison  to  a  speedy  surrender.  MARION  reluc 
tantly  suggested  the  idea  to  the  lady.  With  a  noble  virtue,  worthy 
the  Spartan  mothers,  when  they  buckled  the  armor  to  their  sons 
and  sent  them  to  battle,  she  said  she  would  be  proud  to  make  the 
sacrifice  for  her  country.  By  means  of  friction  arrows,  which  she 
herself  provided,  the  house  was  fired  on  the  roof  and  was  soon  in 
a  blaze.  As  the  flames  curled  up,  the  commander,  McPherson, 
hung  out  the  white  flag  of  surrender.  The  tide  of  affairs  began 
now  to  exhibit  a  favorable  change.  After  the  investiture  of  Ninety- 
six  by  Greene,  MARION  and  Sumpter  were  directed  to  hold  Rawdon 
in  check,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  reduced  Camden  to 
ashes,  and  hastened  to  the  protection  of  the  British  posts.  MARION 
had  withdrawn  from  the  regular  army,  after  the  fall  of  Fort  Motte, 
and  had  joined  Sumpter;  the  two  made  bold  and  successful 
assaults  on  the  enemy  whenever  opportunity  offered.  Emboldened 
25  * 


370  FRANCIS    MARION. 

by  their  successes  in  this  way,  MARION  resolved  upon  another 
attempt  against  Georgetown.  The  place  was  formally  invested  on 
the  6th  of  June.  The  garrison,  dispirited  by  their  late  losses, 
made  little  resistance,  and  fled  to  their  vessels  in  the  bay  adjacent. 
Thus  the  place  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans.  After 
destroying  the  works,  and  removing  the  valuables  to  a  place  of 
security,  not  being  able  to  detach  a  garrison  from  his  army  to  hold 
the  town,  he  departed  for  St.  Stevens.  The  arrival  of  reinforce 
ments,  enabled  Eawdou  to  elude  the  vigilance  of  MARION  and 
Sumpter,  and  hasten  to  the  relief  of  Ninety-six,  closely  besieged 
by  Greene.  The  loyalists  around  Charleston  gathered,  about  this 
time,  and  under  Colonel  Ball,  determined  to  lay  waste  the  whole 
adjacent  country.  Hearing  of  their  movements,  MARION  hastened 
himself,  and  drew  off  all  the  movable  valuables,  and  destroyed 
the  balance.  He  was,  soon  after,  joined  by  Colonel  Washington 
with  his  command.  Operations  were  now  directed  against  the 
enemy  in  the  vicinity  of  Charleston,  whither  they  had  been  forced 
to  concentrate  by  the  combined  efforts  of  the  Americans.  A  large 
detachment,  under  Sumpter,  was  sent  against  the  British  in  that 
quarter.  Before  reaching  the  enemy,  Sumpter  separated  his  men 
into  three  divisions.  Lee  was  sent  against  Dorchester,  which 
quickly  yielded  to  his  arms.  Colonel  Hampton  attacked  the 
quarter-house,  and  penetrated  to  the  very  gates  of  the  city. 
MARION  and  Sumpter,  attacked  Colonel  Coates,  stationed  in  force 
at  Biggen.  This  was  a  strong  redoubt,  protected  by  a  brick  meet 
ing-house.  The  post  took  its  name  from  Biggen  Creek,  one  of 
several  small  streams  among  which  were  Watboo  and  Quinby 
Creeks.  Across  the  Watboo  was  a  bridge  leading  from  the 
enemy's  post  to  the  opposite  shore.  MARION  sent  a  small  de 
tachment  ahead  to  destroy  this  bridge.  Unwilling  to  risk  an 
engagement  with  superior  numbers,  they  waited  for  reinforce 
ments.  Horry  soon  arrived,  and  attempted  the  destruction  of  the 
brigde.  A  brisk  engagement  ensued,  in  which  each  party  seemed 
alternately  successful.  Various  maneuvers,  such  as  feints  of 
attack,  etc.,  were  resorted  to  by  the  British  to  gain  time,  design 
ing  in  the  night  to  retreat.  These  partially  succeeded.  About 
midnight,  setting  fire  to  their  stores  and  baggage,  they  began  a 
retreat.  The  Americans  were  quickly  on  the  alert.  Hampton 
started  in  pursuit  of  the  cavalry,  but  in  vain  ;  they  effected  their 
escape.  MARION  was  more  successful.  Dashing  ahead  after  the 


FRANCIS    MARION.  371 

enemy's  infantry,  he  carne  up  with  them  near  Quinby  Creek,  and 
charged  them  furiously.  They  threw  down  their  arms  in  cowardly 
confusion,  without  firing  a  shot.  Coates  had  passed  the  Quinby 
bridge,  and  planted  a  howitzer  to  dispute  its  passage  by  the 
Americans.  The  cavalry  dashed  ahead  over  the  bridge,  drove 
the  men  from  the  howitzer,  and  opened  the  way  for  the  other 
troops.  Desperate  encounters  ensued.  The  crossing  of  Quinby 
bridge  was  a  perilous  undertaking ;  but  the  legion  was  used  to 
peril,  and  so  was  MARION.  Armstrong  and  Macauley,  who,  with 
their  followers,  succeeded  in  crossing  the  bridge,  now  finding 
themselves  separated  from  the  main  army,  and  being  exposed  to 
Coates'  superior  numbers  in  front,  headed  the  stream  and  made 
good  their  escape.  Coates  now  retired  to  an  adjacent  farm, 
resolved  to  protect  himself  under  cover  of  the  buildings.  Late  in 
the  afternoon,  Sumpter  came  up  with  the  main  army.  The  British 
were  drawn  up  for  battle  in  front  of  Shubrick's  dwelling.  Sump 
ter  attacked  it  with  much  courage.  MARION'S  men  bore  the  brunt 
of  the  day.  The  fight  lasted  several  hours,  and  raged  with  intense 
fury.  Sumpter  was,  at  length,  compelled  to  retreat,  which  he  did 
in  tolerable  order,  across  the  Santee.  He  lost  many  brave  men, 
fifty  of  whom  were  of  MARION'S  chosen  troops,  the  entire  body  of 
whom  fought  like  lions,  imperiling  their  own  for  the  lives  of  their 
comrades.  The  latter  success  of  this  expedition,  may  be  mainly 
attributed  to  the  breaking  up  of  the  forces  into  small  detachments, 
by  Sumpter. 

After  this  engagement,  Sumpter  went  up  the  Congeree,  leaving 
MARION  on  the  Santee.  It  was  about  this  time  that  the  execution 
of  Colonel  Hayne  took  place,  which  left  a  stain  upon  the  char 
acter  of  Rawdon,  and  elicited  the  execrations  of  humanity  every 
where.  MARION  remained  on  the  Santee  but  a  short  time,  wrhen 
he  moved  his  forces  to  Pon-Pon.  Colonel  Harden  was  in  that 
neighborhood,  and  menaced  by  the  enemy,  with  numbers  vastly 
superior  to  his  own.  .  After  a  rapid  and  secret  march  of  over  a  hun 
dred  miles,  he  reached  the  neighborhood,  and  set  a  successful  snare 
for  the  British.  He  concealed  his  men  in  the  swamp  near  Parker's 
Ferry,  by  the  road  along  which  he  knew  Major  Frazier  would 
soon  pass  with  a  body  of  British  cavalry.  He  then  sent  out  a 
small  body  of  horse  to  lure  them  into  the  ambush.  The  trick  was 
successful.  Frazier  pursued  the  horse,  who  retreated  as  directed, 
until  the  enemy  were  completely  in  the  snare.  Every  musket  of 


372  FRANCIS    MARION. 

MARION'S  party,  instantly  hurled  a  messenger  of  death  upon  the 
pursuing  party.  They  aimed  to  charge  the  swamp,  but  another 
volley  poured  upon  them  with  equal  effect,  made  them  recoil. 
Had  MARION'S  ammunition  held  out,  the  entire  party  would 
have  been  captured.  Their  loss  was  very  heavy.  Near  thirty 
horses  were  found  dead  the  day  after ;  there  must  have  been  twice 
that  number  of  men  killed,  as  many  horses,  without  their  riders, 
were  known  to  have  run  frantically  from  the  scene.  Thus,  by  a 
bold  stroke,  he  had  relieved  Harden,  and  thinned  the  enemy's 
numbers  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  These  actions  took  place 
about  the  last  of  August,  1781. 

MARION,  now,  by  a  dextrous  movement,  effected  a  junction 
with  Greene  in  time  to  participate  in  the  memorable  battle  of 
Eutaw  Springs,  of  which  enough  has  been  said.  AB  elsewhere 
said,  a  check  was  forever  put  to  British,  power  in  the  south,  at  that 
battle.  The  enemy  retreated  from  the  field,  and  MARION  and  Lee 
were  the  first  in  pursuit.  The  British,  feeling  that  their  vaunt 
ed  power  was  near  an  end,  gave  themselves  up  to  plunder  and 
rapacity. 

Stewart,  Doyle,  and  the  other  officers,  now  seemed  disposed  to 
lay  in  large  supplies  of  provisions,  etc.,  at  Charleston,  preparatory 
to  a  siege,  and  make  arrangements  for  eventual  flight,  if  unsuc 
cessful.  Rutledge  issued  a  proclamation,  calling  on  all  who  had 
accepted  the  terms  of  the  English  generals,  to  enroll  under  their 
true  flag,  promising  pardon  and  protection  to  all  who  would 
comply.  The  American  general,  Greene,  continued  a  close  watch 
upon  the  movements  of  Stewart.  Thus,  the  year  1781  passed  by. 
MARION,  in  the  meantime,  had  been  elected  a  member  of  the 
Assembly,  for  which  he  surely  was  not  so  well  adapted  as  the 
field.  This  was  the  same  Assembly  convened  by  Rntledge  at 
Jacksonboro,  where  he  was  so  careful  to  have  sufficiency  of  rice 
prepared  for  their  feasting,  on  the  occasion  of  his  resignation  of 
the  dictatorship.  General  Leslie  was  now  in  chief  command  of 
the  British  forces  in  Charleston,  the  only  very  important  place 
remaining  in  their  possession.  Many  minor  skirmishes  ensued, 
though  the  war  was  virtually  at  an  end.  MARION  was  called  to 
the  camp  of  Greene,  in  consequence  of  a  rumor  to  the  effect,  that 
Leslie  had  been  largely  reinforced,  which  proved  to  be  false. 
Shortly  after,  he  had  a  slight  affair  with  a  small  body  of  British 
horse  at  St.  Thomas,  which  he  defeated. 


FRANCIS    MARION.  373 

MARION  now  gave  the  command  of  his  troop  to  his  old  friend, 
Horry,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  Assembly  at  Jacksonboro,  as 
senator  from  St.  John's.  The  Confiscation  Act,  the  approval  of 
which  by  Rutledge,  drew  upon  him  the  dislike  of  many,  was  the 
most  important  measure  acted  upon.  During  MARION'S  absence, 
his  brigade  was  attacked  by  a  detachment  of  the  enemy  from 
Charleston.  They  lost  several  valuable  horses,  and  some  equi 
page;  though,  but  few  men.  MARION  returned  shortly  after,  and 
resumed  its  command. 

In  a  spirited  affair  that  took  place  with  a  body  of  British  horse 
shortly  after  his  resumption  of  the  command,  his  brigade  fully 
vindicated  its  past  reputation.  Unimportant  skirmishes,  like 
these,  continued  to  take  place  between  small  parties,  until  the 
evacuation  of  Charleston  by  the  British.  After  that  event,  which 
Moultrie  describes,  as  "  a  grand  and  pleasing  sight,"  MARION 
separated  from  his  brigade,  and  retired  to  his  farm.  Though  the 
war  was  over, — the  great  battle  of  liberty  fought  and  won, — his 
fields,  like  those  of  many  others,  were  but  a  desolated  waste. 
After  devoting  himself,  for  a  short  time,  to  repairing  his  farm  and 
getting  it  into  tilling  condition,  he  was  again  sent  to  the  Senate 
from  St.  Johns.  With  motives  pure,  a  judgment  clear,  a  mind 
practically,  at  least,  well  informed,  and  eminently  patriotic,  he  was 
sure  to  subserve  the  interests  of  his  country  to  the  best  of  his  abil 
ity  ;  though  of  FRANCIS  MARION  as  a  legislator,  we  think  but  little 
can  be  said. 

He  was  opposed  to  the  Confiscation  Act,  of  which  more  will  be 
said  in  the  Life  of  Rutledge,  and  used  every  endeavor  against  its 
passage.  In  1774,  by  legislative  enactment,  Fort  Johnson  was 
built  in  Charleston  harbor,  and  garrisoned.  MARION  was  made 
commander,  with  a  salary  of  five  hundred  pounds. 

During  the  same  year,  MARION  was  married  to  Miss  Mary 
Videau,  a  lady  of  sterling  qualities,  fine  sense,  and  considerable 
wealth.  He  was  now  over  fifty  years  of  age  ;  his  wife  was  not 
young,  but  is  said  to  have  watched  his  movements  and  listened  to 
the  recital  of  his  exploits  with  all  the  pride  of  early  girlhood  for  a 
length  of  time.  This  marriage  proved  eminently  happy,  qualified 
only  by  a  want  of  issue.  Thus  in  the  bosom  of  &  family  he  passed, 
quietly  upon  his  farm,  the  residue  of  his  life,  leaving  the  influence 
of  untarnished  example  to  all  posterity. 

In  1794,  he  was  addressed  by  a  committee  appointed  by  the 


374  FRANCIS    MARION. 

citizens  of  Georgetown,  in  flattering  but  modest  terms.  To  this 
he  made  a  short  but  appropriate  verbal  reply.  His  retiracy  from 
all  public  cares,  was  the  result  of  his  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  he 
was  failing.  He  knew  well  that  his  life's  sands  were  ebbing 
gently  away. 

He  talked  of  approaching  death  with  the  serenity  of  a  mind 
"  soothed  and  sustained  by  an  unfaltering  trust."  "  Death  may 
be  to  others,"  said  he,  "  a  leap  in  the  dark,  but  I  rather  consider 
it  a  resting-place,  where  old  age  may  throw  off  its  burdens."  He 
afterward  said  to  nis  wife :  "  I  am  not  afraid  to  die ;  for,  thank 
God,  I  can  lay  my  hand  on  my  heart  and  say,  that  since  I  came 
to  man's  estate,  I  have  never  intentionally  done  wrong  to  any 
one." 

Thus  died  FRANCIS  MAKION,  on  the  25th  of  February,  1795,  in 
the  sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  Enduring  as  truth  itself,  he  will 
live  where  he  rose,  among  the  patriots  of  that  day,  till  the  War 
of  Independence  be  forgotten. 


JOSEPH  WAEREN. 


JOSEPH   WARREN. 


"  ROMANS  know  not  only  how  to  act,  but  how  to  suffer,"  ex 
claimed  the  heroic  young  Mutius,  as  he  held  his  hand  to  the 
burning  flames  in  presence  of  Etrurian  Porsenna,  who  was  endea 
voring  to  re-establish  the  tyranny  of  the  Tarquins  over  his  beloved 
country.  He  held  it  there  till  it  burned  from  his  arm  ;  thus  show 
ing  the  terrified  king  what  Romans  could  endure  for  their  homes 
and  household  gods. 

While  a  foreign  potentate  was  forging  fetters  for  our  country, 
many  brave  Americans,  young,  gifted  and  accomplished,  proved 
that  they  knew  "  not  only  how  to  act,  but  how  to  suffer  !"  as  they 
freely  laid  down  their  hopes,  their  fortunes,  their  lives  for  liberty. 
Among  these,  who  will  not  remember  the  first  hero  martyr  of  the 
Revolution,  JOSEPH  WARREN?  Accomplished,  ardent,  generous 
and  esteemed,  in  the  morning  of  a  future  of  promise  and  useful 
ness,  soon  as  the  first  war-note  had  sounded,  tearing  himself  from 
life's  endearments,  he  hastened  to  Bunker  Hill,  to  make  of  his 
name  a  talisman,  of  himself  an  example  throughout  the  struggle, — 
and  that  name,  that  example,  will  live  when  the  proud  granite 
that  marks  the  spot  where  he  fell,  shall  have  crumbled  to  the  dust. 

Though  materials  are  not  abundant  for  an  elaborate  sketch  of 
the  patriot,  from  such  as  are  at  hand,  we  shall  endeavor  to  draw 
his  outline,  as  deserving  a  place  among  those  who  are  u  Freedom's 
now  and  fame's." 

JOSEPH  WARREN  was  born  in  the  year  1741,  in  the  town  of 
Roxbury,  Massachusetts.  His  father  was  a  tiller  of  the  soil,  and 
possessed  those  sterling  qualities  of  virtue  and  industry,  for  which 
the  early  New  Englanders  were  so  justly  renowned.  WARREN 

(375) 


376  JOSEPH    WARREN. 

was  no  exception  to  the  generality  of  our  great  men,  nearly  all 
of  whom  had  excellent,  devoted  mothers.  His,  early  trained  Mm 
to  rigid  principles  of  truth  and  honor.  She  lived  to  be  a  vener 
able  woman,  and  died  universally  beloved  and  regretted.  His 
father  fell  from  an  apple  tree,  and  was  instantly  killed,  while 
JOSEPH  was  a  mere  child. 

Young  WARREN,  after  reaping  the  benefits  of  the  best  schools 
in  Roxbury,  entered  Harvard  College  in  his  fifteenth  year.  His 
college  years  were  marked  by  affable  manners,  strict  application, 
and  a  high  courage.  It  is  related  of  him  that  his  classmates, 
wishing  to  engage  in  some  species  of  frolic,  in  the  upper  story  of 
the  building,  and  knowing  he  would  not  relish  it,  locked  the  door 
of  the  room  in  which  they  assembled,  to  prevent  his  presence. 
He  made  his  way  out,  however,  through  a  window  at  the  top  of 
the  house,  and,  letting  himself  down  from  the  roof,  by  a  gutter, 
to  the  window  of  the  room  in  which  the  boys  were  engaged,  he 
sprang  into  their  midst,  just  as  the  gutter  fell  to  the  ground  below. 
Though  narrowly  escaping  death,  he  instantly  commenced  lectur 
ing  the  boys  upon  their  conduct.*  This  incident  showed,  at 
least,  a  heroism  worthy  of  Bunker  Hill.  After  leaving  college, 
he  began  the  study  of  medicine,  which  was  every  way  congenial 
to  his  nature,  feelings  and  talents.  His  open,  frank  manners, 
correct  habits,  fine  talents,  and  noble  bearing,  won  the  esteem  of 
all.  In  the  study,  he  made  extraordinary  proficiency,  and  when 
he  commenced  the  practice,  rose  rapidly  into  professional  favor. 

About  the  close  of  the  French  and  Indian  war,  he  removed  to 
Boston,  for  the  purpose  of  attending  to  the  duties  of  his  profession, 
in  which  he  would  certainly  have  attained  high  distinction,  had 
not  the  sound  of  arms  called  him  to  the  battle-field.  Notwith 
standing  his  courtly  qualities  and  refined  nature,  he  possessed 
a  degree  of  military  enthusiasm,  and  much  civic  tact.  After  the 
convention  of  the  First  Continental  Congress,  to  which  the  Adamses 
and  other  older  patriots  had  been  sent  as  delegates,  to  take  steps 
of  resistance  to  the  aggressions  of  England,  he  became  an  active 
leader  in  the  movements  going  on,  in  and  around  Boston. 

The  occasions  on  which  he  first  particularly  distinguished  him 
self,  were  at  the  anniversaries  of  the  Boston  riots.  The  day  on 
which  these  riots  took  place,  in  1768,  was  annually  celebrated  by 

*  Sparks' American  Biography.    Everett 


JOSEPH    WARREN.  377 

the  Bostonians,  until  the  Declaration  of  Independence  furnished  a 
more  worthy  day  of  commemoration.  In  1772,  WARREN  deliv 
ered  the  address,  which  was  said  to  have  been  so  chaste,  fervid, 
eloquent  and  able,  that  the  attention  of  all  was  directed  toward 
him.  Three  years  afterward,  he  performed  the  same  service. 
The  oration  was  delivered  in  the  old  South  Church,  to  an  immense 
auditory.  At  that  time  excitements  in  Boston  were  intense. 
Never  was  speech  listened  to  with  more  eagerness.  Everett  tells 
us  that,  while  he  was  speaking,  an  excited  individual  sprang  to 
his  feet  on  the  stairs,  and,  stretching  his  arm  toward  the  speaker, 
disclosed  a  number  of  pistol  balls  in  the  palm  of  his  hand.  WAR 
REN,  who  was  exceedingly  graceful,  proceeded  with  his  discourse, 
but  happily  dropped  a  white  handkerchief  in  his  hands  over  the 
balls. 

In  1772,  WARREN  and  others  formed  the  Committee  of  Corre 
spondence  in  Boston,  the  labors  of  which  proved  invaluable  to  the 
revolutionary  party.  In  1774,  he  was  elected  as  delegate  to  the 
Massachusetts  Congress,  a  high  evidence  indeed,  of  the  position 
he  had  attained  among  the  people  in  the  city  of  his  adoption.  Of 
that  body  he  was  chosen  president,  and  was  also  made  chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  Safety.  This  Congress,  after  sitting  briefly 
at  Salem  and  Concord,  opened  its  deliberations  in  Watertown,  in 
the  spring  of  1775.  As  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Safety, 
WARREN  was  untiring  in  his  vigilance ;  and  to  him,  perhaps, 
more  than  to  any  other  one  man,  are  due  the  results  of  the  attempt 
of  the  British  upon  the  military  stores  at  Concord.  Two  days 
before  the  attack,  WARREN,  by  his  acute  vigilance,  notwithstand 
ing  the  secrecy  observed  by  the  enemy,  had  divined  their  inten 
tions,  and  spread  the  alarm.  Finding  they  were  discovered,  every 
attempt  was  made  by  Lord  Percy  to  keep  the  Americans  in  town. 
It  was  too  late,  WARREN  had  sounded  the  alarm. 

On  the  18th  of  June,  1774,  the  British  embarked  upon  the  ex 
pedition.  The  keen  eye  of  WARREN  was  upon  them.  Knowing 
their  destination,  he  sent  a  swift  courier  to  Lexington,  and  another 
to  Charlestown,  to  give  notice.  These  messengers  were  faithful. 
Knocking  at  the  doors,  and  hastening  through  villages  and  plan 
tations  on  their  route,  they  had  the  people  thoroughly  aroused. 
Teams  were  left  in  the  fields,  the  wedge  in  the  log,  and  the  tree 
half  felled.  The  hardy  sons  of  the  soil  rushed  from  all  directions 
with  their  hunting-pieces,  to  the  scene  of  action.  Arriving  at 


378  JOSEPH    WARREN. 

Concord,  the  British  met  a  large  body  of  sturdy  men,  who  knew 
how  to  "  aim  their  guns  aright."  In  response  to  Major  Pitcairn's 
order,  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  disperse,  they  returned  a  deadly 
fire.  The  British  were  compelled  to  retreat  with  considerable 
loss.  The  Americans  followed,  pouring  upon  them  a  galling  firo 
at  every  step.  Had  the  enemy  not  met  Percy  with  reinforcements, 
the  loss  would  have  been  very  heavy.  The  agency  of  WARREN, 
in  this  affair,  is  readily  perceived :  had  he  not  been  so  active  in 
giving  the  alarm,  the  surprise  would  doubtless  have  been  com 
plete.  When  the  British  reached  West  Cambridge, WARREN,  with 
his  gun,  went  out  to  join  the  assailants,  and  exposed  himself  freely 
to  the  enemy.  A  musket  ball  is  said  to  have  cut  a  lock  of  hair 
from  his  head,  without  causing  the  least  intimidation. 

Blood  had  now  flowed,  and  the  war  commenced  in  earnest. 
Steps  were  early  taken  by  the  Massachusetts  Congress,  to  raise 
an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men.  By  the  21st  of  May,  fifteen 
thousand  men,  stern  of  purpose,  but  lax  in  discipline,  had  assem 
bled  in  the  neighborhood  of  Boston.  These  were  placed  under 
the  command  of  General  Artemas  Ward,  a  man  of  bravery,  and 
skilled  in  military  tactics.  He  made  Cambridge  his  head-quarters. 
General  Putnam  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Connecticut  and 
New  Hampshire  troops,  and  took  his  position  on  the  Charlestown 
road.  General  Thomas  commanded  the  Rhode  Island  troops,  and 
some  militia  from  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut.  His  position 
was  at  Roxbury.  Colonel  Gerrish  was  stationed  with  his  com 
mand  at  Chelsea,  while  Stark  and  Read  held  Medford.  These 
soldiers  were  men  of  "  sterner  stuff"  than  mixed  bodies  of  mere 
adventurers,  engaged  in  some  Utopian  scheme.  They  were  the 
men  of  New  England,  called  to  service  by  hard  necessity,  to  fight 
on  the  very  thresholds  of  their  homes  and  firesides. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  JOSEPH  WARREN,  changing 
his  surgical  for  battle  instruments,  came  into  the  army  with  the 
commission  of  Major-General,  conferred  by  Congress.  Though 
young  and  nnpracticed  in  the  art  of  war,  his  commission  was  a 
familiar  dress,  and  as  such  he  wore  it.  Let  us  now  take  a  hasty 
glance  at  the  enemy.  They  were  comfortably  quartered,  ten 
thousand  strong,  within  the  city  of  Boston,  and  commanded  by 
the  most  distinguished  military  talent  in  the  British  service. 
Clinton,  Burgoyne,  Howe,  Gage,  and  Percy,  each  accom 
plished  in  the  science  of  war,  were  there.  Percy  was  stationed 


JOSEPH    WAKKEN.  379 

on  the  Common.  Beacon  Hill  glittered  with  the  arms  of  the 
infantry,  while  the  cavalry  desecrated  the  hallowed  precincts  of 
old  South  Church.  The  British  general,  with  pompous  compla 
cency,  selected  and  fortified  Cop's  Hill  for  himself  and  staff,  as  a 
point  of  observation.  Strong  batteries  were  stationed  on  Fort 
Hill,  and  near  Cambridge ;  barriers,  also,  had  been  placed  across 
Boston  Neck.  In  the  Charles  River,  between  Boston  and  Charles- 
town,  they  had  four  vessels  of  war,  well  armed,  to  act  in  concert 
with  the  land  troops. 

It  now  became  clear  that  a  general  action  would  shortly  take 
place.     On  the  13th  of  June,  the  British  general  evidently  mani 
fested  a  desire  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  and  Charles- 
town  Hights.     The  Americans  were  apprised  of  his  intentions. 
Whether  they  themselves  should  first   take  possession  of  these 
Hights,  became  a  question  of  momentous  consideration  in  the 
Council  of  Safety.     WARREN,  who,  as  before  remarked,  was  an 
efficient  member  of  the  council,  opposed  the  movement.     While 
the  veterans,  Putnam  and  Prescott,  were  equally  urgent  that  it 
should   be    immediately   undertaken.     In   accordance   with  the 
suggestions  of  the  latter,  the  movement  was  attempted,  but  failed 
utterly,  the  scarcity  of  powder  being  the  main  cause.     On  strict 
reconnoissarice,  it  was  resolved  to  occupy  Bunker,  Prospect,  and 
Breed's  Hills  forthwith,  and  Dorchester  Hights  if  possible.     Pres 
cott,  therefore,  took  possession  of  the  former  point  on  the  16th  of 
June,  and  threw  up  fortifications.     His  forces,  amounting  to  about 
a  thousand  strong,  paraded  near  Cambridge,  and  held  religious 
exercises  previous  to   setting  out  on  the  perilous  undertaking. 
The  reliance  of  our  ancestral  fathers  upon  Divine  aid,  through 
the  eventful   struggle,  was  everywhere  manifest.     This  was   at 
early  eventide.     On  arriving  upon  the  ground,  whether  Bunker 
or  Breed's  Hill,  was  the  one  designated  for  fortifications,  became 
a  matter  of  dispute.     They  finally  decided  to  throw  up  their  works 
on  the  latter  eminence,  to  be  protected  by  smaller  fortifications 
on  the  former.     A  strong  redoubt  was  immediately  constructed, 
fronting  toward  Charlestown.     The  night  had  half  waned  when 
these  works  were  begun.     Sentinels  were  posted  so  close  to  the 
enemy  to  watch  their  movements,  that  the  cry  from  their  patrols 
of  "  All's  well,"  could  be  distinctly  heard.     By  daylight,  they  had 
completed,  quite  strong,  though  rude  fortifications.     The  surprise 
of  the  British  at  seeing  them  thus  posted  and  intrenched  on  the 


380  JOSEPH    WAEEEN. 

Hights,  was  very  great.  A  furious  cannonade  was  immediately 
opened  upon  them  from  the  vessels  of  war  and  from  Cop's  Hill, 
though  with  little  effect.  Application  was  immediately  made  to 
General  Ward  and  the  Safety  Council,  for  reinforcements.  After 
some  hesitancy,  occasioned  by  prudential  considerations,  colonels 
Read  and  Stark  were  sent  with  their  detachments  from  Medford,  to 
their  assistance.  By  the  time  these  forces  reached  the  Ilill,  the 
Americans  had  considerably  strengthened  their  positions  by  erect 
ing  a  fence,  parallel  with  one  of  stone  and  rails,  running  from  the 
fort  to  Mystic  River,  in  the  rear,  and  filling  the  space  between 
with  hay,  which  they  found  in  close  proximity.  At  nine  o'clock 
on  the  morning  of  the  17th,  the  stir  and  commotion  of  the  British 
troops,  showed  clearly  that  an  attack  might  soon  be  expected.  A 
company  of  the  Connecticut  and  a  portion  of  the  New  Hampshire 
troops,  were  stationed  at  the  fence,  under  command  of  Captain 
Knowlton,  while  Putnam  continued  to  strengthen  Bunker  Hill. 
At  one  o'clock,  General  Ward  sent  heavy  reinforcements  to  the 
scene  of  action.  Had  this  step  been  taken  in  the  morning,  the 
victory  of  the  Americans  would  have  been  sure.  That  Pres- 
cott,  with  a  thousand  men,  sustained  by  the  reinforcements  of 
Read  and  Stark,  should  have  been  left  alone  to  defend  Bunker 
Hill,  while  the  main  army  remained  idle  at  head-quarters,  until 
too  late  to  render  efficient  aid,  seems  most  unaccountable.  The 
American  forces  now  prepared  for  action.  Prescott>  colonels 
Bridge  and  Brickett,  manned  the  redoubt  which  the  first  thousand 
had  erected.  The  artillery  under  Gridley  and  Callender  was 
stationed  between  that  and  the  breastwork.  The  reinforcements, 
as  before  stated,  were  at  the  rail  fence.  Old  Putnam  was  riding 
to  and  fro  over  the  field,  encouraging  the  troops,  telling  them 
not  to  fire  till  they  could  "see  the  whites  of  their  eyes."  At 
this  moment,  General  Pomeroy,  without  commission  or  com 
panion,  having  "  smelt  the  battle  afar  off,"  came  rushing  across 
the  Neck,  with  his  loaded  musket,  hastened  up  the  Hill  and 
fell  into  ranks  with  the  privates  at  the  fence,  amid  enthusiastic 
cheers. 

The  British  resolved  to  attack  the  works  in  front.  A  little  after 
noon,  they  landed  in  force  and  good  order,  at  Morton's  Point.  A 
mistake  in  regard  to  balls  caused  some  detention, — those  they 
brought  being  too  large  for  their  pieces.  This  difficulty,  however, 
was  soon  overcome.  By  two  o'clock,  sanguine  of  victory,  the 


JOSEPH    WARREN.  381 

British,  amounting  in  all  to  four  thousand  men,  under  the  com 
mand  of  General  Howe,  assisted  by  generals  Abercrombie, 
Nesbit,  Pigot  and  Clark,  had  crossed  over  to  the  point,  and  were 
ready  for  action.  Such  was  the  state  of  things  on  that  lovely  day 
in  June.  Let  us  contemplate  it  a  moment.  The  Charles- River 
meandering  its  silver  stream  between  Boston  and  Charlestown, 
bore  upon  its  bosom  the  ships  of  war,  whose  cannon  frowned  upon 
the  latter  place  ready  to  vomit  death  upon  its  brave  defenders. 
Boston,  on  the  other  side,  had  her  steeples,  spires,  and  observatories, 
filled  with  spectators,  looking  down  with  breathless  anxiety  upon 
the  result  of  the  action.  Morton's  Point  glittered  with  the  uni 
forms,  arms,  artillery  and  plumes  of  four  thousand  British  regulars. 
The  adjacent  hills,  clothed  in  the  vernal  bloom  of  summer  luxuri 
ance,  on  which  herds  were  wont  to  browse  in  undisturbed  repose, 
were  soon  to  re-echo  with  the  roar  of  cannon,  and  the  stirring 
drum-beat. 

Yonder  on  Bunker  Hill,  rides  jolly-faced,  heroic  Putnam, 
among  a  small  worn  down  band  of  hardy  yeomen,  to  whose 
honest  vision  no  such  scene  had  ever  opened  before.  Filed 
behind  their  works  of  hay  and  wood,  the  gallant  Stark,  Knowlton, 
and  Read,  awaited  the  approach  of  the  foe.  Eagerly  anxious  to 
give  them  a  warm  reception,  the  accomplished  Prescott,  cheers  his 
men  within  the  redoubt,  while  Gridley  stands  to  his  artillery 
frowning  down  upon  Morton's  point  with  a  look  of  "I'm  ready 
for  you." 

But,  during  the  awful  stillness  that  reigns  over  the  combatants, 
there  is  an  object  near  Charlestown  Neck,  of  such  interest,  as  to 
attract  universal  attention.  A  skillful  horseman  is  seen  urging 
his  charger  at  full  speed  toward  the  Hights.  On  and  on  he 
dashes  right  to  the  Hill.  Putnam's  eye  was  quick  upon  him, 
and  he  rode  forth  to  meet  him.  "  JOSEPH  WARREN  !"  he  exclaimed, 
as  the  latter,  flushed  with  ardor,  bowed  gracefully  to  the  old  veteran. 
"  I  rejoice  and  regret  to  see  you,"  said  Putnam,  as  he  rode  up. 
"  Your  life  is  too  precious  to  be  exposed  in  this  battle ;  but, 
since  you  are  here,  I  take  your  orders."*  "  General  Putnam," 
he  replied,  "  I  have  none  to  give.  You  have  made  your  arrange 
ments.  I  come  to  aid  you  as  a  volunteer.  Tell  me  where  I  can 
be  useful."  "Go  then,"  said  the  veteran,  "to  the  redoubt;  you 

*  WAREEN,  it  must  be  remembered,  was  a  Major-General 


382  JOSEPH     WARREN. 

will  there  be  covered."  "  I  came  not  to  be  covered,"  answered 
WARREN  ;  "  tell  ine  where  I  shall  be  most  in  danger ;  TELL  ME 
WHERE  THE  ACTION  WILL  BE  HOTTEST."  "  The  redoubt  will  be  the 
enemy's  object,"  continued  Putnam,  "  if  that  can  be  defended,  the 
day  is  ours." 

WARREN  hastened  to  the  redoubt.  On  reaching  it,  Prescott 
asked  his  orders.  "  Colonel  Prescott,"  said  WARREN,  "  give  me 
your  orders  ;  give  me  a  musket.  I  have  come  to  take  a  lesson  of 
a  veteran  soldier  in  the  art  of  war."  WARREN  was,  also,  urged 
not  to  expose  his  person,  by  Elbridge  Gerry,  who  pointed  out  the 
dangers  to  be  encountered.  "  I  am  aware  of  the  danger,"  replied 
he,  "  but  I  should  die  with  shame  if  I  were  to  remain  at  home 
in  safety,  while  my  friends  and  fellow-citizens  are  shedding 
their  blood  and  hazarding  their  lives  in  the  cause."  "But  your 
ardent  temper,"  said  Gerry,  "will  carry  you  forward  into  the 
midst  of  peril,  and  you  will  probably  fall."  "  I  know  that  I  may 
fall,"  replied  WARREN,  "  but  where  is  the  man  who  does  not  think 
it  glorious  and  delightful  to  die  for  his  country  ?" 

Such  were  the  feelings  of  this  noble  hero,  who  to  defend  his 
country  from  the  exactions  of  tyranny,  thought  it  "  delightful "  to 
shed  his  blood  in  battle,  to  make  his  home  a  desolation,  and  over 
whelm  his  wife  with  grief. 

"  Oh  !  monarchy  did  ye  know  the  peace  ye  mar, 
The  hoarse  dull  drum  might  cease,  and  man  be  happy  yet." 

Soon  after  WARREN  reached  the  redoubt,  a  booming  roar  of 
artillery  announced  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  In  two  strong 
bodies  they  ascended  the  Hill.  To  storm  the  redoubt,  was  left  to 
General  Pigot,  while  Howe,  in  person,  advanced  against  the  men 
stationed  at  the  fence.  As  they  wound  up  the  Hill  in  brilliant 
colors  and  good  order,  the  American  artillery  stationed  in  front 
of  the  redoubt,  scarce  reserving  their  fire  till  arriving  in  point 
blank  shot,  leveled  their  guns  with  deadly  effect.  The  first 
discharge  was,  indeed,  inopportune,  so  much  so,  that  Prescott 
said:  "Fire  again  at  your  peril, — the  next  man  who  disobeys 
orders  shall  be  instantly  shot." 

They  now  remained  quiet  until  the  proper  moment.  On  came 
the  British,  to  notes  of  martial  music,  expecting  scarcely  a  check 
from  their  opponents.  When  they  arrived  near  the  redoubt,  or 
as  Putnam  said,  when  "  the  whites  of  their  eyes  "  were  visible, 
Prescott  exclaimed  promptly:  "Now  men!  now  is  your  time! 


JOSEPH    WAKEEN.  383 

Make  ready !  take  aim ! !  FIKE  ! !  Simultaneous  streams  of  death 
immediately  paved  the  slope  with  the  bodies  of  the  enemy.  He- 
turning  an  ineffectual  fire,  the  British  quickly  fled  down  the  Hill. 
Nothing  now  but  want  of  ammunition  prevented  a  glorious  victory. 
Had  "Ward  sent  the  reinforcement  early  in  the  morning,  as  directed, 
the  day  would  have  been  won  ;  or,  had  Gridley  not  abandoned  his 
position  behind  the  breastworks,  and  removed  the  artillery  against 
the  injunctions  of  Putnam,  to,  as  he  thought,  a  more  eligible  po 
sition,  the  results  would,  doubtless,  have  been  different.  Gridley's 
object  was  to  cover  the  retreat.  While  in  this  position,  Colonel 
Frye,  an  officer  of  considerable  military  repute,  approached  and 
asked :  "  What  do  you  mean  here  ?"  •"  Waiting  to  cover  the  re 
treat,"  replied  Gridley.  "Retreat!"  said  Frye,  "who  talks  of 
retreating  ?  This  day,  thirty  years  ago,  I  was  present  at  the  first 
taking  of  Louisburg,  when  your  father,  with  his  own  hand,  lodged 
a  ball  in  the  citadel.  His  son  was  not  born  to  talk  of  retreating. 
Forward,  to  the  line!"  Gridley,  however,  could  be  induced  to 
think  of  nothing  but  retreat ;  some  of  his  officers,  more  brave 
than  himself,  despising  his  authority,  tore  themselves  from  his 
command,  rushed  up  the  Hill  and  engaged  in  the  action.  Gerrish, 
also,  though  he  had  served  gallantly  on  former  occasions,  on 
reaching  the  Hill,  refused,  or  was  unable  to  engage  with  his  regi 
ment.  It  was  in  vain  that  Putnam  expostulated.  Deprived  of 
their  commander,  his  men  were  of  little  service  in  the  action. 
He  was  dismissed  from  his  command  by  a  court-martial,  for  his 
unworthy  conduct  during  the  day,  as  was  Gridley  also,  and 
Callender  shared  the  same  fate.  The  latter,  however,  redeemed 
his  character  in  a  series  of  heroic  exploits,  and  was  finally  honored 
and  respected. 

Soon  as  the  British  were  driven  back,  an  awful  stillness  mo 
mentarily  prevailed  over  the  battle  field.  They  soon  renewed 
the  attack,  however,  with  spirit  and  discipline.  Their  efforts 
were  directed  against  the  defenses  at  the  rail  fence,  protected  by 
the  hay  thrown  up  by  the  soldiers.  To  render  the  scene  more  im 
posing,  Charlestown  was  discovered  to  be  in  flames.  Kapidly  the 
fire  spread,  circling  spire  and  dome,  and  covering  the  ground 
with  crackling  timbers,  and  smoldering  ruins.  It  was  fired  by 
orders  of  the  British,  to  prevent  future  annoyance  from  a  body  of 
Americans  stationed  in  the  town.  The  place  was  soon  nearly 
destroyed.  House  burning  seems  to  have  been  a  favorite  method 
26 


384  JOSEPH    WARREN. 

of  carrying  on  the  war  of  the  Kevolution  by  some  of  the  British 
officers;  it  was  a  species  of  warfare  worthy  only  the  Mongolian 
hordes  of  a  Ghengis  Khan ;  the  Tartar  tribes  of  a  Tamerlane, 
or  the  atrocious  genius  of  an  Attila  or  an  Alaric.  Proud 
Britannia !  over  Copenhagen,  Charlestown,  and  St.  Helena, 
yet  gleams  for  thee  the  sword  of  retribution.  Amid  the  confla 
gration,  the  enemy  proceeded  to  the  second  attack,  while  calmly 
the  Americans,  unawed  by  the  terrible  scenes  around  them,  awaited 
their  approach.  Near  them  was  burning  Charlestown,  whence 
smoke  and  ashes  curled  in  clouds  over  their  heads  ;  before  them 
approached  the  armed  hosts  of  England  to  storm  their  rude  fortress, 
and  manacle  them  with  fetters  by  the  same  hands  that  had  set  the 
torch  to  their  homes.  Yet  they  were  dauntless.  According  to 
instructions,  they  held  their  fire  till  the  British  arrived  within  a 
few  yards  of  the  works.  The  word  was  then  given,  and  an 
instantaneous  discharge  followed,  more  murderous  than  the  first. 
The  enemy  fell  by  hundreds.  Howe's  staff  was  cut  to  pieces: 
what  few  remained,  recoiled  and  fled  in  great  confusion. 

Clinton  now  opportunely  arrived  with  reinforcements,  while 
the  powder  of  the  Americans  as  inopportunely  began  to  give  out, 
and  they  were  compelled  to  slacken  their  fire.  Howe  and  Pigot 
changing  the  plan  of  assault,  prepared  for  a  third  charge.  The 
soldiers  were  disencumbered  of  their  knapsacks,  and  ordered 
to  charge  with  the  bayonet,  through  the  opening  at  the  upper  end 
of  the  fence,  which  was  comparatively  insecure  and  undefended. 
For  this  charge,  the  entire  strength  of  the  army  in  the  action  was 
combined.  No  bayonets,  and  but  few  rounds  of  powder,  the 
Americans  again  awaited  the  onslaught.  The  British  succeeded 
in  reaching  the  redoubt,  and  boldly  made  the  attack.  Mounting 
the  parapet,  "  The  day  is  ours,"  cried  Pitcairn,  who  was  immedi 
ately  shot  through  with  a  musket  ball.  The  struggle,  hand  to 
hand,  now  became  desperate.  With  the  agility  of  a  gazelle,  and 
the  heroism  of  a  Bayard,  Pigot  climbed  a  tree  and  threw  himself 
into  the  redoubt,  at  which,  loud  shouts  arose  from  his  men  who 
immediately  followed.  Without  any  effective  means  of  defense, 
the  Americans  tried  to  beat  them'  back  with  the  butts  of  their 
guns,  stones,  or  whatever  weapon  they  could  wield.  Bleeding 
from  a  flesh  wound,  Gridley  was  taken  from  the  scene ;  cut  almost 
to  pieces,  Colonel  Bridge  was  no  longer  fit  for  duty ;  with  arms 
swinging  to  their  sides,  splintered  by  ball  or  pierced  by  bayonet, 


JOSEPH     WARREN.  335 

several  officers  remained  at  their  posts,  till  death  relieved  them  of 
duty.  Possessing  no  means  to  defend  themselves,  and  falling  on 
all  sides  before  the  enemy,  who  were  gaining  still  greater  advan 
tages,  Prescott  gave  orders  to  abandon  the  redoubt  and  retreat, 
which  were  obeyed  with  promptness  and  without  serious  loss,  so 
far  as  numbers  were  concerned. 

Like  Laurens  at  Savannah,  the  gallant  WARREN,  on  hearing 
the  order  to  retreat,  chafed  like  a  wounded  lion.  It  was  a  word 
unknown  to  his  patriot  heart.  Remaining  in  the  redoubt,  after 
most  of  the  troops  had  left,  though  British  balls  were  riddling  it 
to  pieces,  be  seemed  willing  to  fall  with  it.  Seeing  his  exposed 
condition,  Major  Small  (of  the  enemy),  whose  life  had,  in  the 
early  part  of  the  action,  been  saved  by  the  gallant  Putnam,  with 
voice  and  gesture,  begged  him  to  surrender,  ordering  his  men,  at 
the  same  time,  to  cease  firing.  Hearing  his  voice,  WARREN 
turned  his  classic  brow  to  the  foe  to  see  whence  it  came.  Fatal 
moment.  No  sooner  was  his  face  turned  full  upon  them,  than  a 
large  ball  struck  his  forehead,  which  produced  instant  death. 

Thus  fell  WARREN,  a  man  eminently  endowed  with  the  requisites 
of  usefulness  and  honor  in  public  capacities,  and  well  calculated 
to  adorn  the  walks  of  private  life,  by  an  exhibition  of  the  rarest 
combination  of  virtue,  refinement,  and  gentleness.  Justice  has 
not  been  withheld  to  his  memory.  In  letters  and  marble,  his 
name  has  been  perpetuated.  Eloquence,  for  the  exhibition  of 
its  powers,  hath  chosen  him  as  a  favorite  theme,  while 

"You,  too,  ye  bards  whom  sacred  rapture's  fire, 
To  chant  your  heroes  to  your  country's  lyre, 
Who  consecrate  in  your  immortal  strains, 
Brave  patriot  souls  in  righteous  battle  slain, 
Securely  now  the  useful  task  renew, 
And  noblest  themes  in  deathless  song  pursue." 

The  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  was  glorious  to  the  American  arms. 
It  resulted  in  the  inspiration  of  confidence  in  themselves,  and 
the  justness  of  their  cause.  They  lost  near  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  killed  and  missing.  The  British  lost  over  five  times 
that  number,  and  though  they  kept  possession  of  the  Hill, 
had  ever  reason  to  regret  the  results  of  the  day.  WARREN  was 
buried  on  the  field  of  battle,  near  the  redoubt,  where  he  gave  up 
his  life.  The  next  year  his  remains  were  taken  to  Boston.  They 
now  lie  in  the  vault  under  St.  Paul's  Church.  His  services  and 
sacrifice  were  suitably  noticed  in  the  proceedings  of  Congress, 


386  JOSEPH    WARREN. 

which  body  designated  him  as  "  a  man  whose  memory  will  be 
endeared  to  his  countrymen,  and  to  the  worthy  in  every  part  and 
age  of  the  world,  so  long  as  virtue  and  valor  shall  be  esteemed 
among  mankind." 

WAKEEN  left  a  wife  and  four  children, — two  boys  and  two  girls. 
His  wife  survived  him  till  about  the  close  of  the  war.  His  sons 
both  died  early,  the  daughters  grew  up  to  womanhood, — amiable 
and  lovely.  They  both  married,  and  lived  exemplary  lives,  worthy 
their  hero  father.  The  name  of  the  patriot  is  linked  inseparably 
with  Bunker  Hil!,  "  and  there  it  will  remain  forever."  Unborn 
sires,  with  their  children,  will  go  there,  and  pointing  to  the 
monumental  pile,  reared  upon  the  spot,  will  teach  them  to  lisp 
the  name  of  JOSEPH  WAEEEN. 


EGBERT  MORRIS. 


KOBEKT    MOEEIS. 


THE  accomplished  warrior  who,  after  the  overthrow  of  his  ene 
mies,  assumed  the  title  of  "  Imperator,"*  and  effected  the  destruc 
tion  of  his  own  commonwealth,  understood  well  the  combined 
powers  of  the  purse  and  the  sword.  But  if  ancient  history  afford 
the  example  of  a  man  who,  by  this  combination  of  power,  de 
stroyed  a  republic,  modern  history  has  recorded  that  of  a  financial 
patriot  who  used  the  purse  as  effectually  for  those  who  drew  the 
sword  in  the  establishment  of  one;  that  patriot  was  ROBERT  MOR 
RIS. — Liberty's  great  banker  through  the  Revolution. 

He  was  born  in  Lancashire,  England,  January,  1734.  Soon 
after  his  birth,  his  father  came  to  America,  leaving  him  with  a 
relative,  until  in  his  fourteenth  year,  when  he  also  reached  this 
country.  His  father  settled  in  Talbot  county,  Maryland.  Edu 
cational  facilities  were  then  very  meager,  and  youag  Morris,  like 
most  of  the  stern  men  of  his  times,  received  no  benefit  from  col 
leges  or  universities.  He  was  sent,  on  his  arrival  in  the  country, 
to  an  ordinary  teacher  of  a  common  school.  His  progress  was 
not  rapid,  though  he  soon  said  to  his  father  :  "  I  have  learned  all 
that  he  could  teach  me." 

In  his  sixteenth  year,  young  MORRIS  lost  his  father,  who  was 
accidentally  killed  by  being  struck  with  a  wad  from  one  of  the 
guns,  on  an  occasion  of  firing  a  salute  from  the  ships  for  which 
he  was  agent. 

To  prepare  himself  for  a  mercantile  life,  ROBERT  was  placed  at 


*  Julius  Caesar. 

387 


388  EGBERT    MORRIS. 

the  store  of  Charles  Willing,  an  extensive  Philadelphia  merchant, 
where  he  continued  until  the  death  of  the  proprietor.  Willing, 
just  before  his  death,  called  Morris  to  his  bed-side,  and  taking 
him  by  the  hand,  said :  "  ROBERT,  always  continue  to  act  as  you 
have  done."  On  the  decease  of  his  friend,  his  master,  as  he  took 
pride  in  calling  him, — having  established  a  mercantile  reputation, 
and  mastered  the  intricacies  of  the  profession,  he  entered  into 
partnership  with  Thomas  Willing,  a  son  of  Charles,  with  whom 
he  continued  an  extensive,  prosperous,  and  agreeable  business, 
for  over  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

The  firm  of  MORKIS  and  Willing  were  engaged  in  heavy  foreign 
transactions,  when  the  British  Parliament  began  to  insist  upon 
the  Stamp  Act  schemes.  Without  a  moment's  hesitancy,  MORRIS 
took  part  against  any,  and  all  such  assumptions  of  power  by  the 
crown.  Having  taken  this  position,  he  was  certain  to  maintain 
it.  On  the  23d  of  April,  1775,  MORRIS,  in  company  with  a 
number  of  friends,  met,  on  an  anniversary  occasion,  at  the  City 
Tavern.  While  they  were  enjoying  themselves  with  a  high 
degree  of  social  humor,  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Lexington  was 
told  to  them.  E"o  more  social  laughs,  nor  strains  of  mirth  were 
heard  in  that  room.  Almost  the  entire  party  sprang  to  their  feet, 
and  made  toward  the  door.  Tables  were  upset,  chairs  were  over 
turned  ;  a  thunder  crash  would  scarce  have  produced  confusion 
more  sudden  or  apparent.  MORRIS  and  a  few  friends  were  all 
that  remained.  He  was  soon  absorbed  in  deep  thought  upon  the 
condition  of  matters.  He  then  arose,  and  with  the  firmness  of  an 
Amilcar,  pledged  himself  to  the  Revolution. 

The  succeeding  fall,  MORRIS  was  sent  by  Pennsylvania,  as 
delegate  to  the  Second  Continental  Congress.  His  weight  of 
character,  known  business  qualities,  high  position,  and  extensive 
connections,  early  marked  him  as  among  the  most  influential 
members  of  the  body.  He  was  placed  on  the  "  Secret  Committee, 
to  procure  arms  and  ammunition,"  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  and  in  several  positions  of  importance,  the  duties  of  which, 
he  faithfully  discharged. 

During  the  years  1776-'77,  he  took  an  active  part  in  public 
concerns,  insisting  upon  the  proper  regulations  and  restrictions 
of  foreign  trade.  We  have  elsewhere  referred  to  the  gloomy  state 
of  affairs,  at  the  period  when  Congress  adjourned  to  Baltimore. 
The  same  day  this  took  place,  so  hopeful  was  he  of  a  successful 


EGBERT    MORRIS.  339 

result  to  the  struggle,  so  high  above  all  selfish,  mercenary  feelings, 
that  on  his  own  personal  responsibility,  he  borrowed  ten  thousand 
dollars  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  relying  upon  Congress  to 
liquidate,  when  better  times  would  fill  the  public  coffers.  After 
Congress  had  left  the  city,  MORRIS  and  a  few  others,  were  ap 
pointed  a  species  of  Continental  Committee,  to  superintend  any 
important  business  in  that  quarter.  Washington  was  now  on  the 
Delaware.  He  wished  to  begin  offensive  operations  against  the 
enemy,  but  could  not.  His  army  was  almost  starving.  In  this 
strait,  he  wrote  to  MORRIS  for  a  certain  sum  of  money.  The  noble 
merchant  was  in  his  counting-room.  The  request  was  made  at  a 
time  when  it  would  be  impossible  to  comply.  That  was  the  most 
troublous  day  of  his  life.  The  idea  of  writing  to  the  commander 
that  he  could  not  aid  him,  stung  his  soul.  On  his  way  from  the 
store,  he  met  an  acquaintance  who  interrogated  him  in  the  familiar 
style  of  old  friends,  with,  "  What's  the  news."  "  The  most  impor 
tant  news  is,  that  I  require  a  certain  sum  of  specie,  and  you 
must  let  me  have  it,"  replied  MORRIS.  His  friend  rather  hesitated. 
"  My  note  and  my  honor  is  to  be  your  security,"  added  the  patriot 
with  seriousness.  The  friend  looked  up  and  said :  "  Robert,  thou 
shalt  have  it."  MORRIS,  greatly  relieved,  procured  the  funds,  and 
forwarded  them  immediately  to  Washington,  who  was  thus  enabled 
to  commence  active  movements, — the  brilliant  affairs  of  Trenton 
and  Princeton  followed. 

In  the  Spring  of  1777,  he  was  again  elected  to  Congress.  The 
Secret  Committee,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  was  now  done 
away  with.  In  the  fall,  he  was  appointed  on  the  Conference 
Committee,  in  connection  with  Gerry  and  Jones,  to  visit  head 
quarters,  and  arrange  with  Washington,  plans  for  the  further  prose 
cution  of  the  war.  He  had,  all  along,  been  the  financial  manager, 
as  it  were,  of  Congress,  a  position  for  which  his  eminent  character, 
strict  business  habits,  and  devoted  patriotism,  eminently  fitted 
him.  Having  thus  been  identified  with  that  department,  in  1778, 
he  was  made  chief  of  the  Committee  on  Finance. 

Never  did  man  live  more  exclusively  for  his  country  than  did 
MORRIS.  Possessing  means  beyond  most  men  in  the  country,  and 
a  commercial  credit  everywhere  conceded,  he  used  them  freely 
and  cheerfully,  for  the  cause  in  which  we  were  engaged.  The 
following,  from  Judge  Peters,  is  an  instance  of  one  of  the  many 
acts  of  self-sacrifice  and  devotion,  which  he  exhibited  during  these 


390  EGBERT    MORRIS. 

trying  times.  The  Judge  and  himself  were  warm  and  intimate 
friends,  enthusiastically  wedded  to  their  country.  "  In  1779-'80," 
says  the  Judge,  "  two  of  the  most  distressing  years  of  the  war, 
General  Washington  wrote  me  an  alarming  account  of  the  pros 
trate  condition  of  the  military  stores,  and  enjoined  my  immediate 
exertions  to  supply  the  deficiencies.  There  were  no  musket 
cartridges,  but  those  in  the  men's  boxes,  and  they  were  wet ;  of 
course,  if  attacked,  a  retreat  or  a  rout,  was  inevitable. 

"  We  (the  board  of  war),  had  exhausted  all  the  lead  accessible 
to  us,  having  caused  even  the  spouts  of  houses  to  be  melted,  and 
offered  abortively  the  equivalent  in  paper  of  two  shillings  specie 
per  pound  for  lead.  I  went  in  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  I 
received  the  letter,  to  a  splendid  entertainment  given  by  Don 
Juan  Mirailles,  the  Spanish  minister.  My  heart  was  sad,  but  I 
had  the  faculty  of  brightening  my  countenance  even  under  gloomy 
disasters  ;  yet  it  seems  then  not  sufficiently  adroitly.  Mr.  MOKRIS, 
who  was  one  of  the  guests,  and  knew  me  well,  discovered  some 
casual  traits  of  depression.  He  accosted  me  in  his  usual  blunt, 
disengaged  manner :  '  I  see  some  clouds  passing  across  the  sunny 
countenance  you  assume  ;  what  is  the  matter  ?'  After  some  hesita 
tion,  I  showed  him  the  General's  letter,  which  I  had  brought  from  the 
office,  with  the  intention  of  placing  it  at  home  in  a  private  cabi 
net.  He  played  with  my  anxiety,  which  he  did  not  relieve  for 
some  time.  At  length,  however,  with  great  and  sincere  delight, 
he  called  me  aside  and  told  me  that  the  Holkar  privateer  had  just 
arrived  at  his  wharf  with  ninety  tons  of  lead,  which  she  had 
brought  as  ballast.  It  had  been  landed  at  Martinique,  and  stone 
ballast  had  supplied  its  place ;  but  this  had  been  put  on  shore, 
and  the  lead  again  taken  in.  '  You  shall  have  my  half  of  this 
fortunate  supply  ;  there  are  the  owners  of  the  other  half  (indicat 
ing  gentlemen  in  the  apartment).  c  Yes,  but  I  am  already  under 
heavy  personal  engagements,  as  guarantee  for  the  department  to 
those  and  other  gentlemen.'  '  Well,'  rejoined  Mr.  MOKRIS,  '  they 
will  take  your  assumption,  with  my  guarantee.'  I  instantly,  on  these 
terms,  secured  the  lead,  left  the  entertainment,  sent  for  the  proper 
.officers,  and  set  more  than  one  hundred  people  to  work,  during  the 
night.  Before  morning,  a  supply  of  cartridges  was  ready  and  sent 
off  to  the  army.  I  could  relate  many  more  such  occurrences." 

Notwithstanding  these  high  and  disinterested  manifestations  of 
patriotism,  he  was  not  exempt  from  those  shafts  of  detraction, 


ROBERT     MORRIS  39} 

leveled  by  the  breath  of  envy,  at  the  best  and  first  men  during 
the  Revolution.  Willing  and  MOKKIS,  it  was  intimated  by  a 
member  of  Congress,  then  in  session  at  Yorktown,  had  been  de 
frauding  the  public  in  various  transactions.  At  the  instigation 
of  MORRIS'  personal  friends,  a  searching  committee  was  appointed 
to  investigate  the  charge.  The  committee  went  to  work  and  sifted 
the  whole  matter  to  the  bottom.  The  accusation  seems  to  have 
been  based  upon  a  suspicion  that  Willing  and  MORRIS  had  in  their 
commercial  shipments,  availed  themselves  of  the  chartered  vessels 
of  the  government  to  send  their  private  cargoes.  After  a  thorough 
investigation,  it  was  shown  beyond  question  that,  the  firm  had 
sedulously  avoided  any  connection,  whatever,  of  their  private,  with 
the  public  interests,  and  the  whole  matter  was  cleared  up.  That 
MORRIS  and  Willing,  intrusted  as  they  were,  with  a  large  amount 
of  public  business,  and  lending  their  commercial  credit,  as  well 
as  opening  their  individual  purses,  as  they  freely  did,  should  be 
arraigned  before  public  opinion  in  any  disreputable  connection, 
whatever,  is,  indeed,  most  strange. 

In  1780,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  condition  of  the  southern 
army  was  distressing,  and  their  appeals  to  the  north  for  aid,  in 
cessant  and  imperative.  To  accelerate  their  provision  with  need 
ful  supplies,  MORRIS  organized  and  established,  in  Philadelphia,  a 
bank  of  specie.  By  heading  the  subscription  with  his  own  name, 
to  the  amount  of  ten  thousand  pounds,  and  using  his  great  influ 
ence  among  others  to  further  the  object,  a  capital  basis  of  three 
hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  pounds  was  soon  subscribed,  and 
the  Bank  of  Pennsylvania  put  into  successful  operation.  This  was 
the  first  extensive  moneyed  institution  established  in  the  United 
States. 

"The  directors  were  authorized  to  borrow  money  on  the  credit 
of  the  Bank,  and  to  grant  special  notes  bearing  interest  at  six 
per  cent.  The  credit  of  the  members  was  to  be  employed,  and 
their  money  advanced,  if  necessary,  but  no  emoluments,  whatever, 
were  to  be  derived  from  the  institution.  Congress,  while  they 
expressed  a  high  sense  of  this  patriotic  transaction,  pledged  the 
faith  of  the  United  States  effectually,  to  reimburse  and  indemnify 
the  associators.  Thus,  at  a  time  when  the  public  credit  was  at  its 
lowest  ebb,  and  the  public  exigencies  most  pressing,  an  institution 
was  erected  on  the  credit  and  exertions  of  a  few  patriotic  indi 
viduals,  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  and  transporting  to  the  army 


392  ROBEKT    MORRIS. 

three  millions  of  rations,  and  three  hundred  hogsheads  of  mm ; 
it  continued  until  the  ensuing  year,  when  the  Bank  of  North 
America  was  established." 

Previous  to  this,  in  1777,  MORRIS  had  been  again  sent  to  Con 
gress,  in  which  body,  as  a  member  from  Pennsylvania,  he  main 
tained  his  dignity,  honor  and  reputation,  as  being  among  the 
most  energetic  and  laborious  members.  A  large  portion  of  our 
foreign  correspondence  devolved  on  him,  and  was  kept  up  with 
zeal  and  ability.  His  fellow-citizens,  too,  were  fully  advised  as 
to  the  nature  of  this  correspondence,  and  the  attitude  in  which  we 
stood  toward  nations  abroad. 

"We  have  had  frequent  occasions  to  advert  to  the  deplorable 
condition  of  the  finances,  during  this  period.  Nothing  but  the 
timely  aid,  individually  furnished  by  MORRIS,  it  seemed,  at  differ 
ent  periods,  kept  the  cause  from  hopeless  ruin.  So  well  had  his 
patriotism  and  capacity  been  tested  in  this  way,  that  he  was  now 
looked  upon  in  connection  with  a  position  of  vast  interest  and 
importance,  and  in  1781,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  American 
finances.  No  adequate  conception,  at  this  day,  can  be  formed  of 
the  difficult  and  numerous  duties  imposed  by  this  position.  "He 
was  required  to  examine  into  the  situation  of  the  public  debts, 
expenditures  and  revenue ;  to  digest  and  report  plans  for  improv 
ing  and  regulating  the  finances,  and  for  establishing  order  and 
economy  in  the  disbursement  of  the  public  money ;  to  direct  and 
control  all  persons  employed  in  procuring  supplies  for  the  public 
service,  and  in  the  expenditure  of  public  money ;  to  obtain 
accounts  of  all  the  issues  of  the  specific  supplies  furnished  by  the 
several  States ;  to  compel  the  payment  of  all  moneys  due  to  the 
United  States,  and  in  his  official  capacity,  to  prosecute  in  behalf 
of  those  States,  for  all  delinquencies  respecting  the  public  revenue 
and  expenditure ;  and  to  report  to  Congress  the  officers  necessary 
to  conduct  the  various  branches  of  his  department.  By  successive 
resolutions  of  Congress,  he  was  subsequently  empowered  to 
appoint  and  remove,  at  pleasure,  his  assistants  in  his  peculiar 
office."  These,  and  various  other  duties  came  within  his  sphere 
of  action.  This  position  was  assumed  at  a  period  of  general 
prostration,  with  a  broken  down  currency,  and  not  a  dollar  in  the 
treasury,  and  but  little  national  credit  at  home  or  abroad.  Though 
he  had  reached  a  period  in  life,  when  he  said,  himself,  his  "mind, 
body,  and  inclination,  combined  to  make  him  seek  for  relax- 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  393 

ation  and  repose,"  he  never  shrank  from  these  onerous  labors. 
In  his  acceptance  to  Congress,  of  the  position,  after  giving,  at 
some  length,  his  views  and  feelings  in  regard  to  it,  he  thus 
patriotically  speaks:  "Another  consideration  to  which  I  must 
also  pray  the  attention  of  Congress  is,  the  present  public  debts. 
I  am  sure  that  no  gentleman  can  hope  that  these  should  be  imme 
diately  paid  out  of  an  empty  treasury.  If  I  am  to  receive  and 
consider  the  application  on  that  subject ;  if  I  am  to  be  made 
responsible,  that  alone  will,  I  fear,  be  full  employment  for  the  life 
of  one  man,  and  some  other  must  be  chosen  to  attend  to  the 
present  and  provide  for  the  future.  But  this  is  not  all ;  if,  from 
that,  or  any  other  cause,  I  am  forced  to  commit  a  breach  of  faith, 
or  even  to  incur  the  appearance  of  it,  from  that  moment  my 
utility  ceases.  In  accepting  the  office  bestowed  on  me,  I  sacrifice 
much  of  my  interest,  my  ease,  my  domestic  enjoyment,  and 
internal  tranquillity.  If  1  'know  my  own  heart,  I  must  make 
these  sacrifices  with  a  disinterested  view  to  the  service  of  my 
country:  I  am  ready  to  go  still  further ;  AND  THE  UNITED 
STATES  MAY  COMMAND  EVERY  THING  I  HAVE,  EXCEPT  MY  INTEGRITY  ; 
and  the  loss  of  that  would  effectually  disable  me  from  serving 
them  more." 

"With  these  feelings,  and  in  the  midst  of  a  depression,  to  which 
financial  history  affords  no  parallel,  MORRIS  entered  upon  the 
labors  of  his  office,  and  became,  at  once,  the  motive  power  of 
military  operations.  With  a  treasury,  not  only  without  a  copper, 
but  near  three  millions  of  dollars  in  debt,  and  a  national  credit, 
tottering,  it  seemed,  to  inevitable  ruin,  he  soon  changed  the 
whole  face  of  affairs,  and  restored  both  credit  and  confidence. 
Congress  stopped  the  issue  of  the  Continental  paper,  with  which 
the  country  had  been  unavoidably  flooded,  without  provision  for 
its  redemption,  until  it  was  utterly  worthless.  The  issue  of  the 
"  red  money"  which  followed,  was  also  soon  discontinued.  The 
Continental  paper,  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  during 
its  early  progress,  served  its  purpose  quite  well.  It  was  an 
undesirable  necessity  of  ready  resort.  But,  when  it  fell,  it  fell 
utterly.  An  enormous  bulk  of  it  was  buried  in  Ehode  Island, 
with  great  pomp,  and  all  the  honors  of  war.  The  States,  severally, 
were  now  required  to  furnish  supplies  for  the  army  by  &pro  rata 
regulation  of  Congress.  They  proved  very  remiss,  however,  in 
this,  and  the  soldiers  were  soon  in  a  state  of  utter  destitution.  The 


394  EGBERT    MORRIS. 

elevation  of  MORRIS  to  the  superintendence  of  the  finance,  was 
very  timely  and  opportune.  A  long  and  successful  mercantile 
experience,  had  shown  him  that  strict  punctuality  in  dealings, 
from  which  he  himself  never  departed,  was  indispensable  to  the 
consummation  of  his  objects.  Careful,  therefore,  to  meet  all  his 
engagements  with  promptness  and  precision,  he  soon  reduced  the 
disordered  condition  of  affairs  to  regularity  and  system  ;  so  much 
so,  that  Washington  himself  said  :  "  The  abilities  of  the  present 
financier  have  done  wonders."  The  commencement  of  his  adminis 
tration  of  this  department,  presented  the  remarkable  aspect  of  the 
credit  of  a  nation,  being  backed  by  that  of  an  individual, — he  was 
emphatically  the  indorser  of  his  government,  at  a  time  when  it 
was  in  danger  of  being  protested. 

MORRIS  early  directed  his  vast  energies  to  the  establishment  of 
the  Bank  of  North  America,  in  the  incorporation  of  which  he  suc 
ceeded.  Its  capital  was  fixed  at  four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  in 
shares  each  of  four  hundred  dollars.  The  bills  of  this  institution, 
were  to  be  considered  legal  money  in  each  of  the  States.  It  was  to 
be  placed  in  charge  of  twelve  directors,  the  books,  papers,  etc.,  to  bo 
accessible  at  all  times,  to  a  proper  superintendent.  When  it  was 
decided  upon  as  a  necessary  measure,  MORRIS  published  his  bank 
plan,  and  appealed  to  the  people  of  the  country  in  its  behalf. 
"To  ask  the  end,"  he  said,  "which  it  is  proposed  to  be  answered 
by  this  institution  of  a  bank,  is  merely  to  call  the  public  attention 
to  the  situation  of  our  affairs.  A  depreciating  paper  currency 
has,  unhappily,  been  the  source  of  infinite  private  mischiefs, 
numberless  frauds,  and  the  greatest  distresses.  The  national 
calamities  have  moved  with  an  equal  pace,  and  the  public  credit 
has  received  the  deepest  injury.  This  is  a  circumstance  so 
unusual  in  a  republican  government,  that  we  may  boldly  affirm, 
it  can  not  continue  a  moment  after  the  several  legislatures  have 
determined  to  take  those  vigorous  and  effectual  measures  to  which 
the  public  voice  now  loudly  commands  their  attention.  In  the 
meantime,  the  exigencies  of  the  United  States  require  an  antici 
pation  of  our  revenues ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  there  is  not 
such  confidence  established  as  will  call  out  for  that  purpose,  the 
funds  of  individual  citizens.  The  use,  then,  of  a  bank,  is  to  aid 
the  government  by  their  moneys  and  credit,  for  which  they  will 
have  every  proper  reward  and  security  ;  to  gain  from  individuals 
that  credit,  which  property,  abilities  and  integrity,  never  failed  to 


ROBERT    MOKEIS. 


395 


command ;  to  supply  the  loss  of  that  paper  money,  which, 
becoming  more  and  more  useless,  calls,  every  day,  more  loudly 
for  its  final  redemption  ;  and  to  give  a  new  spring  to  commerce, 
in  a  moment,  when,  by  the  removal  of  all  restrictions,  the  citizens 
of  America  shall  enjoy  and  possess  that  freedom  for  which  they 
contend." 

In  1782,  with  less  than  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  sub 
scribed,  this  bank  began  operations.  Chiefly  through  the  untir 
ing  energies  of  MOKEIS,  it  attained  permanent  stability,  and  proved 
of  infinite  service  to  the  country.  In  the  spring,  having  practical 
evidences  of  the  institution's  ability,  the  different  States  passed 
laws  for  its  protection,  and  the  whole  country  became  an  imme 
diate  recipient  of  its  advantages.  So  successful  were  its  oper 
ations,  that  by  midsummer,  the  bank  had  loaned  the  government 
four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  had  released  it,  in  the  mean 
time,  from  its  subscription  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
assumed  from  his  stock  shares  by  MOKBIS.  Its  advantages  were 
universally  felt  and  conceded,  while,  through  its  influences,  public 
credit  was  immediately  restored.  Delighted  beyond  measure  at 
the  success  of  his  financial  Scheme,  MOKKIS  thus  wrote:  "The 
establishment  of  the  National  Bank,  answers  all  the  purposes 
expected  from  it,  and  even  exceeds,  in  success,  the  most  sanguine 
hopes  that  had  been  indulged  by  its  warmest  advocates.  As  the 
operations  of  the  Bank  become  extended,  the  benefits  of  the  insti 
tution  will  be  felt  to  the  extreme  parts  of  the  United  States. 
Their  notes  acquire,  every  day,  a  greater  extent  of  circulation, 
and  they  have  obtained  the  most  perfect  confidence  hereabouts." 
Possessing  an  ample  fortune,  erroneous  ideas  were  entertained  as 
to  its  increase,  by  the  ignorant  and  invidious,  and  falsehoods  were 
readily  put  in  circulation  to  the  effect,  that  speculative  purposes 
actuated  him  in  his  connection  with  the  institution,  and  solicitude 
for  its  prosperity.  To  these  he  replied,  saying:  "  By  accepting 
the  office  which  I  now  hold,  I  was  obliged  to  neglect  my  own 
private  affairs.  I  have  made  no  speculation,  in  consequence  of 
my  office,  and  instead  of  being  enriched,  /  am  poorer  this  day 
than  Iivas  a  year  ago" 

At  the  time  when  Washington  was  authorized  to  procure  sup 
plies  wherever  found,  and  "the  laws  of  necessity"  were  about 
being  enforced,  the  severest  sufferings  were  prevented  by  the 
efforts  of  MO&RIS.  Principally  upon  his  own  private  credit,  a 


396  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

large  quantity  of  flour  was  procured  and  placed  in  possession  of 
the  army.  This  somewhat  embarrassed  him,  and  he  said  in  a 
letter  to  a  friend,  that  he  had  taken  "  a  load  on  his  shoulders  which 
it  was  not  possible  to  get  clear  of,  without  the  faithful  support  and 
assistance  of  those  good  citizens,  who,  not  only  wish,  but  will 
promote  the  service  of 'their  country."  These  acts  of  self-sacrifice 
and  devotion,  did  not  and  could  not  fail  to  elicit  merited  consider 
ation,  and  draw  the  attention  of  the  country  toward  him.  He 
was  selected  by  the  government  to  superintend  the  delivery 
of  all  the  supplies  for  the  army  furnished  by  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania.  A  large  part  of  the  resources  of  the  army,  par 
ticularly  flour,  was  drawn  from  that  State,  and  MORRIS  agreed  to 
see  that  it  should  be  furnished  on  requisition.  He  performed  the 
duties  of  this,  as  of  all  other  positions,  with  zeal  and  efficiency, 
and  showed  the  commander-in -chief,  that  however  remiss  other 
States  might  be  in  bringing  forward  their  respective  portions  of 
the  supplies,  Pennsylvania  would  promptly  furnish  hers.  The 
subjoined  extract,  written  by  MORRIS  at  this  time,  to  a  public 
official,  will  convey  some  idea  of  his  exertions  and  assumptions 
in  behalf  of  the  government. 

"Sir, — I  have  this  day  settled  an  account  with  Thomas  Smith, 
Esq.,  the  loan  officer,  and  have  his  receipt  for  one  hundred  and 
fifty-four  thousand  and  seventy-four  dollars  and  twenty-six  nine 
tieths,  on  account  of  the  four-tenths  of  the  new  emissions  due  by 
this  State  to  Congress.  As  yet,  I  have  not  drawn  one  shilling 
from  the  treasury  of  Pennsylvania ;  and  am  of  consequence  so 
much  in  advance.  There  still  remains  due  to  Mr.  Smith,  on  these 
four  tenths,  a  balance  of  two  hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand 
nine  hundred  and  twenty  dollars  and  fourteen  ninetieths.  Those 
who  have  the  warrants  on  him  for  this  money,  are  clamorous  to 
obtain  payment.  I  had  procured  on  account  of  Pennsylvania,  a 
considerable  quantity  of  flour.  In  the  State  of  New  York,  one 
thousand  barrels ;  in  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  four  thousand 
barrels,  and  in  this  city,  four  thousand  barrels. 

"  For  all  these  I  obtained  credit,  and  with  respect  to  the  last,  not 
finding  consumption  for  it  here,  I  have  lately  made  payment  of 
part  by  the  re-delivery  of  three  thousand  three  hundred  and 
ninety  barrels  ;  which  was  a  desirable  circumstance :  first,  because 
the  consumption  of  that  article  was,  and  probably  would  be,  in 
places  where  it  could  be  so  purchased  as  to  save  on  the  transpor- 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  397 

tation.  Secondly,  because  the  risk  of  spoiling,  or  other  loss 
which  I  began  to  apprehend  was  not  incurred ;  and  thirdly,  because 
as  this  article  would  probably  fall  in  price,  it  might  be  procured 
hereafter  on  easy  terms. 

"  My  reason  for  purchasing  in  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  were, 
that  there  would  be  a  saving  in  the  carriage,  which  was  a  benefit 
to  the  United  States,  and  that  there  would  also  be  a  saving  in  the 
price,  which  is  a  benefit  to  this  State.  From  what  has  been  said 
then,  your  Excellency  will  perceive  that  my  credit  stands  pledged 
for  five  thousand  six  hundred  and  ten  barrels  of  flour.  Some  of 
the  payments  have  already  become  due,  and  I  have  found  means 
to  satisfy  them ;  the  rest  will  shortly  be  so,  which  will  create  new 
difficulties. 

"  Had  I  drawn  money  from  the  state  treasury  at  the  time  when 
the  purchases  were  made,  I  must  have  exchanged  it  for  specie. 
The  rate  at  those  times  was  from  five  to  six,  and  even  seven  for 
one ;  but  whenever  it  should  have  been  known  that  it  was  drawn 
from  the  treasury,  and  sold  on  public  account,  in  all  human  prob 
ability  it  would  have  depreciated  still  more.  The  credit,  therefore, 
which  I  have  obtained,  has  been  beneficial,  by  giving  time  for 
that  change  of  opinion  which  could  alone  operate  an  appreciation. 
Had  the  collection  of  taxes  taken  place  as  early  as  I  was  induced 
to  believe  it  would,  the  paper  would  now  be  nearly  if  not  entirely 
equal  to  specie;  but  at  the  present  rate  of  exchange,  it  will 
require  from  eighty  to  a  hundred  thousand  to  fulfill  my  engage 
ments  for  this  flour. 

"  The  payments  on  my  contracts  for  rations,  will  shortly  com 
mence,  and  your  Excellency,  from  the  former  expenditures  at  the 
several  posts,  will  be  able  to  form  a  more  adequate  idea  than  I 
can,  what  those  payments  will  amount  to.  To  all  this  I  must 
add  that  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  other  considerable 
supplies  from  this  State  will  soon  become  indispensable,  and  of 
consequence  the  most  urgent  demand  for  money  be  immediately 
created.  I  have  also  engaged,  if  his  Excellency,  George  Wash 
ington,  should  obtain  a  quantity  of  flour,  to  be  delivered  on  the 
North  Kiver  to  the  use  of  the  army,  as  part  of  this  State's  quota 
of  supplies,  to  repay  the  same  quantity  of  flour  to  his  order  here, 
or  on  the  Chesapeake,  as  he  may  direct. 

u  I  have  thought  it  proper  to  make  this  full  communication,  that 
the  supreme  executive  of  the  State  may  be  informed  of  what  is 
27 


398  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

passing  in  their  affairs.  You  will  clearly  perceive  that  my  situ 
ation  is  far  from  agreeable;  yet  such  as  it  is  I  will  struggle 
under  it,  and  adopt  every  expedient  that  may  probably  afford 
relief;  being  determined  not  to  draw  money  from  the.  treasury, 
until  the  interest  of  the  State  shall  invite,  or  inevitable  necessity 
compel  me  to  it." 

For  the  insertion  of  this  extract,  though  somewhat  lengthy,  it 
is  presumed  the  slightest  apology  is  unnecessary.     It  gives  some 
idea  of  the  unwavering  fidelity  with  which  he  clung  to  his  country, 
and  the  amount  of  liabilities  assumed  in  its  behalf.     During  the 
period  of  Greene's  operations  in  the  south,  when  his  suffering 
troops,  almost  starving  and  naked  "  were  galled  by  their  cartridge 
boxes,  and  while  a  folded  rag  or  tuft  of  moss  protected  their 
shoulders  from  sustaining  the  same  injury  from  their  muskets," 
MOKRIS  made  every  effort  to  relieve   them.     He  sent   George 
Abbot  Hall  to  the  south,  as  secret  agent,  with  instructions  to  inform 
himself  of  the  necessities  of  the  American  general,  and  whenever 
he  became  so  embarrassed  that  he  could  not  relieve  himself,  to 
furnish  a  draft  on  him  for  whatever  sum  might  be  deemed  indis-  * 
pensable.     These  drafts  were  several  times  accepted  by  the  finan 
cier,  whose  patriotism  was  as  wide  as  the  limits  of  his  country, 
and  whose  liberality  was  bounded   only  by  his  resources  and 
energy.     It  must  be  remembered  that  the  pledged  faith  of  the 
government  was  all  the  surety  required  or  obtained,  for  the  reim 
bursement  of  all  these  heavy  advances,  and  that  the  government 
was  bankrupt,  with  a  heavy  debt,  threatened  with  extermination 
by  the  invaders  against  whom  it  was  waging  a  war,  the  result  of 
which  was  doubtful  to  the   most  sanguine.     MOKRIS  has  been 
accused  of  neglecting  to  furnish  Greene  the  means  necessary  to 
supply    his   army.     Such   an   accusation,  against  such  a   man, 
scarcely  needs  a  word  to  brand  it  with  falsity.     The  following, 
from  numerous  extracts  of  the  same  tenor,  to  be  found  in  his  cor 
respondence  with  Greene,  will  show  his  disposition  toward  that 
officer : 

"  In  my  former  letter,  I  mentioned  that  his  Excellency,  Gov 
ernor  Kutledge,  would  pay  you  any  money  for  subscriptions,  he 
may  receive  to  the  National  Bank.  Herein  you  will  find  a  bill 
drawn  by  Hon.  John  Matthews,  Esq.,  of  this  date,  at  ten  days' 
sight,  on  Charles  Drayton,  for  one  hundred  and  seventy-three 
dollars.  Major  Burnet  will  also  receive  some  money  and  stores 


EGBERT    MORRIS.  399 

for  your  department,  to  which  I  give  all  the  facility  in  my  power. 
I  can  with  truth  assure  you  that  I  have  every  disposition  to  pro 
vide  those  things  which  are  really  necessary,  for  the  use  of  the 
army.  *  Your  circumstances  have  long  been  arduous, 

but  you  have  hitherto  risen  so  superior  to  them,  that  we  should 
be  almost  as  much  surprised  now,  if  you  were  not  successful,  as 
we  formerly  were  at  your  successes.  I  wish  I  could  contribute  to 
render  you  more  easy.  As  far  as  my  abilities  extend,  I  shall  do 
them  most  cheerfully,  but  they,  unfortunately,  are  very  limited.  * 
I  hope  it  is  unnecessary  to  make  assurances  of  my  dispo 
sition  to  render  your  situation  both  easy  and  respectable.  I  am 
sure  it  is  unnecessary  to  remark  how  inadequate  the  provisions 
have  been,  which  the  States  have  hitherto  made ;  at  least,  it  is 
unnecessary  to  you.  Much  less  need  I  display  the  detail  of 
expenditures  which  have  been  requisite  for  the  accomplishment  of 
that  happy  event  which  has  taken  place  in  Virginia.  I  have 
neither  forgotten  nor  neglected  your  department.  I  have  done 
the  utmost  to  provide  clothing,  arms,  accouterments,  medicine, 
hospital,  stores,  etc.;  and  I  flatter  myself  you  will  derive,  through 
the  different  departments,  both  benefit  and  relief  from  my  exertions. 
I  have  detained  Pierce  a  day,  in  order  to  make  up  with  infinite 
difficulty,  one  thousand  pounds,  Pennsylvania  currency,  in  gold, 
which  he  is  the  bearer  of,  and  which  will,  I  hope,  be  agreeable 
and  useful."  Judge  Peters,  himself,  who  was  well  acquainted 
with  Hall,  the  agent  for  supplying  Greene  with  whatever  means 
could  be  commanded,  and  who  was  in  constant  correspondence  with 
Greene,  affirms  that  no  complaint  or  murmur  ever  came  from  that 
officer  to  him,  reflecting  the  least  upon  the  sterling  worth  of  the 
great  financier.  Greene,  himself,  testified  subsequently  in  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  to  MORRIS'  energy  and  solicitude,  and  said 
he  "  had  acted  perfectly  right "  and  proper. 

Enough  has  been  said  upon  this  subject,  to  exculpate  MORRIS 
from  the  charge  of  proving  recreant  to  the  interest  of  the  South, — 
his  devotion  to  the  country,  and  sacrifices  to  the  cause  in  which 
she  was  engaged,  show  sufficiently  that  he  served  her  to  the 
fullest  extent  of  his  ability. 

The  surrender  of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown,  in  the  meantime, 
had  taken  place,  and  filled  the  country  with  joy.  The  agency  of 
MORRIS  in  that  glorious  transaction,  must  not  be  passed  unnoticed. 
The  entire  energies  of  the  American  army,  it  was.  decided,  should 


400  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

be  directed  against  New  York,  and  the  campaign  had  been  plan 
ned  and  agreed  upon  to  that  effect.  Sanguine  of  success,  Wash 
ington  was  waiting  at  Phillipsburg,  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet, 
the  admiral  of  which,  had  agreed  to  co-operate.  Things  were  in 
this  condition,  when  Judge  Peters,  of  the  board  of  war,  and 
MORRIS,  were  deputed  by  Congress  to  visit  the  camp  of  Washing 
ton,  at  York  Island,  and  see,  by  conference  with  him,  what  could 
be  done  to  further  his  designs  upon  the  city.  They  found  the 
General  in.  high  hopes, — not  the  least  doubting  a  successful  issue, 
and  in  daily  expectation  of  the  French  admiral  with  his  fleet. 
Instead  of  the  fleet,  however,  Washington  received  a  letter  from 
Admiral  De  Grasse,  who,  refusing  to  bring  his  ships  into  New 
York  bay,  as  he  had  positively  agreed  to  do,  announced  his  early  de 
parture  for  the  Chesapeake,  where  he  would  "remain  a  few  weeks." 

Washington,  on  this  occasion,  doubtless,  manifested  as  much 
warmth  as  he  was  ever  known  to  do.  The  whole  design,  owing 
to  this  refusal,  was  a  complete  and  inevitable  failure,  and  a  new 
plan  of  operations  had  to  be  settled  on. 

With  as  much  deliberation  and  judgment,  as  though  nothing 
unusual  had  happened,  after  his  mortification  had  subsided, 
Washington  calmly  sat  down,  and  formed  a  new  plan  of  oper 
ations.  The  leading  idea  of  this,  was  the  pursuit  of  Cornwallis 
into  Virginia.  This  being  settled  on,  he  unfolded  to  Judge 
Peters  and  MORRIS,  his  designs,  enjoining  the  strictest  secrecy. 
To  Judge  Peters,  he  then  said:  "Well,  what  can  you  do  for  me 
under  this  unexpected  disappointment  ?"  Peters  fixed  his  eye  on 
MORRIS,  and  said:  "Every  thing  with  MONEY, — without  it,  noth 
ing."  "I  understand  you,"  replied  MORRIS,  "but  I  must  know 
the  amount  you  require."  MORRIS,  then,  told  Washington  that 
his  credit  was  the  only  resort,  and  questioned  him  as  to  the  pru 
dence  of  reliance  upon  it.  "  The  measure  is  inevitable ;  and, 
therefore  resolved  on,  and  I  must  pursue  it  at  all  hazards,"  replied 
the  commander.  That  credit,  he  promised  to  the  fullest  extent. 
He  now  returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  by  the  issue  of  his  own 
notes,  to  the  amount  of  near  a  MILLION  AND  A  HALF  OF  DOLLARS,  pro 
cured  cannon,  battering  apparatus,  powder  and  ball,  and  all  the 
requisites  for  successful  operations  around  Yorktown.  These 
were  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Board  of  War,  by  whom  they 
were  transferred  to  their  destination.  Thus,  when  the  army 
passed  through  the  city  in  September,  on  this  enterprise,  fraught 


ROBEBT    MORRIS.  401 

with  momentous  results  to  the  country,  they  were  well  provided 
with  the  necessaries  for  the  expedition,  furnished  by  the  will  and 
energies  of  one  man,  in  a  most  pressing  exigency.  Who  knows, 
but  the  destinies  of  this  country  might  have  been  changed  for  all 
coming  time,  but  for  the  timely  assistance  furnished  on  different 
occasions  by  this  patriot,  which,  as  a  golden  cord,  bound  our 
army  together,  when  naked  and  hungry,  it  seemed  verging 
annihilation  ?  Enough  of  his  influence,  at  least,  was  manifested 
during  the  long  and  terrible  struggle,  to  stamp  his  impress  upon 
the  young  Republic,  in  part  his  own  creation,  until  it  widened 
and  brightened  in  proportion  to  its  development. 

Soon  after  this,  other  drafts  were  made  upon  his  liberality, 
which  were  promptly  met.  Be  the  personal  consequences  what 
they  might,  he  determined  to  stand  by  the  commander-in-chief. 
Says  he,  in  a  private  letter:  "The-  late  movements  of  the  army 
have  so  entirely  drained  me  of  money,  that  I  have  been  obliged 
to  pledge  my  personal  credit  very  deeply,  in  a  variety  of  instances, 
beside  borrowing  money  from  my  friends,  and  advancing  it  to 
promote  the  public  service,  every  shilling  of  my  own" 

The  failure  of  the  several  States  to  comply  with  requisitions 
made  upon  them  for  the  service,  involved  MORRIS  in  infinite  per 
plexities,  and  increased  the  difficulties  of  his  position.  At  the 
same  time,  public  creditors,  who  had  little  faith  in  the  govern 
ment  ever  redeeming  its  pledges,  grew  clamorous  in  regard  to 
their  claims,  for  the  liquidation  of  which,  they  looked  chiefly  to 
MORRIS.  To  governors  of  the  various  States,  he  wrote  the 
strongest  appeals  couched  in  the  following  style :  he  addressed  the 
governor  of  Virginia,  in  1782 :  "  What,  in  the  name  of  Heaven, 
can  be  expected  by  the  people  of  America,  but  absolute  ruin,  if 
they  are  so  inattentive  to  the  public  service  ?  ISTot  until  Decem 
ber,  will  Virginia  give  any  thing  you  say,  toward  the  expenses  of 
the  current  year.  How,  then,  are  we  to  carry  on  those  operations 
which  are  necessary  ?  How  is  our  country  to  be  defended  ?  How 
is  our  army  to  be  supported?  Is  this  what  is  meant  by  the  solemn 
declaration,  to  support,  with  life  and  fortune,  the  independence  of 
the  United  States  ?"  These  appeals  had  little  effect,  however,  upon 
the  States.  Congress,  finally,  in  the  fall  of  1782,  adopted  a  resolu 
tion  bearing  upon  the  delinquent  States,  to  this  effect:  "  That  Con 
gress  call  upon  the  States  for  a  definitive  answer,  whether  they  will 
comply  with  the  recommendation  of  Congress  to  vest  them  with 


402  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

power  to  levy  a  duty  of  five  per  cent,  on  all  goods  imported,  and 
on  prizes  and  prize  goods."  This  resolution,  accompanied  by  a 
lengthy  circular,  was  sent  to  the  several  States  by  the  financier,  in 
the  hope  of  yet  arousing  them  to  a  sense  of  duty.  These  efforts 
were  comparatively  abortive,  and  MORRIS  still  remained  the  self- 
immolated  victim  of  invective  and  abuse.  Day  after  day  came, 
and  passed,  without  relieving  him  from  the  trying  monotony  of 
responding  to  importunate  duns,  and  the  vindictive  effusions  of 
clamorous  creditors.  Yet,  he  was  determined  to  continue  his 
efforts  to  the  last  moment. '  Matters  continued  to  grow  worse. 
Finally,  those  who  had  agreed  to  furnish  the  army  with  supplies, 
notified  MORRIS  that,  unless  some  guarantee  was  given  that  they 
would  be  reimbursed  as  soon  as  their  agreements  were  fulfilled, 
they  would  no  longer  attend  to  the  business.  He  would  not, 
could  not  comply  with  this  demand,  and  warned  the  authorities 
that,  unless  immediate  means,  by  indulgence  or  otherwise,  should 
be  made,  the  law  of  necessity  would  yet  have  to  be  resorted  to  by 
the  army.  In  spite  of  his  mighty  energies  and  devotion,  he  now 
began  to  fall  behind  in  his  payments,  and  said,  himself:  "  My 
credit  has  already  been  on  the  brink  of  ruin  ;  if  that  goes,  all  is 
gone."  The  feelings  of  the  noble  financier,  when  signs  of  his 
waning  influence  began  to  be  manifest,  on  account  of  immense 
liabilities,  individually  assumed  for  the  government,  were  ex 
tremely  painful.  He  applied  to  Congress  to  know  what  was  to 
be  done,  and  again  wrote  to  the  States,  urging  them  to  the  rescue. 
Thus,  in  a  position  of  unexampled  financial  distress,  greatly 
magnified  by  the  reiterated  and  irritating  calls  upon  him  for 
liquidation  of  claims,  with  a  mind  keenly  sensitive  to  the  smallest 
insinuation,  where  honor  Was  the  object,  he  knew  no  ease  nor 
comfort,  save  the  consoling  consciousness  of  having  tried  to  do 
his  duty.  So  clamorous  became  some  creditors,  that  they  wrote 
him  taunting,  abusive  letters,  to  the  effect,  that  they  wanted,  and 
would  have  payment.  It  is  not  strange  that  his  great  mind, 
though  usually  placid,  and  unruffled  as  a  clear  evening  sky,  should 
at  length,  momentarily  lose  some  of  its  evenness,  and  reply 
thus  tartly  to  an  application  of  this  nature,  made  by  some  French 
officials : 

"  GENTLEMEN, — I  have  received,  this  morning,  your  application. 
I  make  the  earliest  answer  to  it.  You  demand  instant  payment. 
I  have  no  money  to  pay  you  with"  Under  circumstances  like 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  4Q3 

these,  the  busy  tongue  of  slander  was  not  idle.  Patriotic,  and  self- 
sacrificing  as  he  had  always  been,  he  was  charged  with  speculating 
with  the  public  funds, — draining  the  country  of  its  hard  money, — 
establishing  the  bank,  only  with  a  view  to  the  enrichment  of  his 
private  coffers.  Having  extensive  business  relations  with  the  Penn 
sylvania  merchants,  by  whom  the  whole  matter  was  understood, 
and  a  total  neglect  to  make  exertions  in  favor  of  the  southern 
army  ;  each  of  these  allegations  was  groundless  and  false.  The 
successful  operations  of  the  bank,  and  the  infinite  good  redound 
ing  to  the  whole  country,  was  a  fact  practically  demonstrated,  and 
well  justified  MORRIS  in  the  assertion  that  it  would  "  exist  in  spite 
of  calumny,  operate  in  spite  of  opposition,  and  do  good  in  spite 
of  malevolence." 

It  is  not  surprising  when,  amid  duties  so  onerous  and  unthankful, 
he  was  the  object  of  abusive  vituperation,  that  he  should  deter 
mine  to  resign  his  position.  The  success  of  the  war  being  placed 
beyond  question,  the  danger  being  past  that  called  him  to  the 
post  in  the  darkest  hour  of  peril,  in  January,  1783,  he  sent  to 
Congress  a  letter  of  resignation,  couched  in  the  language  of 
patriotism  and  manly  firmness.  He  gave  that  body  to  under 
stand  that,  if  they  made  provision  to  meet  the  assumptions  in 
curred,  he  would  continue  his  labors  a  few  months,  but  if  they 
failed  to  do  it,  they  must  take  immediate  steps  to  appoint  a  suc 
cessor.  "  I  shall  be  unworthy,"  said  he,  "  of  the  confidence  reposed 
in  me  by  my  brave  fellow-citizens,  if  I  do  not  explicitly  declare, 
that  I  will  never  be  the  minister  of  injustice."  Congress  knew 
well  the  country  possessed  but  one  BOBERT  MORRIS,  and  that  a 
general  knowledge  of  his  intention  to  resign,  would  result  in  the 
utter  prostration  of  what  credit  remained.  Strict  secrecy  was, 
therefore,  enjoined  upon  his  communication,  Two  months  passed, 
and  that  body  had  done  nothing.  MORRIS  wrote  them  again, 
telling  them  that  the  time  for  the  payment  of  some  of  the  debts 
could  no  longer  be  postponed,  and  urged  the  withdrawal  of  the 
secret  injunction. 

At  the  urgent  solicitations  of  Congress,  MORRIS,  at  length,  con 
sented  to  remain  in  office,  with  the  understanding  that  his  sphere 
of  labors  was  to  be  confined  exclusively  to  those  engagements, 
already  contracted  by  himself.  Had  not  the  war  virtually  been 
at  an  end,  painfully  distressing  as  was  the  position  of  the  financier, 
he  would  never  have  thought  of  taking  the  step.  The  question 


404  KOBEKT    MORRIS. 

was  asked  him,  If  the  war  continued,  what  his  course  would  be? 
"  The  same  motives  that  first  induced  my  acceptance,  would,  in 
that  case,  continue  to  operate,"  was  the  reply. 

The  general  joy  prevailing  throughout  the  country,  on  receiving 
tidings  of  a  formal  peace,  was  marred  greatly  by  the  gloom  of 
bankruptcy  that  hung  over  us.  Peace,  of  course,  brought  no  funds, 
and  caused  little  less  financial  embarrassment. 

In  the  spring  of  1784,  the  bills  of  the  United  States  were  pro 
tested  abroad, — Holland  being  first  to  pursue  that  course.  The 
finances  sinking  continually  to  a  more  deplorable  condition,  with 
little  indication,  on  the  part  of  the  States,  to  come  to  their  relief, 
and  calumniators  still  pouring  their  abuse  upon  his  well-meant 
efforts,  MOKRIS  determined  to  resign,  and  gave  formal  notification 
of  the  fact.  Congress  was  not  so  blind  to  the  deepest  interests 
of  the  country,  as  to  be  ignorant  of  the  vast  advantages,  of  which 
she  had  been  the  recipient  at  the  hands  of  the  financier,  or  to 
withhold  a  merited  eulogium  upon  his  character,  energy,  and 
talents,  which  was  conferred  at  the  time  a  board  was  instituted  to 
attend  to  the  duties  incident  to  his  resignation,  May  6th.  The 
ensuing  fall,  he  informed  the  people,  through  a  widely-circulated 
circular,  that  all  liabilities  taken  upon  himself,  for  the  govern 
ment,  during  his  administration,  would  be  liquidated,  and  warned 
them  not  to  submit  to  any  sacrifice  of  claims,  as  he  held  himself 
"personally  responsible "  for  their  payment.  In  the  month  of 
November,  he  formally  resigned  his  post  of  superintendent  of 
finance,  and  penned  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
that  closed  with  the  following  words  : 

"The  inhabitant  of  a  little  hamlet  may  feel  pride  in  the  sense 
of  a  separate  independence.  But  if  there  be  not  one  govern- 
ment,  which  can  draw  forth  and  direct  the  efforts, — the  combined 
efforts, — of  united  America,  our  independence  is  but  a  name,  our 
freedom  a  shadow,  and  our  dignity  a  dream.  To  you,  fellow 
citizens,  these  sentiments  are  addressed,  by  one  who  has  felt  their 
force.  In  descending  from  that  eminence,  on  which  your  repre 
sentatives  had  placed  him,  he  avoids  the  shafts  which  calumny 
had  aimed.  He  has  no  longer,  therefore,  any  personal  interest  in 
those  jealousies  and  distrusts  which  have  embarrassed  his  adminis 
tration,  and  may  prove  your  ruin.  He  no  longer  asks  confidence 
in  himself,  that  if  you  will  not  repose  in  the  members  of  that 
general  federal  government,  which  you  yourselves  have  chosen, 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  405 

that  confidence,  and  those  powers  which  are  necessary,  you  must 
and  you  will  (in  no  very  distant  period),  become  the  dupes  of 
European  politics.  What  may  be  the  final  event,  time  only  can 
discover ;  but  the  probability  is,  that  first  divided,  then  governed, 
our  children  may  lament,  in  chains,  the  folly  of  their  fathers. 
May  Heaven  avert  these  evils,  and  endow  us  with  wisdom,  so  to 
act,  as  may  best  promote  the  present  and  future  peace,  prosperity, 
and  happiness  of  our  country." 

He  was  now  appointed  marine  agent,  and  superintended  the 
affairs  of  the  navy,  in  conjunction  with  other  labors,  for  some 
time  after.  His  connection  with  the  public  finances,  was  now  draw 
ing  to  a  close.  His  labors  had  been  arduous  and  efficient ;  whatever 
calumny  may  have  then  dictated,  or  oppression  wrung  from  an 
embarrassed  country,  and  a  disordered  people,  posterity  will  do  him 
justice,  and  admit  that  "  Americans  certainly  owed,  and  still  owe 
as  much  acknowledgment  to  the  financial  operations  of  EGBERT 
MORRIS,  as  to  the  negotiations  of  Benjamin  Franklin;" — the  rest 
of  the  sentence  ; — "  or  even  the  arms  of  Washington,"*  we  are 
not  prepared  to  indorse. 

In  1775,  the  charter  of  the  Bank  of  North  America,  formed  and 
fostered  by  the  exertions  and  solicitude  of  MORRIS,  principally 
through  the  efforts  of  his  enemies,  and  a  bitter  party  spirit,  was 
withdrawn.  To  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  especially  the  stock 
holders  of  the  bank,  this  was  a  serious  inconvenience,  and  they 
resolved  to  make  every  effort  for  its  re-charter.  At  the  earnest 
wish  of  the  citizens,  MORRIS  was  elected,  in  1786,  to  Congress,  for 
this  purpose.  A  warm  friend  to  the  institution,  he  was  zealous 
in  his  efforts  to  effect  their  object.  He  failed,  however,  and  it 
was  not  till  the  next  year  a  new  charter  was  obtained, 

Actuated  by  the  same  patriotic  spirit  that  induced  him,  from 
the  outset,  to  serve  his  country,  a.nd  affix  his  signature  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  MORRIS  consented  to  serve  in  the 
convention  that  formed  the  Federal  Constitution.  It  might  here 
be  remarked,  that  MORRIS,  when  he  signed  the  Declaration,  felt 
as  though  it  was  a  "bond  by  which  the  "fortunes  and  lives  "  of  the 
signers  were  pledged  to  the  country  it  severed  from  other  coun 
tries.  It  is  clearly  evident  that,  though  his  life  was  not  required, 
the  pledge,  on  his  part,  so  far  as  "fortune  "  was  concerned,  was 

*  Botta. 


406  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

redeemed  to  the  letter.  In  the  convention,  he  met  many  of  his 
old  companions,  whose  names,  along  with  his,  will  reach  the 
remotest  hours  of  time,  as  signers  of  the  Declaration.  Franklin, 
Sherman,  Gerry,  and  Wythe,  were  there.  They  had  met  in  a 
different  capacity,  but  with  the  same  hearts,  energies,  and  high 
purposes.  u  A  firm,  wise,  manly  system  of  Federal  government," 
was  his  desire,  and  though  he  was  not  a  scholar,  nor  a  brilliant 
speaker,  in  that  convention  he  labored  with  as  much  zeal,  and 
evinced  a  solidity  of  judgment,  and  sternness  of  will,  surpassed 
by  no  one. 

After  the  submission  and  ratification  of  the  Constitution,  MORRIS 
was  sent  by  Pennsylvania  to  the  first  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
which  met  at  Philadelphia.  This  was  in  1778.  MORRIS,  in  that 
body,  was  a  working,  influential  member.  Though  he  seldom 
made  speeches,  when  he  did  address  the  house,  he  elicited  undi 
vided  attention.  He  possessed  a  good  fund  of  historical  knowledge. 
and  was  well-versed  in  political  matters.  His  speeches,  though 
not  brilliant,  were  serious,  earnest,  brief,  and  direct  to  the  point. 
His  manners  were  plain,  simple,  and  unaffected,  while  his  firm 
ness  and  decision  were  unsurpassed.  While  he  possessed  an 
intuitive  discrimination  of  correct  principles  and  rules  of  action, 
no  man  more  carefully  studied  the  full  scope  of  his  relative  duties 
or  labored  more  faithfully  in  their  discharge.  His  services  in  the 
Senate  closed  his  political  life. 

It  is  painful  to  know  that  this  great  patriot,  who  lavished  means 
freely  for  his  country,  was,  in  old  age,  when  the  comforts  of  life 
were  so  much  needed,  reduced  to  poverty.  Heavy  and  unfor 
tunate  land  speculations,  and  commercial  transactions  with  India 
and  China,  opened  by  the  peace  to  which  he  so  much  contributed, 
hurried  his  private  affairs  to  a  disastrous  catastrophe,  swallowed 
up  all  his  means,  and  left  him  a  bankrupt.  Wearied  with  the 
toils  of  a  laborious  life,  and  harassed  to  death  by  private  anxieties, 
his  old  age,  which  should  have  been  serene  and  quiet,  was  bitter 
and  mournful.  He  was  a  large  fleshy  man,  approaching  to 
corpulency,  with  a  full  open  face,  that  bid  defiance  to  lines  of 
misfortune  and  personal  griefs.  Though  married  at  the  age  of 
thirty-nine,  he  never  had  issue.  In  his  domestic  life,  no  one  was 
more  kind,  generous  and  hospitable.  Worn  down  with  accumu 
lated  infirmities  of  both  mind  and  body,  he  died  of  asthma,  to 
attacks  of  which,  he  had  long  been  subject,  on  the  8th  of  May, 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  407 

1806.  Posterity  will  scarcely  believe  that  this  great  man  died  in 
confinement,  imposed  by  legal  coercion ;  yet,  such  seems  to  have 
been  the  fact.  At  a  time  when  ease  and  comfort  were  most  need 
ful  to  his  failing  frame,  he  was  imprisoned  for  debt,  and  passed 
in  confinement  his  latter  days,  from  among  men.*  The  sad  close 
of  his  eventful  life,  brings  us  toward  the  last  of  those  who  figured 
through  the  Revolution,  of  whom  we  shall  attempt  a  portraiture. 
The  name  of  each,  thus  far  in  our  work,  has  been  more  or  less 
connected  with  that  memorable  event.  Cotemporaries  of  a  mighty 
era!  we  look  back  upon  your  struggles  with  admiration  and 
awe5 — gjgh  with  reverence  at  the  spots  where  you  sleep,  and  ask 
if,  for  the  conclusion  of  our  task,  there  are  not  other  names  and 
other  deeds  worthy  your  gigantic  labors, — heirs  to  your  inflexible 
virtues !  "We  think  there  are,  and,  admonished  by  your  purity, 
will  aim  to  place  them  faithfully  along  with  yours,  proud  to  claim 
them  as  part  of  your  illustrious  progeny. 

*  Encyclopaedia  Americana. 


JOHN  KUTLEDGE. 


THROUGH  the  revolutionary  struggle,  men  of  distinction,  both 
civic  and  military,  simultaneously  appeared  upon  the  stage  of 
action,  imbued  with  firm  resolve,  energetic  will,  and  talents 
adapted  to  the  crisis.  The  hardy  yeomanry  of  the  soil,  who  with 
out  prior  experience  proved  themselves  equal  matches  for  the 
veterans  of  many  a  battle-field,  were  equaled  only  by  the  states 
men  and  jurists  who,  though  seemingly  the  creation  of  emer 
gencies,  gave  evidences  of  superior  mind  and  attainments.  In  no 
part  of  the  country  were  the  examples  of  individual  patriotism 
and  heroic  effort  more  manifest,  than  in  South  Carolina,  and  few 
names  more  adorn  the  .galaxy  of  early  patriots,  than  JOHN  KUT- 

LEDGE. 

The  eldest  of  seven  children,  and  sou  of  Dr.  John  Kutledge,  he 
was  born  in  South  Carolina,  in  the  year  1739.  His  father  was 
a  native  of  the  Emerald  Isle,  but  came  to  America  in  1775,  and 
took  up  his  residence  in  South  Carolina,  where  he  married  the 
beautiful  Miss  Hexe,  then  in  her  fifteenth  year,  a  native  of  that 
State.  She,  it  is  said,  was  remarkable  for  her  beauty,  energy  of 
mind  and  mental  accomplishments.  Few  women  have  given 
birth  to  sons  more  eminent  than  JOHN  and  Edward  Kutledge. 

Dr.  Kutledge  died  when  his  son  JOHN  was  but  a  small  lad, 
leaving  the  entire  superintendence  of  the  family  to  his  mother. 
She  proved  herself  competent  to  the  task.  She  was  left  in  pos 
session  of  a  large  fortune,  which  was  judiciously  managed,  and 
its  proceeds  applied  to  the  education  of  her  children.  JOHN 
KUTLEDGE,  after  receiving  the  best  instructions  his  native  State 
could  afford,  was  sent  to  London  for  the  completion  of  his  studies, 
(408) 


JOHN  KUTLEDGE. 


JOHN    KUTLEDGE.  409 

where  he  was  soon  led  to  decide  upon  law  as  his  vocation. 
Having  passed  the  regular  course,  as  student  of  the  Temple,  he 
obtained  license  as  barrister :  he  returned  to  Carolina,  and  began 
the  practice  in  the  city  of  Charleston,  in  1761,  in  the  twenty-third 
year  of  his  age. 

He  rose  rapidly  in  his  profession,  and  took  an  immediate  stand 
among  the  most  successful  at  the  bar.  In  addition  to  a  mind 
uncommonly  strong,  vigorous,  and  inquisitive,  he  had  all  the 
advantages  wealth,  education,  and  travel  could  give.  His  first 
case  was  a  breach  of  contract.  A  man  in  his  county  had  promised 
to  marry  a  lady,  and  afterward  refused.  She  brought  suit  for 
damages,  and  young  RUTLEDGE  was  her  attorney.  He  gained 
her  cause  without  difficulty,  and  managed  it  in  such  a  way  as  to 
establish  a  legal  reputation  in  the  outset  of  his  career. 

He  enjoyed  a  long  and  lucrative  practice  ;  his  services  were 
sought  after  by  all  kinds  of  clients,  who  had  great  confidence  in 
his  ability.  His  attributes,  as  a  lawyer,  could  not,  perhaps,  be 
better  expressed  than  in  the  language  of  Dr.  Simms :  "He  was," 
says  he,  "  equal  at  once,  to  the  boldest  flights  of  passion  and  fancy, 
and  to  the  strictest  and  severest  processes  of  ratiocination.  His 
reason  and  his  impulse  wrought  happily  together.  His  enthusi 
asm  was  never  suffered  to  cripple  his  induction,  nor  the  severity 
of  his  analysis  to  stifle  the  ardor  of  his  utterance.  A  happy  com 
bination  of  all  the  essentials  of  the  lawyer  and  the  orator  were 
soon  acknowledged  to  be  in  his  possession."  He  might  have 
added  also,  that  the  whole  was  stamped  with  an  independent  ori 
ginality,  amounting  almost  to  haughtiness,  and  a  defiant  disre 
gard  of  opinions,  bordering  on  recklessness. 

In  1763,  in  his  twenty-fifth  year,  RUTLEDGE  was  married  to 
Elizabeth  Griinke,  by  whom  he  had  seven  children,  one  of  which 
subsequently  became  a  member  of  congress.  After  enjoying  an 
honorable  practice  in  his  profession,  and  taking  a  position  at  the 
bar  surpassed  by  none  in  the  colony,  he  was  elected,  in  1765,  a 
delegate  to  the  first  continental  Congress  that  assembled  after  the 
passage  of  the  Stamp  Act.  Foremost  among  the  most  bold  and 
denunciatory,  against  the  aggressions  of  England,  in  that  body, 
stood  JOHN  RUTLEDGE.  The  creditable  manner  in  which  he  dis 
charged  his  duties,  as  delegate,  won  for  him  a  bright  name  among 
the  patriots  of  the  day.  Speaking  of  him  as  a  lawyer  and  legis 
lator,  Ramsay  pays  him  the  following  tribute :  "  In  both  capaci- 


410  JOHN     KUTLEDGE. 

ties  he  was  admitted  as  a  public  speaker.  His  ideas  were  clear 
and  strong,  his  utterance  rapid,  but  distinct ;  his  voice,  action, 
and  en.ergetic  manner  of  speaking,  forcibly  impressed  his  senti 
ments  on  the  minds  and  hearts  of  all  who  heard  him.  At  reply, 
he  was  quick,  instantly  comprehending  the  force  of  an  objection, 
and  saw  at  once  the  best  mode  of  weakening  or  repelling  it.  He 
successfully  used  both  argument  and  wit  for  invalidating  the 
observations  of  his  adversary.  By  the  former,  he  destroyed  or 
weakened  their  force ;  by  the  latter,  he  placed  them  in  so  ludi 
crous  a  point  of  ^ight,  that  it  often  convinced,  and  scarcely  ever 
failed  of  conciliating  and  pleasing  his  hearers." 

He  continues  these  remarks  by  an  hyperbolical  comparison 
between  RUTLEDGE'S  and  Demosthenes'  eloquence,  that  is  too  far 
fetched  to  possess  any  weight,  in  arriving  at  a  correct  estimate  of 
the  South  Carolinian's  characteristics. 

On  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  he  resumed  his  labors  as  a 
lawyer  in  Charleston,  which  he  pursued  with  energy  and  marked 
success,  until  the  commencement  of  hostilities.  He  was  then 
regarded  as  among  the  ablest  advocates  in  his  native  State. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  revolution,  no  colony  made  a  more 
decided  stand,  nor  acted  with  greater  unanimity,  than  did  South 
Carolina.  Her  citizens  met  in  general  convention  at  Charleston, 
July  6, 1774,  denounced  in  strong  terms  the  Parliamentary  en 
actments,,  established  corresponding  committees,  and  appointed 
delegates  to  a  general  Congress.  Two  of  these  were  JOHN,  and 
Edward  Eutledge. 

Some  one  proposed  instructing  the  delegates  as  to  how  they 
should  act.  RUTLEDGE  boldly  opposed  being  trammeled  by 
instructions,  and  desired  to  act  with  his  colleagues  as  circum 
stances  might  dictate.  Firm  as  steel,  in  his  native  indepen 
dence,  he  urged  his  countrymen  to  resistance,  in  appeals  that 
struck  to  their  hearts.  Speaking  of  the  causes  of  complaint  and 
urging  the  unanimous  appointment  of  delegates  to  the  general 
Congress,  he  met  some  opposition.  While  dwelling  upon  the 
advantages  of  such  a  body,  a  strong  opponent  of  the  measure 
asked:  "What  shall  be  done  with  the  delegates  if  they  betray 
their  constituents  ?"  u  Hang  them  !  hang  them  !  /"  character 
istically  replied  RUTLEDGE,  with  passionate  vehemence. 

To  participate  in  the  deliberations  of  that  Congress,  the  most 
eminent  men  in  the  country  convened.  Patrick  Henry,  on  being 


JOHN    RUTLEDGE.  411 

questioned  concerning  the  different  members,  said:  uThe  most 
eloquent  man  was  JOHN  RUTLEDGE."  *  *  * 

On  their  return  home,  the  Assembly  of  South  Carolina  gave 
her  delegates  a  unanimous  vote  of  thanks  for  the  manner  in  which 
they  had  acquitted  themselves,  as  delegates  to  the  general  Con 
gress.  He  was  appointed,  as  was  his  brother  Edward,  to  the 
next  general  Congress,  where,  along  with  the  elder  Adams,  he 
was  among  the  first  to  advocate  an  entire  separation  from  the 
mother  country,  and  the  enactment  of  their  own  laws  by  the 
colonies.  Being  made  chairman  of  a  committee  to  which  were 
referred  some  memorials,  he  expressed  in  his  report  a  recom 
mendation  to  the  effect  that  Massachusetts  should,  as  a  colony, 
regulate  her  own  concerns,  "until  a  governor  of  his  Majesty's 
appointment  consent  to  govern  the  colony  according  to  its  char 
ter."  RUTLEDGE  was,  in  fact,  according  to  John  Adams,  one  who, 
"  sink  or  swim,  live  or  die,"  remained  firm, — "  completely  with 
us,  in  our  desire  of  revolutionizing  all  the  governments  "  of  the 
colonies. 

By  his  course  in  Congress,  and  his  stirring  appeals  at  home, 
he  became  the  champion  of  revolution  in  South  Carolina,  whose 
devotion  to  the  cause  throughout  is  greatly  attributable  to  his 
talent  and  influence.  From  his  position  in  the  general  Congress, 
he  took  his  seat  in  the  provincial  Assembly  of  South  Carolina, 
and  devoted  himself  to  the  object  of  State  reform.  Having  deter 
mined,  after  much  opposition,  to  adopt  an  independent  State  con 
stitution,  RUTLEDGE  was  made  one  of  the  committee  to  draft  that 
instrument.  He  made  his  report  soon  after,  when  the  constitu 
tion,  which  was  the  result  of  the  committee's  labors,  was  adopted. 
By  its  provisions,  the  legislature  was  divided  into  three  branches, 
an  assembly,  council,  and  privy  council,  with  a  president  and 
commander-in-chief,  who  was  the  executor  of  general  matters. 
Soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  RUTLEDGE  was  selected 
president  unanimously,  and  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  station 
at  a  time  of  eminent  peril  to  South  Carolina,  as  well  as  to  Amer 
ica  generally. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  Assembly  at  the  time  of  his  election, 
and  addressed  that  body,  after  receiving  their  pledges  of  support, 
iu  remarks  of  some  elegance,  much  zeal,  and  decided  firmness. 
Thanking  them  for  the  confidence  reposed  in  his  capacity,  he 
reviewed  the  series  of  aggressive  acts,  insisted  upon  by  the  Eng- 
28 


412  JOHN    KUTLEDGE. 

lish  ministry,  and  concluded  by  expressing  his  hopes  "  that,  under 
Providence,  the  liberties  of  America  might  forever  be  preserved." 
After  these  remarks,  he  took  the  oath  of  office,  and  became  gov 
ernor  of  South  Carolina.  Speaking  of  this  a  short  time  after,  he 
said  :  "  On  my  part,  a  most  solemn  oath  has  been  taken  for  the 
faithful  discharge  of  my  duty.  On  yours,  a  solemn  assurance  has 
been  given  to  support  me  therein.  Thus  a  public  compact  be 
tween  us  stands  recorded.  You  may  rest  assured  that  I  shall  ever 
keep  this  oath  in  my  mind :  the  Constitution  shall  be  the  invari 
able  rule  of  my  conduct ;  my  ears  shall  always  be  opened  to  the 
complaints  of  the  injured ;  justice  and  mercy  shall  neither  be  de 
nied  nor  delayed ;  our  laws  and  religion,  and  the  liberties  of 
America  shall  be  maintained  and  defended  to  the  utmost  of  my 
power.  I  repose  the  most  perfect  confidence  in  your  engage 
ments." 

These  promises  were  not  made  to  be  forgotten, — RUTLEDGE 
redeemed  them. 

He  commenced  his  duties  as  president  of  the  colony,  just  before 
its  invasion  by  the  British  troops,  a  period  of  critical  moment  in 
southern  history,  memorable  alike  for  the  heroism  of  her  sons,  and 
the  displays  of  wisdom  by  her  public  servants.  In  June,  1776, 
RUTLEDGE  was  advised  of  the  approach  of  Clinton  with  an  over 
whelming  force,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  left  Boston  for  that 
purpose.  RUTLEDGE  felt  the  importance  of  the  crisis,  promptly 
ordered  out  the  militia,  and  took  preliminary  steps  to  meet  him. 
His  energy  in  concentrating  the  resources  of  the  country,  his 
unwavering  firmness  in  infusing  the  proper  spirit  into  the 
troops,  and  his  iron-will  in  execution  were  acknowledged  every 
where,  and  contributed  much  to  the  acceleration  of  subsequent 
events. 

By  his  activity,  six  thousand  men  responded  to  the  call,  and 
rallied  to  the  standard,  raw  recruits,  but  of  dauntless  hearts. 
Among  them  were  Marion,  Moultrie,  Horry,  Jasper  and  Motte. 
RUTLEDGE  inspired  them  with  his  own  proud  ardor  for  the  defense 
of  Charleston.  On  Sullivan's  Island,  a  rude  fort  was  constructed 
of  palmetto  logs  ;  the  soldiers  appearing  as  joyous  while  building 
it,  as  though  they  were  preparing  a  feast.  Meantime,  reinforce 
ments  arrived ;  with  them  came  General  Lee.  He  gave  the  fort, 
which  was  called  Fort  Moultrie,  a  hasty  examination.  He  con 
demned  it  at  once:  "  It  is  a  slaughter-pen,  sir,"  said  he;  "they 


JOHN    RUTLEDGE 


413 


will  knock  your  fort  about  your  heads  in  half  an  hour,"*  and 
advised  its  evacuation.  KUTLEDGE  thought  differently,  and  replied 
that,  "  while  a  soldier  remained  alive  to  defend  it,  it  should  not 
be  abandoned."  At  length,  the  British  fleet  hove  in  sight, — the 
day  of  battle  arrived.  The  gallant  Moultrie  slipped  in  his  pocket 
the  directions  of  RUTLEDGE,  and  prepared  for  action.  They  read 
as  follows  :  "  General  Lee  wishes  you  to  evacuate  the  fort.  You 
will  not  do  so,  without  an  order  from  me.  I  would  sooner  out 
off  my  hand  than  write  one.  j  RUTLEDGE." 

RUTLEDGE  gathered  the  citizens  together  in  the  city, — assigned 
them  certain  advantageous  posts, — armed  them  as  best  he  could ; 
and,  walked  about  among  them,  inspiring  them  with  reso 
lution  to  defend  their  homes,  in  case  the  British  succeeded  in 
landing.  Meantime,  the  cannonade  opened  like  a  hail-cloud  upon 
the  little  fort.  The  flag-staff  was  cut  away,  and  it  did  seem  as 
though  they  would  knock  the  fort  about  their  heads  in  half  an 
hour ;  but,  just  then,  Jasper  leaped  courageously  upon  the  beach, 
among  lead  and  ball,  snatched  up  the  broken  banner,  and  replaced 
it  upon  the  fortress.  RUTLEDGE  witnessed  the  scene.  Lee 
still  thinking  a  retreat  advisable,  sent  to  Moultrie  the  follow 
ing  order:  "If  you  should  expend  your  ammunition  without 
beating  off  the  enemy,  or  driving  them  on  ground,  spike  your 
guns  and  retreat  with  all  possible  order '."  RUTLEDGE  still  think 
ing  differently,  contrived  a  supply  of  powder  into  the  fort,  with 
the  following  characteristic  note  to  Moultrie:  "I  send  you  five 
hundred  pounds  of  powder.  You  know  our  collection  is  not 
great.  Honor  and  victory,  my  good  sir,  to  you  and  our  worthy 
countrymen.  Do  not  make  too  free  with  your  cannon, — cool 
and  do  mischief"  They  did  do  mischief.  Some  of  the  enemy's 
vessels  blew  up,  others  had  their  entire  force  killed  or  disabled. 

After  a  cannonade  of  eight  hours,  with  the  loss  of  the  com 
mander,  Lord  Campbell,  and  many  of  their  brave  troops,  they 
hauled  off.  By  the  victory  of  Moultrie,  South  Carolina  purchased 
repose  sufficient  for  breathing  time,  prevented  the  investment  of 
Charleston,  and  diverted  the  efforts  of  the  enemy  from  her  borders. 
For  these  results,  all  praise  is  due  the  lion-hearted  RUTLEDGE,  who 
was  the  soul  of  the  gallant  army. 


Horry. 


414  JOHN    RUTLEDGE. 

The  day  after  the  victory,  RUTLEDGE  visited  the  brave  army, 
and  with  his  counteDance  full  of  animation,  addressed  them  with 
fervid  eloquence, — his  whole  soul  full  of  emotion.  After  con 
cluding  his  speech,  he  called  the  intrepid  Jasper  from  the  ranks, 
and  presented  him  his  own  sword.  Years  after  this  event,  when 
age  had  silvered  his  locks,  he  stood  upon  the  same  spot,  and  with 
animated  face,  recounted  its  incidents,  as  memory  transferred  him 
back  among  his  former  comrades. 

"  I  remember,"  said  he  to  a  friend,  "  the  engagement,  as  though 
it  were  fought  but  yesterday  ;  I  remember  my  perfect  confidence 
in  Moultrie ;  I  have  all  the  scenes  before  me,  too,  when  I  visited 
the  post  to  express  the  thanks  of  the  country  to  the  heroes  who 
defended  it.  Here  stood  Moultrie, — there  Motte, — there  Marion, 
Horry,  and  the  intrepid  band  they  commanded.  I  addressed 
them  with  an  energy  of  feeling  that  I  had  never  before  ex 
perienced  ;  and,  if  ever  I  had  pretensions  to  eloquence,  it  was  at 
that  moment." 

Gordon,  in  his  Anecdotes,  says :  that,  during  this  recital,  RUT- 
LEDGE  seemed  animated,  as  though  he  was  actually  fighting  the 
battle  over  again,  and  talking  to  the  old  companions  he  had 
mentioned.  Meantime,  independence  had  been  declared  ;  a  copy 
of  the  Declaration  was  transmitted  to  South  Carolina.  RUT- 
LEDGE  sent  it  to  the  Assembly,  with  the  following  words :  "It  is 
a  decree  worthy  of  America ;  we  thankfully  receive  the  ratifi 
cation,  and  rejoice  at  it ;  and,  we  are  determined,  at  every  hazard, 
to  endeavor  to  maintain  it,  so  that,  after  we  have  departed,  our 
children,  and  their  latest  posterity,  may  have  cause  to  bless  our 
memory."  It  was  joyfully  received  throughout  the  State.  On 
the  convention  of  the  Assembly,  RUTLEDGE  was  again  elected 
provincial  president.  For  this  post  he  was  eminently  fitted,  and 
much  prosperity  happened  to  the  State  through  the  efforts  of  his 
administration.  After  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  South 
Carolina  adopted  a  new  constitution.  As  president,  he  had  to 
ratify  it.  This  he  refused  to  do.  The  new  constitution,  for 
the  name  Colony,  substituted  State, — for  President,  Governor, — 
changed  the  legislature  from  three  to  two  branches, — provided 
for  the  election  of  the  second  branch  by  the  people,  instead  of 
the  first,  and  declared  rotation  in  the  executive  office.  His 
objections  were  oased  upon  a  want  of  legislative  jurisdiction  in 
the  premises,  and  an  averred  choice  of  the  people  to  election  of 


JOHN    RUTLEDGE.  415 

one  branch  of  the  legislature  by  the  other.  The  consequence  of 
his  refusal,  was  a  resignation.  Lowndes  succeeded  to  the  office 
of  governor,  and  ratified  the  constitution. 

KUTLEDGE,  in  his  refusal,  was  conscientious,  though  his  imperi 
ous  nature  was  not  the  most  susceptible  of  being  convinced ;  his 
opinion  was  almost  immovable,  and  principles  fixed  as  the  laws  of 
his  nature.  After  the  ratification  of  the  new  constitution,  and  the 
election  of  his  successor,  he  retired  to  private  life,  with  a  name 
untarnished.  Soon  after  his  retirement,  an  invasion  more  formi 
dable  than  the  first,  threatened  South  Carolina,  and  filled  the 
State  with  alarm.  On  the  appearance  of  danger,  all  eyes  turned 
to  RUTLEDGE,  as  the  man  most  suited  to  the  emergency.  General 
Lincoln  assumed  command  in  the  south,  while  RUTLEDGE  became 
the  heart  of  the  revolutionary  movement.  His  energies  were 
taxed  to  the  utmost  in  preparing  for  the  defense  of  Charleston, 
then  threatened  with  formal  investment  by  the  troops  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton.  The  Assembly  was  in  session,  and  sensible  of  the  crisis, 
invested  him  with  plenary  powers.  He  called  upon  the  militia  ; 
but,  chilled  by  the  host  of  Clinton,  they  did  not  comply.  He 
issued  a  proclamation,  threatening  all  with  confiscation,  who 
refused  to  assist  in  the  defense;  it  was  vain, — the  spirit  of 
Moultrie  had  departed, — subdued  by  the  preparation  of  the  foes. 
By  great  efforts,  however,  rude  fortifications  were  thrown  up,  and 
manned  with  four  thousand  troops,  after  which,  RUTLEDGE,  as 
being  almost  the  entire  government,  returned  from  the  city.  The 
British,  soon  after,  opened  a  destructive  fire  upon  their  works, 
which  were  soon  captured,  and  General  Lincoln  was  forced  to 
surrender  the  city. 

South  Carolina,  which  had  not  hitherto  felt  the  heel  of  the 
invader,  now  became  the  theater  of  operations,  and  seemed  almost 
subdued.  All  that  firmness  and  decision  could  do  to  avert 
the  storm  was  done  by  RUTLEDGE.  No  man  loved  his  State 
better,  or  hated  England  with  a  more  deadly  hate.  Failing  in 
his  endeavors  to  fly  to  the  relief  of  the  capital,  and  to  assemble 
tho  State  troops,  he  turned  to  Congress  and  importuned  aid.  He 
succeeded.  The  brave  old  De  Kalb,  with  a  body  of  regulars,  was 
sent  to  rescue  the  almost  conquered  State,  while  Horatio  Gates 
was  placed  at  the  head  of  three  thousand  troops  for  the  same 
object.  Flushed  with  the  success  of  Saratoga,  he  thought  of 
nothing  but  victory,  nor  made  the  slightest  preparation  for  a 


416  JOHN    RUTLEDGE. 

reverse.  He  marched  his  army  to  Camden,  where,  though  much 
larger  than  that  of  the  enemy,  it  was  entirely  routed.  Gates  did  not 
lack  activity  on  this  occasion,  as  he  was  found  a  great  distance 
from  the  field,  in  an  almost  incredible  short  space  of  time,  after  the 
attack  began.  His  greatest  faults  were  arrogance  and  cowardice. 
After  the  battle  of  Camden,  the  greatest  consternation  prevailed 
throughout  the  State,  and  the  firmness  of  RUTLEDGE  was  all  that 
kept  the  remains  of  the  army  together,  and  prevented  entire  de 
spondency.  He  remained  in  the  field,  reassuring  the  crest-fallen 
soldiers  of  Gates,  until  the  arrival  of  General  Greene  to  take  the 
southern  command,  under  whose  management,  prospects  began  to 
brighten  up  again. 

General  Greene  commenced  operations  under  very  inauspicious 
.circumstances ;  and,  but  for  his  being  so  nobly  seconded  by  HUT- 
LEDGE,  it  is  questionable,  whether,  from  such  military  chaos,  he 
could  have  derived  means  of  sustenance.  These  two  distinguished 
men  labored  in  concert,  in  a  manner  highly  creditable  to  both.  In 
one  of  his  earliest  dispatches,  Greene  said:  "  We  are  obliged  to 
sustain  ourselves  by  our  own  industry,  aided  by  the  influence  of 
Governor  RUTLEDGE,  who  is  one  of  the  first  characters  I  ever 
met  with" 

That  campaign  of  Greene,  was  one  of  the  most  arduous  of  tho 
revolution,  and  to  the  series  of  victories  that  ultimately  attended 
it,  the  influence  of  RUTLEDGE  contributed  much,  and  was  fully 
appreciated  by  the  commander.  He  was  several  times  at  the 
camp  of  Greene,  during  his  most  distressing  difficulties,  and 
continually  exerted  his  great  influence  with  Congress,  to  procure 
needful  supplies  for  the  army.  Marion,  Pickens  and  Morgan, 
too,  were  singled  out  for  usefulness  by  his  penetrating  sagacity, 
and  elevated  to  efficient  co-operators  with  Greene,  through  all  his 
achievments  that  terminated  with  such  happy  results  at  Eutaw 
Springs. 

He  went  in  person  to  Congress,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
necessaries,  and  was  not  unsuccessful.  After  these  efforts,  when 
victory  began  to  perch  upon  Greene's  southern  banner,  he  re 
turned  to  his  more  appropriate  sphere, — the  civic  department 
of  his  State.  Among  the  fragments  of  the  desolating  invasion, 
were  the  wrecks  of  civil  government,  that  had  to  be  reconstructed 
from  the  general  chaos,  by  the  hand  of  RUTLEDGE.  He  issued  pro 
clamations, — reorganized  the  courts  of  justice, — punished  merce- 


JOHN    KUTLEDGE.  417 

ary  desperadoes,  and  by  his  bold  energy,  soon  re-established 
order  and  system.  Never,  perhaps,  was  an  independent,  imperi 
ous  nature  more  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  times,  nor  a  man  more 
fitted  for  his  position  than  was  he ;  yet,  with  his  haughty  tempera 
ment,  there  was  a  manly  impulse  that  spurned  to  retaliate  upon 
the  enemy,  the  almost  unheard  of  cruelties  practiced  through  the 
State,  by  Tarleton  and  Kawdon,  but  pursued  a  course  lenient  as 
possible,  not  to  be  inconsistent  with  duty.  He  was  present  at  the 
battle  of  Eutaw  Springs,  encouraging  the  militia,  among  whom, 
the  name  of  RUTLEDGE  was  a  talisman ;  they  fought  under  the 
eye  of  Greene,  and  won  his  unbounded  admiration.  That  battle 
was  a  virtual  overthrow  of  British  domination  in  South  Carolina. 
All  along,  JOHN  RUTLEDGE  and  the  State  government  had  been 
synonymous ;  he  was  both  branches  of  the  legislature  and  the 
executive ;  seldom  have  plenary  powers  been  less  abused,  or  more 
honorably  exercised.  He  would  draw  up  what  measures  seemed 
necessary,  impress  them  with  the  great  seal  of  the  State,  and  they 
became  law.  After  the  victory,  he  issued  a  proclamation,  declar 
ing  a  full  pardon  to  all  who,  under  the  panic  of  British  successes 
had  joined  the  enemy,  provided  that,  within  thirty  days,  they 
would  return  to  duty  as  militiamen  in  the  American  service, — 
with  some  flagrant  exceptions.  Availing  themselves  of  the  terms> 
many  joined  the  army. 

Not  wishing  to  exercise  his  extraordinary  power  longer  than 
necessary,  and  the  British  being  hemmed  up  in  Charleston,  as  their 
last  stronghold,  RUTLEDGE  thought  it  a  fit  time  to  convene  the 
Assembly,  which  had  not  met  since  the  defeat  of  Gates.  Election 
writs  were  circulated  throughout  the  State ;  the  Assembly  was  to 
moet  at  Jacksonborough,  some  ten  leagues  from  Charleston.  Fire 
and  sword  had  swept  over  the  State,  and  nowhere  had  the  rapacity 
of  the  foe  been  more  manifest,  or  the  sufferings  of  the  people 
more  intense. 

Accompanying  the  election  writs  he  sent  to  Marion,  was  the 
following  order  for  feasting  the  legislators :  "  I  wish  you  to  pro 
cure  twelve  barrels  of  rice  for  the  use  of  the  Assembly,  at  their 
intended  meeting  on  the  8th  of  next  month.  Be  pleased  to  have- 
that  quantity  procured  as  high  up  Santee  river  as  it  can  be  got, 
and  let  me  know  as  soon  as  possible  where  it  is,  that  I  may 
order  wagons  to  fetch  it  down  from  thence  to  Camden  in  time." 

It  would  be  well  enough  for  pampered  Congressmen  now-a- 


418  JOHN    RUTLEDGE. 

days,  to  look  back  along  Edisto  river,  to  that  rice-fed  assembly, 
convened  on  the  8th  of  January,  1782.  Marion  was  there, 
Gadsden  was  there,  and  there,  too,  was  KUTLEDGE  to  give  up  his 
dictatorship.  No  interest  but  their  country,  no  pay  but  liberty, 
they  met  as  patriots  for  the  public  good.  EUTLEDGE  addressed 
them  in  one  of  his  characteristic  impetuous  displays  of  spon 
taneous  oratory,  reviewing  the  list  of  wrongs  endured  by  their 
injured  country.  He  said:  "Indians,  slaves,  and  a  desperate 
banditti  of  the  most  profligate  characters,  were  caressed  and 
employed  by  the  enemy  to  execute  their  infamous  purposes.  Devas 
tation  and  ruin  marked  their  progress,  and  that  of  their  adherents ; 
nor  were  their  violences  restrained  by  the  charms  or  influence  of 
innocence  and  beauty.  Even  the  fair  sex,  whom  it  is  the  duty  of 
all,  and  the  pleasure  and  the  pride  of  the  brave  to  protect ;  they, 
and  their  offspring,  were  victims  to  the  inveterate  malice  of  an 
unrelenting  foe.  Neither  the  tears  of  mothers,  nor  the  cries  of 
infants,  could  excite  in  their  breasts  pity  or  compassion.  Not 
only  the  peaceful  habitation  of  the  widow,  the  aged  and  infirm, 
but  the  holy  temple  of  the  Most  High  were  consumed  in  flames, 
kindled  by  their  sacrilegious  hands.  They  have  tarnished  the 
glory  of  the  British  arms, — disgraced  the  profession,  and  fixed 
indelible  stigmas  of  rapine,  cruelty,  perfidy  and  profaneness  on 
the  British  name.  But  I  now  congratulate  you,  and  I  do  so  most 
cordially,  on  the  pleasing  change  of  affairs,  which,  under  the 
blessing  of  God,  the  wisdom,  prudence,  address,  and  bravery  of 
the  great  and  gallant  General  Greene,  and  the  intrepidity  of  the 
officers  and  men  under  his  command,  has  been  happily  effected ; 
a  general  who  is  justly  entitled,  from  his  many  signal  services,  to 
honorable  and  singular  marks  of  your  approbation  and  gratitude." 
The  Assembly  immediately  passed  a  law,  which,  though  ap 
proved  by  RUTLEDGE,  may  very  well  be  called  in  question ;  this 
provided  for  the  confiscation  of  property  belonging  to  such  as 
adhered  to  the  British,  throughout  the  State.  During  the  brief 
period  of  the  enforcement  of  this  rigorous  measure,  RUTLEDGE  was 
violently  assailed  for  giving  his  assent  to  it.  On  the  expiration 
of  his  executive  term,  not  being  re-eligible  under  the  Constitution, 
which  provided,  that  the  same  man  could  fill  the  office  of  gov 
ernor  but  two  years  out  of  six,  he  was  superseded  by  John 
Matthews.  He  was  immediately  elected  to  Congress,  and  took 
his  seat,  May  2d,  1782. 


JOHN    RUTLEDGE.  419 

Partaking,  in  common,  with  the  wisest  members,  of  the  appre 
hension  lest  recent  successes  showed  an  inactive  spirit  on  the  part 
of  the  States  to  terminate  the  war,  that  would  be  dangerous,  he 
was  selected  to  frame  an  address  to  the  southern  States,  to  counteract 
it.  This  was  done  in  a  very  masterly  style.  Ramsay  says :  u  He 
drew  such  a  picture  of  the  United  States,  and  the  danger  to  which 
they  were  exposed  by  the  backwardness  of  the  particular  States  to 
comply  with  the  requisitions  of  Congress  as  produced  a  very 
happy  effect.  He  acquitted  himself  with  so  much  ability,  that 
the  Virginians  began  to  doubt  whether  their  Patrick  Henry,  or 
South  Carolina  RUTLEDGE  was  the  more  accomplished  speaker." 

This  Congress  numbered  names  since  become  historical ;  the 
bold  and  eloquent  RUTLEDGE,  the  peerless  Hamilton,  the  sagacious 
Madison,  the  erudite  Ellsworth,  the  classic  Dyer,  and  others  were 
there.  At  the  close  of  a  mighty  revolution,  they  stood  contem 
plating  the  game  of  destiny  which  had  just  been  decided, — each 
having  figured  considerably  therein.  Of  its  important  trans 
actions,  we  have  spoken  elsewhere.  The  difficulties  incident  to 
the  depreciation  of  national  credit, — the  definitive  treaty  of 
peace, — the  threatened  anarchy  of  the  army, — the  inefficient 
regulations  of  Federative  power,  and  the  unsettled  state  of  things 
generally,  just  after  the  war,  made  this  a  laborious  Congress. 
RUTLEDGE  leaned  to  the  Federalists,  politically,  though  his  inde 
pendence  was  his  main  monitor,  and  he  eschewed  partyism,  unless 
its  individual  tenets  were  accordant  with  his  own  notions.  He 
usually  acted  with  Hamilton  and  his  friends  on  national  questions, 
and  had  great  influence  as  a  member  of  Congress.  He  favored  the 
treaty  of  peace  concluded  with  Great  Britain,  and  defended  Jay 
and  its  authors  from  the  charge  of  having  violated  instructions  in 
not  consulting  the  French  ministers  in  the  negotiations,  upon  the 
high  ground  that,  "  instructions  ought  to  ~be  violated  ly  represen 
tatives,  wJien  public  good  requires"  He  was  an  influential 
working  member,  and  was  upon  committees  for  the  investigation 
of  all  important  measures  coming  up  for  consideration. 

Others  may  have  acted  a  more  important  part,  and  occupied  a 
wider  sphere  in  the  nation's  eye,  but  none  were  more  zealous 
or  patriotic  in  the  discharge  of  duty,  or  more  correct  in  its  con 
ception.  He  closed  his  Congressional  career  in  1783,  when  that 
body  was  menaced  by  the  Pennsylvania  mutineers,  and  forced  to 
adjourn  to  New  Jersey. 


420  JOHN     RUTLEDGE. 

RUTLEDGE,  in  1784,  was  elected  judge  of  the  Chancery  Court 
in  his  native  State.  Prior  to  this,  the  State  judiciary  had  been  in 
the  hands  of  men,  who,  though  possessed  of  excellent  sense  and 
the  sternest  patriotism,  were  not  very  remarkable  for  dignity  of 
manners  or  rigidity  of  morals.  Judge  Burke  was  a  fair  specimen. 
He  wore  the  robe  through  a  part  of  the  Kevolution,  and  though  he 
had  a  good  practical  mind,  great  wit,  and  some  attainments,  he 
indulged  in  the  follies,  not  to  say  the  vices  that  would  not  be 
tolerated  now ;  he  was  especially  fond  of  his  daily  potations,  for 
the  day  before  he  died  of  dropsy,  on  being  tapped,  he  addressed 
his  physician  with:  "Well  Doctor,  what  am  I  to  expect, — life  or 
death?"  "Life,"  he  replied,  "you  are  an  Irishman,  and  will  yet 
last  a  long  time."  Then,  with  an  oath,  exclaimed  Burke,  "  1 
shall  ~be  the  first  thing  that  ever  lasted  long  in  the  house,  after 
T)eing  tapped}''  He  used  to  attend  the  courts,  with  his  books  and 
papers,  to  defend  the  law,  and  a  couple  of  loaded  pistols  to  defend 
himself.  This  would  look  oddly  enough  in  our  day.  Just  before 
RUTLEDGE'S  election,  new  courts  had  been  organized,  and  the  old 
proprietary  manner  of  adjudication  done  away  with.  He  framed 
the  bill  in  part,  establishing  Courts  of  Equity,  with  three  judges 
regulating  its  jurisdiction,  etc. 

He  performed  his  duties,  in  this  capacity,  with  his  accustomed 
firmness  and  ability,  until  1791,  when  he  was  elected  Chief  Jus 
tice  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  State.  This  may  be  regarded  as 
the  first  permanent  step  toward  the  purification  of  the  State  presi 
dency.  Prior  to  this,  most  of  the  incumbents  had  become  so  by 
foreign  appointment,  and  were,  as  a  general  thing,  unworthy  men. 
One  of  them,  Futurel,  it  is  said,  never  saw  a  law  book  until  he 
reached  America.  He  it  was,  who,  lying  on  a  bench  in  a  state 
of  intoxication,  observed  a  gentleman,  at  no  great  distance,  chang 
ing  his  dress,  and,  supposing  he  was  preparing  for  fight,  cried 

out:  "  Oh !  d you,  if  you  are  for  that  sport,  I  am  at  home, — 

come  on !" 

RUTLEDGE  soon  produced  a  change  of  things :  Drayton,  indeed, 
one  of  his  predecessors,  had  taken  the  initiatory  steps  to  reform, 
and  RUTLEDGE  consummated  it.  The  South  Carolina  bar,  then 
numbered  among  its  practitioners,  the  Pinckneys,  the  Rutledges, 
and  others  of  note.  To  follow  RUTLEDGE,  as  he  sat  upon  the 
bench  of  the  supreme  court,  through  the  numerous  decisions  of  his 
judicial  term,  would  be  to  recapitulate  the  old  Reports  of  South 


JOHN    RUTLEDGE.  421 

Carolina,  and  to  collate  arguments  and  opinions  in  no  way  un 
common  in  the  annals  of  jurisprudence. 

Pie  donned  the  ermine  with  the  requisite  abilities  to  preserve 
its  purity,  administered  justice  with  rigorous  impartiality,  asserted 
and  maintained  the  supremacy  of  the  law,  and  contributed  much 
to  elevate  the  judiciary  of  his  State.  If  the  haughtiness  of  his 
nature  dictated  summary  renditions,  the  honesty  of  his  heart  sub 
dued  the  impulse ;  and  if  the  independence  of  his  will  suggested 
a  rejection  of  precedent  and  opinion,  the  soundness  of  his  judg 
ment  prevented  him  from  falling  into  extremes.  As  a  whole, 
taking  into  consideration  the  peculiarities  of  the  people  among 
whom  he  acted,  and  the  manifest  necessity  of  bold  and  vigorous 
action,  on  many  occasions,  it  seems  as  though  JOHN  KUTLEDGE 
was  a  man  born  for  the  times.  Whether  resisting  the  grasping 
policy  of  England,  in  its  earliest  manifestations  at  the  bar, — as  a 
young  attorney  traversing  the  State  to  stir  up  the  militia, — plead 
ing  with  Congress  for  supplies, — encouraging  the  troops  at  Sulli 
van's  Island, — marching  with  the  half-starved  troops  of  Greene  to 
Eutaw, — procuring  rice  for  the  Assembly, —  holding  over  his 
State  the  dictatorial  scepter, — making  his  bold  voice  heard  in  the 
continental  Congress, — framing  new  laws  for  the  people, — filling 
the  executive  chair,  or  wearing  the  ermine  robes,  he  was  the  same 
stern,  inflexible,  matter-of-fact  JOHN  KUTLEDGE. 

While  chief  justice,  or  chancellor, — as  this  position  must  not 
be  associated  with  his  future  eminent  post  as  Judge  of  the  Su 
preme  Court, — he  was  elected  a  delegate  to  the  convention  that 
formed  the  Constitution. 

In  that  body  he  acted  with  his  associate,  Pinckney,  and  proved 
a  working,  zealous  member.  In  the  discussions  that  arose  after 
the  submission  of  the  several  plans  elsewhere  mentioned,  he  took 
an  active  part,  and  exerted  a  potential  influence  excelled  but  by 
few  members  of  the  convention. 

After  these  protracted  discussions,  and  the  necessity  of  a  com 
promise  became  manifest,  he  was  placed  on  a  committee  of 
eleven  to  draft  one,  regulative  of  State  representation.  The  draft 
of  a  Constitution  was  afterward  submitted  to  a  revisionary  com 
mittee  of  five  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  convention,  among  whom 
was  JOHN  KUTLEDGE  ;  who  finally  submitted,  in  person,  the  result 
of  their  revision  to  the  convention, — the  rough  draft  of  what  was 
to  be  the  Federal  Constitution.  It  was  modified,  and  underwent 


£22  JOHN     RUT  LEDGE. 

considerable  change  in  phraseology,  but  most  of  the  principal 
features  were  retained. 

The  subject  of  Slavery  seems  to  have  come  before  that  body  for 
consideration.  A  proposition  was  made  to  prevent  their  impor 
tation  into  the  States.  This  Kutledge  opposed,  as  virtually  ex 
cluding  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia  from  the  Federal  Union,  as 
they  would  reject  the  Constitution  upon  the  insertion  of  such  pro 
hibitory  restrictions.  But  when  provision  was  made  not  to  inter 
fere  with  their  right  of  importation  for  twenty-one  years,  he  sig 
nified  his  approval ;  careful,  however,  in  providing  for  future 
constitutional  revision,  to  insist  upon  a  clause,  preventing  any 
change  upon  that  subject  during  that  time.  September,  1787,  the 
convention  adjourned,  and  RUTLEDGE  returned  home,  a  zealous 
co-operator  with  the  Federal  party.  On  the  submission  of  the 
Constitution  to  conventions  of  the  different  States  for  approval, 
many  opponents,  everywhere,  stepped  forth  against  it ;  this  was 
the  case  in  South  Carolina.  RUTLEDGE  was  a  champion  for  rati 
fication,  and  urged  its  importance  before  the  people.  His  most 
formidable  opponent  was  Lowndes.  In  discussion  with  that  gen 
tleman,  on  one  occasion,  while  replying  to  one  of  his  shrewdest 
and  ablest  efforts,  RUTLEDGE  said  :  "  My  friend's  obstinacy  brings 
to  mind  a  friend  of  his  country,  once  a  member  of  this  House, 
who  said :  '  It  is  generally  imputed  to  me,  that  I  am  obstinate : 
I  am  not  obstinate, — but  hard  to  ~be  convinced!'' ' 

The  friends  of  the  Constitution,  however,  succeeded  in  carrying 
through  the  House  the  proposition  to  call  a  State  convention, 
which  met  in  the  spring  of  1778,  and  ratified  the  Constitution, 
RUTLEDGE  and  the  Pinckneys  being  members. 

The  government  being  organized  for  the  ratification  of  the  Con 
stitution,  in  the  election  of  the  chief  officers,  RUTLEDGE  received 
the  vote  of  his  native  State  for  first  Vice-president.  On  Wash 
ington's  election  as  president,  and  the  organization  of  the  Ameri 
can  judiciary,  John  Jay,  as  we  have  seen,  was  appointed  first 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  with  the  name  of  JOHN 
RUTLEDGE  next,  as  one  of  his  associates,  who  was  destined  to 
be  next  at  the  head  of  that  tribunal.  This  post  he  continued 
to  occupy  until  Jay  retired  from  the  bench  as  chief  justice, 
when  the  following,  from  the  President,  announced  him  as  his 
successor : 


JOHN    RUTLEDGE.  423 

DEAR  SIB: — Your  letter  of  the  18th  ult.,  and  Mr.  Jay's  resigna 
tion  of  the  office  of  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  came  to 
hand  yesterday.  The  former  gave  me  much  pleasure  ;  and,  with 
out  hesitating  a  moment,  after  knowing  you  would  accept  the 
latter,  I  directed  the  Secretary  of  State  to  make  you  an  official 
offer  of  this  honorable  appointment ;  to  express  to  you  my  wish 
that  it  may  be  convenient  and  agreeable  to  you  to  accept  it ;  to 
intimate,  in  that  case,  my  desire,  and  the  advantages  that  would 
attend  your  being  in  this  city  the  first  Monday  in  August ;  at 
which  time  the  next  session  of  the  Supreme  Court  will  commence ; 
and  to  inform  you  that  your  commission,  as  Chief  Justice,  will 
take  date  on  this  day,  July  1st,  when  Mr.  Jay's  will  cease  ;  but 
that  it  would  be  detained  her§,  to  be  presented  to  you  on  your 
arrival. 

GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

RUTLEDGE  accepted  the  commission  and  became  the  second 
chief  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  Though 
he  had  been  uniform  in  his  adherence  to  the  measures  of  the  Fede 
ral  party,  up  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  he  opposed  Jay's 
treaty  violently,  and  made  himself  obnoxious  to  many  of  that 
party,  so  that  his  appointment  to  the  supreme  judgeship  was  not 
very  well  relished  by  them. 

Speaking  of  the  course  of  the  Rutledges  in  regard  to  the  treaty, 
Ellsworth  says  in  a  letter:  "that  Edward  Rutledge  should  not 
act  all,  is  less  surprising,  than  that  JOHN  RUTLEDGE  should  act 
like  the  devil.  I  wait  for  the  unraveling,  when  more  is  to  be 
known." 

After  the  appointment  had  been  tendered,  Wolcott  thus  wrote 
to  Hamilton :  "  To  my  astonishment,  I  am  recently  told  that  JOHN 
RUTLEDGE  has  had  the  tender  of  the  office  of  Chief  Justice.  By 
the  favor  of  Heaven,  the  commission  is  not  tendered,  and  now,  I 
presume,  it  will  not  be ;  but  how  near  ruin  and  disgrace  the 
country  has  been!"  Hamilton,  in  his  reply,  said:  "I  find  it  is 
true,  RUTLEDGE  has  been  invited  to  be  Chief  Justice ;  but  he  is 
not  commissioned,  and  I  must  presume,  he  will  not  be,  after  his 
late  conduct." 

These,  however,  were  but  ebullitions  of  partisan  rancor,  and 
had  no  influence  with  Washington  in  continuing  the  appointment, 
notwithstanding  his  opposition  to  a  measure  whose  ratification  he 
himself  thought  judicious.  In  RUTLEDGE  he  saw  a  man  eminently 


424  JOHN    RUTLEDGB. 

qualified  by  nature,  experience,  and  education,  for  a  seat  on  the 
bench  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  whether  his  political  opinions 
were  exactly  accordant  with  his  own,  was  a  question,  with  him, 
wholly  subservient  to  the  good  of  the  country.  The  appointment 
in  no  way  detracted  from  his  happy  discrimination  in  selecting 
good,  capable,  and  worthy  public  servants. 

The  opposition  to  this  appointment,  though  it  moderated,  was 
not  discontinued.  Ellsworth  wrote :  "With  regard  to  Mr.  RUT- 
LEDGE,  it  was  certainly  difficult,  after  he  had  come,  not  to  com 
mission  him.  If  the  evil  is  without  a  remedy,  we  must,  as  in 
other  cases,  make  the  best  of  it."  Others  remarked:  "Many 
are  hurt  by  his,  EUTLEDGE'S  appointment,  and  are  unable  to 
account  for  it,  but  impute  it  to  wanjt  of  information  of  his  hostility 
to  the  government,  or  some  hidden  cause,  which  justifies  the 
measure.  We  shall  be  loth  to  find  that  faction  is  to  be  courted 
at  so  great  a  sacrifice  of  consistency." 

This  was  not  the  cause.  The  opposition  of  EUTLEDGE  to  Jay's 
treaty,  was  well  known  by  the  President,  and  every  one  else ;  he 
was  not  the  man  to  conceal  his  sentiments.  In  Charleston,  soon 
after  the  treaty,  he  made  a  speech,  perhaps  the  boldest  and  most 
denunciatory  of  his  life,  at  an  indignation  meeting.  This  speech 
was  published,  denounced,  carped  at,  garbled,  and  criticized  by 
the  federal  press  everywhere. 

The  newspapers  denounced  the  appointment,  and  the  Senate 
signified  a  reluctance  to  confirm  it.  "Washington  was  stigmatized 
with  much  virulence.  EUTLEDGE  was  attacked  through  the  public 
press,  his  political  actions  aspersed  with  the  bitterest  acrimony, 
and  his  personal  character  abused  with  remorseless  cruelty.  The 
controversy  was  continued  for  some  time,  until  a  friend  of  his  from 
South  Carolina,  roused  by  the  gross  charges  against  the  favorite 
son  of  the  State,  repelled  them  with  ability  and  triumphantly  vin 
dicated  his  name.  All  this  grew  out  of  his  opposition  to  the  Jay 
treaty,  and  shows  into  what  extremes  men  may  be  hurried  by  the 
blind  zeal  of  partisan  favor. 

EUTLEDGE,  however,  presided  as  chief  justice  but  a  short  time, 
during  which  there  were  no  cases  of  peculiar  interest  adjudicated. 
He  exhibited,  during  the  brief  period  he  held  the  office,  his  usual 
firmness,  discretion  and  good  sense ;  this  was  in  the  intermediate 
time,  after  his  commission,  and  prior  to  the  convention  of  the 
Senate.  When  that  body  met,  Washington  sent  in  his  name,  but 


JOHN    RUTLEDaE.  425 

they  steadily  refused  to  confirm  it.  Their  refusal,  Jefferson  said, 
was  "  a  bold  thing,  because  they  could  not  raise  any  objection  to 
him  but  his  opposition  to  the  treaty." 

Their  rejection  was  well  enough.  RUTLEDGE  had,  years  before, 
contracted  a  disease,  it  was  said,  by  undue  exposure  among  the 
swamps,  during  the  war.  While  his  commission  was  being  dis 
cussed  in  the  Senate,  and  about  the  time  they  refused  confirmation, 
he  was  attacked  with  it  in  a  manner  more  violent  than  hitherto, 
which  resulted  in  an  entire  prostration  of  both  mind  and  body. 
Heretofore  we  have  viewed  JOHN  RUTLEDGE  as  a  man  of  mighty 
intellect  in  his  day,  exerting  great  influence  upon  the  destinies  of 
his  country,  both  in  the  field  and  in  the  cabinet. 

By  regular  gradations,  we  have  seen  him  rise,  step  by  step, 
from  one  post  of  honor  to  another,  until  he  stood  high  in  his 
country's  estimation,  but  we  must 

"  Now  look  on  that  ruined  arch,  that  broken  wall, 
Those  chambers  desolate  and  portals  foul," 

without  seeing  the  light  of  reason  that  shone  so  conspicuously. 
A  mind  even  of  the  smallest  caliber,  in  ruins,  is  a  mournful  sight, 
but  one  of  RUTLEDGE'S  vigor  to  be  thus  shattered,  is  truly  sad  to 
contemplate.  In  December,  1795,  while  on  his  way  to  court,  he 
was  suddenly  attacked  and  forced  to  return  to  the  house  of  a  friend 
he  had  just  left.  In  a  few  days,  so  complete  was  the  overthrow 
of  reason,  that,  to  prevent  self-destruction,  he  was  put  under  guard. 
In  this  distressing  condition,  he  lingered  until  the  ensuing  year. 
He  died  in  the  summer  of  1800,  and  was  buried  in  the  city  of 
Charleston. 

He  is  entombed  in  his  beloved  Carolina,  and  to  freedom  and 
fame  belongs  the  memory  of  JOHN  RUTLEDGE. 


JOHN  MARSHALL. 


IN  FAUQUIER  county,  Virginia,  in  May,  1775,  soon  after  the  bat 
tle  of  Lexington,  at  a  militia  muster,  acting  as  lieutenant,  might 
have  been  seen  a  youth  in  his  nineteenth  year.  "He  was  about 
six  feet  high,  straight  and  rather  slender,  of  dark  complexion, 
showing  little  if  any  rosy  red,  yet  good  health ;  the  outline  of  the 
face  nearly  a  circle,  and  within  it,  eyes  dark  to  blackness,  strong 
and  penetrating,  beaming  with  intelligence  and  good  nature ;  an 
upright  forehead,  rather  low,  which  was  terminated  in  a  hori 
zontal  line  by  a  mass  of  raven-black  hair  of  unusual  thickness 
and  length, — features  fully  developed, — his  body  and  limbs  indi 
cating  great  agility,  dressed  in  a  pale-blue  hunting-shirt,  and 
trowsers  of  the  same  material,  fringed  with  white, — a  round 
black  hat,  mounted  with  the  buck-tail  for  a  cockade."* 

That  youth  was  JOHN  MARSHALL.  He  had  just  heard  of  the 
affair  at  Concord,  and  walked  ten  miles  to  the  muster-ground  to 
attend  the  duties  of  his  lieutenancy,  the  captain  being  prevented 
by  sickness  from  attending.  He  arrived  on  the  spot,  where  he 
was  greeted,  by  all  who  knew  him,  with  cries  of  "What's  the 
news  ?"  He  told  them  the  captain  would  not  be  there,  and  of  the 
battle  which  had  been  fought,  it  being  the  first  time  they  had 
heard  of  it.  He  told  them  that  more  fighting  was  expected,  and 
that  he  in  common  with  every  true  soldier  should  be  ready  to 
take  the  field,  when  called  on.  As  lieutenant,  he  then  drilled 
them  through  the  various  military  evolutions  of  an  old  field- 
muster  ;  after  which,  with  youthful  ardor  and  some  eloquence,  he 
told  them  all  about  the  war,  the  calamitous  results  likely  to 

*  Binney's  Eulogy  on  MARSHALL. 
(426) 


JOHN  MAESHALL. 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  427 

ensue,  and  urged  them  to  be  in  readiness  for  active  service. 
After  the  speech,  he  engaged  in  a  game  of  quoits,  in  which  he 
beat  his  competitor.  The  exercises  of  the  day  closed  with  feats 
of  running,  jumping  and  wrestling,  after  which  he  returned  home 
as  he  came,  on  foot. 

He  was  the  eldest  of  fifteen  children,  the  son  of  Thomas  and 
Mary  Marshall,  and  was  born  in  Germantown,  Virginia,  on  the 
24th  of  September,  1755.  On  the  father's  side  he  was  of  "Welsh 
descent;  his  mother's  people  were  natives  of  New  England. 
Thomas  Marshall  removed  from  the  paternal  estate  in  Westmore 
land,  to  Fauquier  county,  Virginia,  where  he  soon  after  married 
Mary  Keith. 

He  settled  in  the  Northern  Keck,  on  a  portion  of  the  vast  domain 
which  Lord  Fairfax  gave  Washington  to  survey,  and  was  also 
selected  to  assist  in  the  same  business. 

He  was  poor,  but  possessed  great  energy  and  firmness  of  pur 
pose  ;  he  was  colonel  in  several  severe  actions  of  the  war,  and 
always  gave  evidences  of  courage.  The  future  Chief  Justice  was 
often  heard  to  say  of  his  father,  that  "he  is  a  far  abler  man  than 
any  of  his  sons.  To  him  I  owe  the  solid  foundation  of  all  my 
own  successes  in  life." 

At  an  early  age,  his  father  settled  in  the  hollows  of  the  Blue 
Eidge, — a  comparative  wilderness.  Here,  though  wholly  de 
prived  of  the  benefits  of  school  education,  breathing  the  pure  air 
and  climbing  the  mountain-side,  he  studied  Nature's  volume 
and  developed  his  physical  constitution.  He  managed,  too,  to 
procure  copies  of  Shakspeare,  Pope,  and  other  great  authors, 
whom  he  read  with  pleasure  and  profit.  He  had  a  good  memory, 
a  fondness  for  study,  and  some  taste  for  poetry.  Imbosomed  in 
the  romance  of  his  mountain-home,  at  an  age  of  susceptibility, 
and  fired  by  the  thoughts  of  the  poets  above-mentioned,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  he  gave  way  to  an  inclination  for  poetry.  Youth, 
however,  is  all  poetry;  but  when  awakened  to  manhood,  the 
tinge  of  care  and  responsibility  dispels  the  illusion,  and  life's 
reality  develops  the  fact,  that  what  we  took  for  poetic  fancy  was 
only  the  ideal  of  existence.  Though  a  taste  for  general  literature 
is  by  no  means  uncommon,  especially  in  their  younger  years 
with  great  minds,  an  indulgence  in  the  seductive  charms  of  poetry 
is  often  more  injurious  than  otherwise ;  for  as  to  revel  in  the  halls 
of  conviviality  and  ease  tends  to  enervate  the  physical  organism, 


428  JOHN    MARSHALL. 

so  to  wanton  in  the  shades  of  the  muses,  as  a  general  thing, 
tends  to  impair  the  vigor  and  comprehensiveness  of  the  mental 
powers,  and  to  divert  the  mind  from  the  useful  and  practical 
things  of  life,  for  which  it  is  perhaps  more  adapted. 

In  his  fifteenth  year,  young  MARSHALL  was  sent  into  Westmore 
land  county,  for  the  purpose  of  his  education,  where  he  enjoyed 
the  advantages  of  intercourse  with  a  learned  gentleman,  and 
made  considerable  progress  in  the  study  of  the  classics.  Two 
years  would  embrace  the  whole  time  devoted  by  him  to  the  attain 
ment  of  his  education,  with  any  assistance  worthy  of  note.  But 
he  made  good  use  of  his  time,  and  got  such  a  start  that,  by  his 
own  unassisted  labors  he  eventually  acquired  a  fund  of  knowl 
edge  rarely  equaled ;  in  this  way  it  was  he  read  Horace,  Livy, 
and  other  Latin  authors.  He  never  could  boast  a  collegiate  edu 
cation  ;  but  as  Pindar  has  it : 

"He  that  all  he  hath  to  schooling  owes. 
A  shallow   wight   obscure 
Plants  not  his  step  secure." 

He  had  the  "  inbred  nobleness "  of  which  the  same  great  poet 
spoke,  in  glowing  strains  of  eulogy,  that  more  than  made  up  for 
all  educational  deficiencies. 

He  had  scarcely  concluded  these  two  years'  application,  how 
ever,  when,  like  most  young  men  who  had  professional  lives  in 
view,  he  was  called  by  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  to  the  theater 
of  action.  Hence  we  find  him,  in  his  nineteenth  year,  at  the 
muster-field  above-named,  as  a  young  lieutenant  declaring  his 
readiness  to  embark  in  the  cause. 

When  the  proper  authorities  took  preliminary  steps  to  pre 
pare  for  the  crisis,  we  find  him,  true  to  his  promise,  enrolled  in 
a  company  of  minute  men,  under  a  lieutentant's  commission. 
This  company  commenced  active  operations,  September,  1775. 

Lord  Dunmore  had  erected  a  fort  on  Elizabeth  river.  Against 
him  was  sent  Colonel  Woodford,  with  several  regiments  of 
troops,  among  which  was  the  minute  batallion,  where  young 
MARSHALL  acted  as  lieutenant.  Woodford,  deeming  it  imprudent 
to  attack  the  enemy's  works,  built  a  fort  clcee  by,  into  which  he 
threw  his  men  and  provisions.  Dunmore  resolved  to  dislodge 
them,  and  sent  Captain  Fordyce,  with  sixty  British  troops  for  that 
purpose.  Fordyce  undertook  its  execution  right  gallantly.  He 
stormed  the  little  fort  with  fixed  bayonets.  Its  occupants  flew  to 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  429 

its  defense.  Foremost  among  those  who,  at  the  post  of  danger, 
urged  his  men  to  action,  might  have  been  seen  the  tall,  command 
ing  form  of  young  Lieutenant  MARSHALL.  While  marching  at 
the  head  of  his  men  upon  the  fort,  Captain  Fordyce  was  shot 
down,  when  his  whole  party  fled  in  the  greatest  confusion.  The 
British  lost  nearly  the  entire  number  which  commenced  the 
attack,  while  the  Americans  did  not  lose  a  single  man.  Lord 
Dumnore,  after  this  failure,  abandoned  his  fortress  on  Elizabeth 
river,  and  retired  on  board  some  British  men-of-war.  In  this 
spirited  affair  MARSHALL  behaved  with  great  bravery. 

In  1776,  he  was  promoted  to  a  first  lieutenant's  commission,  in 
one  of  the  Continental  Kegirnents ;  in  which  situation  he  re 
mained  until  after  the  battle  of  Trenton,  when  he  was  made 
captain,  and  went  with  Washington  into  winter-quarters  at  Mor- 
ristown.  On  the  resumption  of  offensive  hostilities,  MARSHALL'S 
company,  with  the  main  army,  marched  to  the  Brandywine,  and 
was  attached  to  Maxwell's  division,  in  the  battle  at  that  place. 
In  this  action  he  acquitted  himself  with  'gallantry,  and  engaged 
in  a  skirmish  or  two  with  the  enemy,  where  he  exercised  sole 
command.  At  the  battle  of  Germantown,  which  was  the  next 
that  was  fought,  Captain  MARSHALL  and  his  company  formed 
a  part  of  Woodford's  division.  They  attacked  the  British  in 
fantry  with  such  spirit  that  they  were  quickly  forced  back ;  but 
while  pursuing  their  success,  a  sudden  discharge  of  musketry 
from  the  enemy  checked  them,  and  the  Americans  were  com 
pelled  to  retire.  These  engagements,  though  they  were  not 
victorious,  tended  to  confirm  the  faith  of  the  American  troops, 
and  added  luster  to  their  arms.  MARSHALL,  in  his  Life  of  Wash 
ington,  dwells  upon  them,  and  especially  the  part  acted  by  his 
commander,  with  the  greatest  animation, — careful,  however,  from 
a  natural  modesty,  not  to  mention  his  own  services  in  higher 
terms  than  that  "  I  was  an  eye-witness  to  the  action,"  etc. 

Of  Washington  and  those  stirring  times,  he  could  never  speak 
"without  the  liveliest  emotions.  His  soldier  days,  and  those  who 
served  with  him,  were  never  forgotten.  On  the  other  hand,  he 
established  a  place  in  the  hearts  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  which 
he  ever  maintained.  For  Washington  he  conceived  the  highest 
attachment,  that  sufficiently  indicates  itself  in  his  Life  of  that 
illustrious  man.  With  Hamilton,  too,  he  became  intimate,  and 
others  of  distinction ;  all  of  whom  entertained  for  him  feelings 


430  JOHN     MARSHALL. 

of  ardent  friendship.  The  kind  feelings  cherished  for  him,  by  his 
old  companions,  are  evident  from  the  testimony  of  Judge  Story, 
who  says :  "  I  myself  have  often  heard  him  spoken  of  by  these 
veterans,  in  terms  of  the  highest  praise.  In  an  especial  manner, 
the  revolutionary  officers  of  the  Virginia  line,  appeared  almost 
to  idolize  him  as  an  old  friend  and  companion  in  arms,  enjoying 
their  fullest  confidence." 

He  was  frequently  appointed  a  kind  of  deputy  judge  for  tempor 
ary  purposes  during  this  time,  and  gave  evidences  of  civic  ability, 
preponderant  over  his  martial  talents ;  this  also  increased  his 
chances  of  becoming  familiar  with  the  leading  men  of  the  day, 
by  throwing  him  frequently  into  their  deliberations.  A  writer  in 
the  North  American  Review,  during  the  year  1828,  thus  speaks 
of  MARSHALL  at  the  time:  "When  I  first  saw  him,  he  held  the 
commission  of  captain  in  a  regiment.  It  was  in  the  trying,  severe 
winter  of  1777-'78,  a  few  months  after  the  disastrous  battles  of 
Brandywine  and  Germantown  had  tested  his  firmness,  hardiness 
and  heroism.  The  spot  where  we  acquired  our  earliest  information 
of  him,  was  the  famous  hutted  encampment  at  Yalley  Forge, 
about  thirty  miles  from  Philadelphia.  By  his  appearance  then, 
we  supposed  him  about  twenty-two  or  twenty-three  years  of  age. 
Even  so  early  in  life,  we  recollect  that  he  appeared  to  us,  primus 
inter  pares  /  for,  amid  the  many  commissioned  .officers,  he  was 
discriminated  for  superior  intelligence.  Our  informant,  Colonel 
Ball,  of  another  regiment  in  the  same  line,  represented  him  as  a 
young  man,  not  only  brave,  but  signally  intelligent.  Indeed,  all 
those  who  intimately  knew  him,  affirmed  that  his  capacity  was 
held  in  such  estimation  by  many  of  his  brother  officers,  that  in 
many  disputes  of  a  certain  nature,  he  was  chosen  arbiter ;  and 
that  officers,  irritated  by  differences,  or  animated  by  debate,  often 
submitted  the  contested  points  to  his  judgment,  which  being  given 
in  writing,  and  accompanied,  as  it  commonly  was,  by  sound 
reasons  in  support  of  his  decision,  obtained  general  acquiescence." 
At  Monmouth  he  closed  his  military  service,  and  soon  after  re 
tired  to  prepare  for  the  more  congenial  duties  of  a  civic  career,  in 
which  he  was  destined  to  earn  immortality,  by  honoring  the 
American  judiciary. 

He  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  the  law,  and  procured 
license  in  1780.  He  commenced  the  practice  at  a  time  when 
business  of  all  sorts  was  in  a  very  inactive  state  in  consequence 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  431 

of  the  war,  and  peculiarly  inauspicious  to  success  in  the  legal 
profession  ;  yet,  by  his  affable  way  of  demeaning  himself,  the 
severity  of  his  application,  and  mental  vigor,  he  soon  reached  an 
enviable  position,  and  outstripped  competition  almost  at  a  bound. 
As  a  lawyer,  perhaps  no  better  idea  could  be  conveyed  of  MAR 
SHALL,  than  is  contained  in  the  words  of  his  eulogist,  Binney : 
u  His  placidity  and  calmness,"  says  he,  "  irresistibly  won  the 
esteem  of  men,  and  invited  them  to  intercourse  with  him ;  his 
benevolent  heart,  his  serene,  and  at  times  joyous  temper,  made 
him  the  cherished  companion  of  his  friends  ;  his  candor  and  in 
tegrity  attracted  the  confidence  of  the  bar,  and  that  extraordinary 
comprehension  and  grasp  of  mind,  by  which  difficulties  were 
seized  and  overcome  without  effort  or  parade,  commanded  the 
attention  and  respect  of  the  courts  of  justice."  Add  to  this  that 
truest  and  most  infallible  evidence  of  a  truly  great  man,  humility, 
and  a  seeming  unconsciousness  of  any  superiority,  that  placed 
him  above  the  reach  of  envy,  and  made  him  regard  all  honest 
men  as  his  equals,  and  himself  simply  as  plain,  republican  JOHN 
MARSHALL,  and  we  have  a  pretty  fair  portrait.  No  truly  great 
man  ever  indicates  his  knowledge  of  the  fact,  if  he  even  knows 
it ;  it  is  the  little  and  narrow-minded  who  permit  themselves  to 
become  puffed  up  by  the  honors  of  place  or  the  fruits  of  success, 
and  assume  to  be  something  better  than  common  men,  as  though 
six  feet  of  earth  was  not  the  common  heritage.  MARSHALL  had  a 
big  soul ;  he  loved  his  kind,  and  all  his  life  mixed  among  his 
fellow-citizens,  with  as  much  ease,  as  he  engaged  in  the  game  of 
quoits  at  the  field  muster  we  spoke  of. 

Much  of  his  early  success  he  ascribed  to  his  numerous  acquain 
tances,  contracted  by  his  uniform  kindness  of  heart  and  gentle 
manners.  He  continued  the  practice  of  his  profession  with  honor 
and  profit,  until  1782,  when  he  entered  public  life  as  representa 
tive  to  the  Assembly,  from  Fauquier  County.  He  was  selected  to 
that  post  by  his  countrymen  with  much  cheerfulness,  on  account 
of  the  unlimited  confidence  reposed  in  his  ability  and  sound  sense. 
"When  he  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  politics  had  assumed  no  ordi 
nary  feature.  Various  measures  of  State  policy  came  up  for 
legislative  arrangement.  On  the  2d  of  January,  1783,  he  mar 
ried  Mary  Ambler,  whose  father  was  a  prominent  citizen  of  the 
State,  and  settled  permanently  in  the  city  of  Richmond.  This 


432  JOHN    MARSHALL. 

union  was  every  way  most  felicitous,  and  continued  during  fifty 
years,  with  uninterrupted  happiness. 

MARSHALL  was  re-elected  to  the  legislature,  from  his  native 
county  for  several  consecutive  terms,  and  entered  zealously  the 
arena  of  political  discussion.  Here  he  met  such  men  as  Lee  and 
Madison,  and  proved  himself  able  to  cope  with  them  in  mental 
power.  Between  him  and  the  latter  gentleman,  quite  an  inti 
macy  sprang  up,  which  lasted  for  life,  notwithstanding  their  dif 
ferences  of  opinion  upon  political  issues.  Judge  Story,  who 
was  the  friend  of  each,  said  that  "  nothing  could  be  more  touching 
to  an  ingenuous  mind,  than  to  hear  from  their  lips,  in  their  latter 
years,  expressions  of  mutual  respect  and  confidence ;  or  to  wit 
ness  their  earnest  testimony  to  the  talents,  the  virtues,  and  the 
services  of  each  other."  This  was  the  period  when,  aside  from  the 
measures  of  State  policy  coming  before  the  legislature,  the  great 
question  of  Federal  government  was  agitating  the  States,  and  the 
signs  of  the  times  developed  a  progressive  tendency,  showing  the 
necessity  of  more  permanent  union,  and  that  the  old  confeder 
ation  was  tottering  to  its  fall. 

Speaking  of  the  times,  and  his  own  views,  a  long  time  after, 
MARSHALL  says  :  "  When  I  recollect  the  wild,  enthusiastic  notions 
with  which  my  political  opinions  of  that  day  were  tinctured,  I  am 
disposed  to  ascribe  my  devotion  to  the  Union,  and  to  a  government 
competent  to  its  preservation,  at  least,  as  much  to  casual  circum 
stances  as  to  judgment.  I  had  grown  up  at  a  time  when  the  love 
of  union  and  the  resistance  to  the  claims  of  Great  Britain,  were 
the  inseparable  inmates  of  the  same  bosom ;  when  patriotism,  and 
a  strong  fellow-feeling  with  our  suffering  fellow-citizens  of  Boston 
were  identical;  when  the  maxim:  'United  we  stand,  divided  we 
fall,'  was  the  maxim  of  every  orthodox  American.  And  I  had 
imbibed  these  sentiments  so  thoroughly,  that  they  constituted  a 
part  of  my  being.  I  carried  them  with  me  into  the  army  when 
I  found  myself  associated  with  brave  men  from  different  States, 
who  were  risking  life  and  every  thing  valuable  in  a  common  cause, 
believed  by  all  to  be  most  precious,  and  where  I  was  confirmed  in 
the  habit  of  considering  America  as  my  country,  and  Congress  as 
my  government. 

My  immediate  entrance  into  the  State  legislature  opened  to 
my  view  the  causes  which  had  been  chiefly  instrumental  in 
augmenting  the  sufferings ;  and  the  general  tendency  of  State 


JOHN    MAKSHALL.  433 

politics  convinced  me  that  no  safe  and  permanent  remedy  could 
be  found  but  in  a  more  efficient  and  better  organized  general 
government." 

With  these  views  he  identified  himself  with  the  advocates  of  a 
solid  union,  and  became  a  zealous  advocate  of  the  federal  Consti 
tution.  When  that  instrument  was  submitted  to  the  subordinate 
conventions  of  the  several  States,  MARSHALL  was  elected  a  dele 
gate  to  that  of  Virginia,  which  met  at  Richmond,  June  2d,  1788. 
It  was  an  august  body.  E"o  State  in  the  Union  could  vie  with 
Virginia  in  talented  men ;  her  most  eminent  were  there,  and 
its  deliberations  marked  with  a  seriousness  and  attention,  seldom 
witnessed.  Crowds  thronged  the  place,  eager  to  catch  the  inspir 
ation  of  their  eloquence.  u  Day  after  day,  from  morning  till  night, 
the  galleries  of  the  House  were  continually  filled  with  an  anxious 
crowd,  who  forgot  the  inconvenience  of  their  situation  in  the 
excess  of  their  enjoyment;  and  far  from  giving  any  interruption 
to  the  course  of  debate,  increased  its  interest  and  solemnity  by 
their  silence  and  attention ;  no  bustle,  no  motion,  no  sound  was 
heard  among  them,  save  only  a  slight  movement  when  some  new 
speaker  arose  whom  they  were  all  eager  to  hear  and  see  ;  or  when 
some  master  stroke  of  eloquence  shot  thrilling  along  their  nerves, 
and  extorted  an  involuntary  and  inarticulate  murmur.  Day  after 
day  was  this  banquet  of  the  mind  and  of  the  heart  spread  before 
them  with  a  delicacy  and  variety  which  could  never  cloy.  There, 
every  taste  might  find  its  peculiar  gratification, — the  man  of  wit,  the 
man  of  feeling,  the  critic,  the  philosopher,  the  historian,  the  meta 
physician,  the  lover  of  logic,  and  admirer  of  rhetoric, — any  man 
who  had  an  eye  for  the  beauty  of  action,  or  an  ear  for  the  har 
mony  of  sound,  or  a  soul  for  the  charms  of  poetic  fancy, — in  short, 
every  one  who  could  see,  or  hear,  or  feel,  or  understand,  might 
find,  in  the  wanton  profusion  and  prodigality  of  that  Attic  feast 
some  delicacy  adapted  to  his  peculiar  taste.  Every  mode  of 
attack  and  defense  of  which  the  human  mind  is  capable  in  decor 
ous  debate, — every  species  of  weapons  and  armor,  offensive  and 
defensive,  that  could  be  used  with  advantage,  from  the  Roman 
javelin  to  the  Parthian  arrow, — from  the  cloud  of  ./Eneas  to  the 
shield  of  Achilles, — all  human  activity  was  seen  on  that  celebrated 
floor.*" 

*  William  Wirt.    Van  Santvoord. 


434  JOHN    MARSHALL. 

Among  them,  using  his  great  influence,  might  have  been  seen 
JOHN  MARSHALL.  lie  made  several  speeches  during  their  deliber 
ations,  which  evinced  his  correct  practical  views  of  good  govern 
ment.  He  seems  to  have  been  pitted  against  Patrick  Henry, 
who  was  the  most  eloquent  member,  and  among  the  most  violent 
opponents  to  some  parts  of  the  federal  Constitution.  It  required  the 
ratification  of  nine  States,  and  when  Virginia  gave  in  her  ad 
hesion,  that  number  was  obtained.  The  Richmond  convention, 
however,  expressed  themselves  favorable  to  it  by  a  very  small 
majority,  to  the  attainment  of  which  he  contributed  much.  On 
the  adjournment  of  the  convention,  he  resumed  his  duties  as  a 
member  of  the  legislature.  In  politics,  upon  the  great  question 
of  national  and  State  sovereignties,  he  differed  widely  with  Jeffer 
son  and  Madison.  He  supported  the  principles  of  Hamilton's 
financial  system,  especially  his  plan  for  paying  the  interest  of 
the  national  debt,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  Jefferson  attacked 
with  much  bitterness.  As  a  member  of  the  legislature,  none  had 
more  influence,  sounder  judgment,  or  greater  powers  of  compre 
hension,  and  few  more  forensic  eloquence. 

But,  principally  as  a  lawyer  and  a  jurist,  we  are  to  view  JOHN 
MARSHALL.  His  main  ambition  was  to  excel  in  his  profession, — 
an  ambition  which  was  gratified  to  its  fullest  extent.  He  was  not 
one  of  those  who,  for  the  short-lived  honors  of  a  present  politi 
cal  station,  was  willing  to  sacrifice  his  prospects  in  his  chosen 
sphere.  Of  his  profession  he  never  lost  sight,  and  made  every 
thing  else  subordinate  to  success  therein.  Even  while  in  the  legis 
lature,  he  devoted  himself  to  its  study  and  dudes.  He  had  for 
merly  resigned  his  place  as  one  of  the  executive  council,  because 
it  conflicted  with  his  desires  and  prevented  his  applying  himself 
to  his  business.  Hitherto,  he  had  found  leisure  from  official 
duties,  sufficient  to  pay  attention  to  his  private  matters,  but  busi 
ness  accumulated  so  fast  upon  his  hands,  that  he  could  not  attend 
to  both ;  so  having  to  give  up  one  or  the  other,  he  most  unhesi 
tatingly  abandoned  that,  as  a  general  thing,  meanest  of  all  trades, 
politics,  and  devoted  himself  entirely  to  his  profession  as  a 
lawyer. 

To  follow  him  through  his  distinguished  career,  and  notice, 
however  briefly,  the  various  important  causes  in  which  he  was 
engaged,  and  whose  decision  he  controlled,  would  fill  several 
volumes ;  he  continued  in  an  extensive  and  honorable  practice, 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  435 

and  so  elevated  the  profession,  that  his  name  and  the  first  talent 
of  the  American  bar  became  synonyms.  His  was  the  ponderous 
weapon  of  truth  and  logic ;  where  others  led  by  rhetorical  flourish, 
and  lulled  the  sense  with  exotics  of  poesy,  he  drove  his  juries  to 
conviction  by  his  powers  of  argument.  With  such  men  as  Henry, 
Bushrod  Washington,  and  Campbell,  he  came  in  contact.  Speak 
ing  of  a  suit  of  interest  in  which  he  was  engaged  with  this  latter 
gentleman,  when  quite  an  assemblage  had  met  to  witness  the 
proceedings,  Wirt  says,  that  "  Campbell  played  off  his  Apollonian 
airs  ;  but  they  were  lost.  MARSHALL  spoke,  as  he  always  does,  to 
the  judgment  merely,  and  for  the  purpose  of  convincing.  MAE- 
SHALL  was  justly  pronounced  one  of  the  first  men  of  the  country. 
He  was  followed  by  crowds,  looked  upon,  courted  with  every  evi 
dence  of  admiration  and  respect  for  the  great  powers  of  his  mind. 
Campbell  was  neglected  and  slighted,  and  came  home  in  disgust. 
MARSHALL'S  maxim  seems  to  have  always  been,  ''aim  exclusively  at 
STRENGTH  ;'  and,"  continues  the  writer,  "  from  his  eminent  success, 
I  say,  if  I  had  my  life  to  go  over  again,  I  would  practice  on  this 
maxim  with  the  most  rigorous  severity,  until  the  character  of  my 
mind  was  established." 

After  the  issue  of  the  neutrality  proclamation,  and  the  excite 
ments  it  fomented,  increased  by  the  hostility  to  the  Jay  treaty, 
MARSHALL  yielded  a  reluctant  consent  to  the  wishes  of  the  people, 
and  re-entered  upon  the  duties  of  public  life.  He  was  elected  as 
follows :  Two  gentlemen  were  candidates,  and  on  the  morning 
of  the  election,  MARSHALL  voted  for  the  one  entertaining  views 
similar  to  his  own.  After  he  voted,  some  urged  that  a  poll  be 
opened  for  him ;  MARSHALL  objected  and  went  about  his  business. 
The  poll  was  opened,  however,  in  his  absence,  which  changed  the 
whole  aspect  of  things.  At  night  he  was  surprised  to  learn  that 
he  had  been  actually  placed  on  the  track,  and  elected  over  both 
the  other  candidates.  Such  instances  of  popularity  are  very  rare. 
Sternly  identified  with  the  federal  party,  he  entered  the  legis 
lature  a  firm  friend  to  the  administration;  armed  with  the 
powers  of  Ciceronian  strength,  he  stood  a  bold  colossus  before 
his  opponents  during  the  controversies  that  followed.  During  the 
protracted  discussion,  while  the  ratification  of  Jay's  treaty  was 
pending,  he  so  triumphantly  vindicated  it  from  the  main  objections 
urged  against  it,  that  the  opponents  abandoned  them,  and  confined 
themselves  to  its  inexpediency,  instead  of  its  averred  illegality. 


436  JOHN    MARSHALL. 

The  speech  he  made  on  this  subject,  is  said  to  have  been  one  of 
the  ablest  of  his  life.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  was  circulated  through 
out  the  States,  and  the  fame  of  MARSHALL  became  extensive  with 
their  limits,  and  also  reached  Europe.  He  served  several  terms 
in  the  legislature,  with  marked  ability  and  success. 

In  1797,  he  was,  in  conjunction  with  Elbridge  Gerry,  and 
Pinckney,  appointed  minister  to  France.  They  reached  Paris, 
October  4th,  1797,  when  flushed  with  success,  Bonaparte  was  play 
ing  his  great  national  tragedy  upon  the  theater  of  continental 
Europe.  Humiliated  in  defeat,  Austria  had  grasped  a  forced 
reprieve  at  the  bayonet's  point,  at  Campo  Formia;  the  bloody,  fields 
of  the  peninsula  were  strewn  with  memorials  of  the  vanquished, 
and  the  tri-colored  banners  waved  from  the  walls  of  Madrid ; 
everywhere  the  spirit  of  nationality  seemed  crushed  out,  and  Hol 
land  and  Portugal  bowed  submissively  to  the  imperial  mandate ; 
while  stretching  her  vine-clad  fields  across  the  Alps,  Italy  forgot 
her  mighty  memories  and  paid  reluctant  tribute  to  power.  In  the 
cabinet  a  wily  Talleyrand,  more  artful  than  a  Macedonian 
Clineas,  acted  as  premier,  and,  aided  by  his  subtle  genius,  the 
power  of  the  conqueror.  It  was  too,  not  long  after  the  recall  of 
Monroe  by  our  government,  and  the  haughty  rejection  by  the 
French  Directory  of  Pinckney,  as  minister  to  the  court  of  Ver 
sailles. 

Under  this  unpleasant  state  of  things,  our  ministers  opened 
negotiations  on  the  17th  January,  1798,  by  the  submission  of  a 
paper,  of  which  MARSHALL  wras  the  principal  drafter,  setting  forth 
with  particularity  the  existent  differences.  This  has  been  regarded 
as  among  the  ablest  productions  of  the  American  State  papers. 
It  elicited  no  reply.  Talleyrand  had  frequent  interviews  with 
them,  but  not  in  official  capacity.  Some  days  elapsed,  when  the 
premier  was  asked  whether  he  had  any  reply  to  make ;  he  gave 
notice  that  he  had  not,  but  in  compliance  with  requests  for  an 
interview,  appointed  the  2d  of  March.  On  that  day  they  were 
received,  but  not  as  ministers.  After  playing  this  game  for  some 
time,  Talleyrand  unmasked  himself  by  demanding  a  loan,  as  the 
first  step  to  negotiation :  the  ministers  rejected  it.  This  propo 
sition  he  rather  coated  over  to  make  it  more  palatable  ;  Gerry,  at 
length,  consented  to  swallow  it;  MARSHALL  and  Pinckney  still 
refused.  The  ministers  were  now  divided,  and  slipping  into  the 
breach,  the  artful  negotiator  thought  he  could  manage  them  to  his 


JOHN    MAESHALL.  437 

wishes.  All  his  diplomacy,  skill,  address,  and  cunning,  were 
brought  into  action.  But  it  was  of  no  avail.  MARSHALL  under 
stood  him,  and  thought  as  little  of  compromising  the  dignity  of 
his  nation,  as  of  imitating  the  trickster's  cunning. 

Disgusted  with  the  shameless  conduct  of  the  Directory,  and  the 
vain  arrogance  of  Talleyrand,  MARSHALL  and  Pinckney  returned 
home,  leaving  Gerry  in  France,  who,  however,  refused  all  of  the 
premier's  propositions  upon  the  basis  that  his  powers  were  con 
joined  with  his  colleagues,  and  he  had  no  right  to  act  without  their 
co-operation.  Speaking  of  this  embassy  afterward,  MARSHALL 
says :  "  History  will  scarcely  furnish  the  example  of  a  nation 
not  absolutely  degraded,  which  has  received  from  a  foreign  power 
such  open  contumely  and  undisguised  insult,  as  were  on  this 
occasion  suffered  by  the  United  States  in  the  persons  of  their 
ministers." 

At  a  public  dinner  given  him,  soon  after  his  return,  his  exem 
plified  laconic  u  millions  for  defense,  but  not  a  cent  for  tribute," 
received  the  enthusiastic  approval  of  his  fellow-citizens.  After 
reaching  home,  he  fully  determined  to  devote  himself  to  his  pro 
fession.  His  profession  he  loved,  and  it  was  almost  a  species  of 
mental  coercion  to  labor  in  any  other  sphere.  In  this  expectation 
he  was  doomed  to  disappointment.  He  received  a  note  from 
"Washington,  requesting  his  attendance  at  Mount  Yernon.  He 
complied,  not  thinking  what  was  the  object.  In  private  con 
versation  the  President,  after  giving  him  to  understand  he  did 
not  deem  it  necessary  to  enlarge  upon  the  troublous  times, 
or  the  importance  of  correct  men  to  meet  their  emergencies,  dis 
closed  himself  by  urging  him  to  engage  in  national  politics,  and 
become  a  candidate  for  Congress.  To  MARSHALL'S  feelings, 
nothing  could  have  been  more  repugnant,  yet,  urged  by  Washing 
ton,  whom  he  knew  to  be  actuated  by  motives  purely  for  the  public 
good,  he  sacrificed  personal  preferences  and  became  a  candidate. 

This  election,  however,  was  far  from  unanimous  ;  not  that  his 
personal  popularity  had  waned,  but  the  violence  of  party  politics 
had  increased,  and  personal  considerations  actuated  men  less  in 
the  bestowal  of  their  suffrages.  He  took  his  seat  in  the  national 
legislature,  as  a  valuable  accession  to  the  Federal  party,  in 
December,  1799.  The  triumphs  of  that  party,  in  electing  heavy 
majorities  to  both  houses,  somewhat  chagrined  their  opponents. 
Jefferson,  speaking  of  the  members  of  Congress,  said:  "Many 


438  JOHN    MAKSHALL. 

of  them  were  new  and  moderate  men,  and  soon  saw  the  true 
character  of  the  party  to  which  they  had  been  well  disposed  at  a 
distance."  This  included  MARSHALL.  Wolcott,  speaking  of  the 
same  subject,  says:  "A  number  of  distinguished  men  appear 
from  the  southward,  who  are  not  pledged  by  any  act  to  support 
the  system  of  the  last  Congress  ;  these  men  will  pay  great  respect 
to  the  opinions  of  MARSHALL  ;  he  is,  doubtless,  a  man  of  virtue  and 
distinguished  talents,  but  he  will  think  much  of  the  State  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  is  too  much  disposed  to  govern  the  world  according  to 
rules  of  logic ;  he  will  read  and  expound  the  Constitution  as  if  it 
were  a  penal  statute,  and  will,  sometimes,  be  embarrassed  with 
doubts  of  which  his  friends  will  not  perceive  the  importance." 

Unbiased,  save  by  his  own  conclusions,  MARSHALL  labored  for 
the  public  good;  though  as  tending  most  to  promote  it,  he 
generally  acted  with  the  Federal  party.  He  voted  affirmatively 
on  the  bill  abolishing  the  Sedition  laws,  which  had  become  so 
odious  to  the  people.  In  the  deliberations  of  that  body,  he  exerted 
a  potential  influence,  and  was  looked  upon  as  a  man  unsurpassed 
for  soundness  of  judgment,  by  any  member  on  the  floor.  He  was 
not  to  say  one  of  the  talking  members,  but  when  occasion  required, 
he  gave  displays  of  compact,  solid  reasoning  that  had  more  weight 
than  the  most  eloquent  appeals.  While  he  was  a  member,  reso 
lutions  reproaching  the  President  were  presented  for  adoption  by 
Livingston.  This  grew  out  of  the  compliance  of  the  President 
to  a  demand  made  by  the  British  government,  for  the  person  of  a 
man,  who,  it  was  proved,  had  outraged  the  law  on  board  one  of 
their  vessels ;  the  individual  was  delivered  up  and  executed. 
This  called  for  the  resolutions  denouncing  the  course  of  the  Presi 
dent.  Here  was  a  focus  of  centrality  for  party  feelings,  as  they 
were  favorable  or  unfavorable  to  the  administration.  Livingston 
had  just  made  an  able  speech  in  their  support ;  MARSHALL  replied. 
It  was  a  speech  of  some  length,  and  was  pronounced  "  one  of  the 
most  consummate  judicial  arguments  which  was  ever  pronounced 
in  the  halls  of  legislation;"  uan  answer  so  irresistible  that  it  ad 
mitted  of  no  reply,"  etc.  The  consequence  of  this  talented  oppo 
sition  was  the  defeat  of  the  resolution  by  a  good  majority.  We 
have  said  that  MARSHALL  was  not  to  be  called  really  an  eloquent 
man,  perhaps  we  had  better  let  Judge  Story,  who  knew  him  best 
and  loved  him  best,  speak  of  him  as  a  debater.  He  says :  "  In 
regard  to  eloquence,  if  by  that  be  merely  meant  an  ornamental 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  439 

diction,  splendor  of  style,  impassioned  delivery,  and  fine  flourishes 
of  rhetoric,  it  could  scarcely  be  said  to  belong  to  his  forensic  ad 
dresses.  But  if  by  eloquence  be  meant  the  power  to  address  other 
men's  minds  in  language  expressive  and  luminous  ;  to  present  the 
proper  topics  of  argument  in  their  just  order  and  fullness ;  to  con 
vince  the  understanding  by  earnest  and  sententious  appeals;  and  by 
the  force  of  reasoning  to  disarm  prejudice,  to  subdue  passion,  and 
dissipate  popular  delusion  ;  if  these  be  the  attributes  of  eloquence, 
then,  indeed,  few  men  might  more  justly  aspire  to  such  distinc 
tion.  I  would  not  claim  for  him  that  he  possessed  the  power  to 
seduce  men's  understandings  by  persuasive  insinuations  or  hon 
eyed  accents ;  but  I  affirm  that  he  withdrew  their  understand 
ings  from  the  potency  of  such  artifices,  so  that  they  fell  lifeless  at 
his  feet.  To  him  may  unhesitatingly  be  applied  the  language  of 
Cicero,  pronounced  upon  one  of  the  greatest  lawyers  of  Rome,  that 
he  possessed  a  mastery  of  the  highest  art  of  oratory  , — the  art  of 
analyzing,  defining,  and  illustrating  a  subject ;  separating,  the 
true  from  the  false  ;  and  deducing  from  each  other  the  appropri 
ate  consequences."  The  same  gentleman,  speaking  of  his  con 
versational  powers,  adds  that  there  were  times  "  in  which  he  was 
roused,  by  the  interest  of  the  subject,  to  such  a  glowing  strain 
of  animated  reasoning,  that  I  am  convinced  that  he  was  no 
stranger  to  appeals  to  the  heart;  and  that  when  he  chose,  he  could 
call  up  from  the  very  depths  of  the  soul  its  most  powerful  feel 
ings."  Divest  the  above  of  a  little  too  high  a  coloring,  incident 
to  the  most  exalted  friendship,  and  it  is,  doubtless,  a  fair  estimate 
of  MARSHALL'S  speaking  attributes. 

Congress  closed  its  session,  May  the  14th,  and  with  it  ended 
his  political  career.  For  the  ensuing  quarter  of  a  century,  we 
are  to  view  him  in  the  august  robes  of  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  True,  he  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  State  by  Mr.  Adams,  to  fill  the  unexpired  term 
caused  by  the  dismissal  of  Pickering,  but  it  was  of  short  duration. 
An  important  correspondence  occurred  during  his  secretaryship, 
wherein  the  national  dignity  was  sustained  with  his  usual  judg 
ment  and  firmness.  From  his  espousal  of  the  doctrines  of  the 
Federal  party,  he  was  accused  by  some  of  doing  every  thing  the 
President  required ;  and  indeed,  Adams  himself  affirmed,  in 
excusing  himself  for  dismissing  Pickering,  that  his  "new  secre 
tary,  MARSHALL,  did  everything  to  his  entire  satisfaction."  With 


440  JOHN    MAKSHALL. 

regard  to  this,  aii  eminent  writer  remarks,  that  "  every  one  who 
knew  that  great  man,  JOHN  MARSHALL,  knew  that  he  possessed,  to 
an  extraordinary  degree,  the  faculty  of  putting  his  own  ideas  into 
the  minds  of  others  unconsciously  to  them.  The  secret  of  Mr. 
Adams1  satisfaction  was,  that  he  obeyed  the  "secretary  of  State 
without  being  conscious  of  it."  So  it  would  seem  that  the  Presi 
dent  rather  did  everything  to  MARSHALL'S  "entire  satisfaction." 
Fifty  six  years  have  elapsed  since  MARSHALL  was  appointed 
chief  justice,  in  1801,  to  fill  the  vacany  occasioned  by  the  resig 
nation  of  Oliver  Ellsworth.  In  regard  to  this  appointment, 
McIIenry,  who  had  been  secretary  of  war,  said:  "Mr.  Adams 
has  committed  another  blunder."  Pity  that  executives  now-a-days 
are  not  prone  to  commit  such  "  blunders."  Ilejpok  his  seat  on 
the  bench  in  February,  1801,  with  Chase,  Patterson,  Gushing, 
Moore,  and  Bushrod  Washington  for  his  associates.  Seldom,  if 
ever,  has  the  Supreme  Court  been  filled  by  so  rare  a  combination 
of  talent  and  learning.  We  can  not  think  of  following  the  chief 
justice  through  his  long  and  honorable  judicial  career,  with  a 
view  of  particularizing  the  individual  cases  he  decided,  and  which 
decisions  are  every  where  referred  to  as  precedents,  and  safe  exposi 
tions  of  the  laws  of  the  country;  such  a  course  would  be~ a  repe 
tition  of  the  most  expansive  and  luminous  collection  of  legal 
acumen  upon  the  American  records.  In  regard  to  the  duties  of 
his  position,  he  entered  upon  their  discharge,  entertaining  the  fol 
lowing  views:  "I  have,  always  thought,"  says  he,  "from  my 
earliest  youth  till  now,  that  the  greatest  scourge  an  angry  Heaven 
ever  inflicted  upon  an  ungrateful  and  sinning  people,  was  an 
ignorant,  a  corrupt,  or  dependent  judiciary."  With  the  above 
conceptions  in  regard  to  his  station,  he  combined  the  following 
personal  appearance,  which  we  have  from  Judge  Story :  "  MAR 
SHALL  is  of  a  tall,  slender  figure,  not  graceful  or  imposing,  but 
erect  and  steady.  His  hair  is  black,  his  eyes  twinkling,  his 
forehead  rather  low,  but  his  features  are,  in  general,  harmonious. 
His  manners  are  plain,  yet  dignified,  and  an  unaffected  modesty 
diffuses  itself  through  all  his  actions.  His  dress  is  very  simple, 
yet  neat;  his  language  chaste,  but  hardly  elegant;  it  does  flow 
rapidly,  but  it  seldom  wants  precision.  In  conversation,  he  is 
quite  familiar,  but  is  occasionally  embarrassed  by  a  hesitancy  and 
drawling.  His  thoughts  are  always  clear  and  ingenious,  some 
times  striking  and  not  often  inconclusive ;  he  possesses  great 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  441 

subtlety  of  mind,  but  it  is  only  occasionally  exhibited.  I  love  his 
laugh, — it  is  too  hearty  for  an  intriguer,  and  his  good  temper  and 
unvaried  patience  are  equally  agreeable  on  the  bench  and  in  the 
study.  His  genius  is,  in  my  opinion,  vigorous  and  powerful,  less 
rapid  than  discriminating,  arid  less  vivid  than  uniform  in  its  light. 
He  examines  the  intricasies  of  a  subject  with  calm  and  persevering 
circumspection,  and  unravels  the  mysteries  with  irresistible  acute- 
ness.  He  has  not  the  majesty  of  Johnson ;  but  in  subtle  logic,  he 
is  no  unworthy  disciple  of  David  Hume."*  With  the  above 
personal  appearance,  his  views  of  an  independent  judiciary,. before 
named,  and  inflexible  firmness,  with  "  always  aim  at  strength  " 
for  his  maxim,  and  the  whole  adorned  with  high  moral  purity,  we 
can  picture  MARSHALL  upon  the  bench  fifty  years  ago.  At  his 
career  there  we  can  give  but  a  hasty  glance.  His  de 
cisions  are  a  part  of  the  American  law, — his  opinions,  its  fair 
interpretation, — his  laborious  term,  a  bright  page  of  judicial 
history. 

Among  the  first  of  his  many  important  cases,  was  that  of 
Marbury  against  Madison.  Without  elaborating  upon  the  case 
in  detail,  we  will  give  the  main  principle  involved  and  settled  by 
his  decision,  which  was,  for  the  first  time,  established  by  supreme 
authority,  and  one  upon  which  hinges  the  proper  working  of  the 
judiciary.  It  was  this  :  "  That  it  is  the  right  and  the  duty  of  the 
judicial  department  to  determine  the  constitutionality  of  a  legis 
lative  act,  and  if  such  act  be  found  repugnant  to  the  provisions  of 
the  Constitution,  to  declare  it  null  and  void."  This  was  placing 
the  department  upon  its  deserved  high  grounds.  In  his  able  and 
somewhat  lengthy  opinion,  he  uses  this  language:  "It  is  em 
phatically  the  province  and  the  duty  of  the  judicial  department 
to  say  what  the  law  is.  Those  who  apply  the  rule  to  particular 
cases,  must  of  necessity,  expound  and  interpret  that  rule.  If  two 
laws  conflict  with  each  other,  the  court  must  decide  on  the  opera 
tion  of  each.  So,  if  the  law  be  in  opposition  to  the  Constitution." 
Henceforth,  this  doctrine  became  forever  a  settled  point. 

Soon  after,  another  legal  principle  was  settled  by  his  decision 
in  the  case  of  the  United  States  against  Judge  Peters.  It  was 
this  :  uThat  the  legislature  of  a  State  could  not  annul  the  judg 
ment,  or  determine  the  jurisdiction,  of  the  courts  of  the  United 


»  Van  Santvoord. 

30 


442  JOHN    MARSHALL. 

States,  or  destroy  rights  acquired  under  those  judgments." 
"Otherwise,"  he  continues,  "the  Constitution  itself  becomes  a 
solemn  mockery ;  and  the  nation  is  deprived  of  the  means  of 
enforcing  its  laws  by  the  instrumentality  of  its  own  tribunals." 

Another  principle  was  settled  in  the  case  of  Fletcher  against 
Feck.  The  State  of  Georgia  granted  to  the  State  Company  a 
large  parcel  of  land ;  Peck,  by  right  of  the  company,  conveyed 
by  deed,  a  portion  of  the  same  land  to  the  plaintiff  Fletcher, 
relinquishing  all  State  and  company  rights.  Just  before  this 
transfer,  Georgia  had  repealed  the  act  whereby  it  was  made. 
Fletcher  sued  Peck  for  a  breach  of  contract.  Here  was  an  express 
contract  impaired  by  legislative  enactment,  against  which  was 
constitutional  provision.  The  question  then  was,  could  Georgia 
or  any  other  State  annul  an  act  under  the  Constitution,  when  the 
result  would  be  a  rescission  of  the  contracts  it  originated.  MAR 
SHALL  established  the  doctrine,  "  that  a  grant  of  lands  is  a  contract 
within  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution,  and  that  when  a  State  law 
was  in  its  nature  a  contract,  and  absolute  rights  have  vested  under 
it,  a  repeal  of  the  law  could  not  divest  these  rights  or  impair  the 
title  so  acquired."  "Since  then,  in  fact,  a  grant  is  a  contract 
executed,  the  obligation  of  which  still  continues,  and  since  the 
Constitution  uses  the  term  contract,  without  distinguishing  be 
tween  those  which  are  executory  and  those  which  are  executed, 
it  must  be  construed  to  mean  the  latter  as  well  as  the  former.  A 
law  annulling  conveyances  between  individuals,  and  declaring 
that  the  grantors  should  stand  seized  of  their  former  estates,  not 
withstanding  these  grants,  would  be  as  repugnant  to  the  Consti 
tution  as  a  law  discharging  the  vendors  of  property  from  the 
obligation  of  executing  their  contracts  by  conveyances.  It  would 
be  strange  if  a  contract  to  convey  was  secured  by  the  Constitution, 
while  an  absolute  conveyance  remained  unprotected." 

For  these  cases  and  opinions  at  large,  the  reader  is  referred  to 
that  golden  casket  of  legal  lore,  Cranch's  Keports,  where  he  will  find 
as  bright  a  treasure  of  facts,  as  ever  sparkled  from  the  light  of  mind, 
and  as  fine  a  literary  feast  as  ever  regaled  the  taste  of  a  student. 

Inasmuch,  as  we  can  not  dwell  at  length,  upon  the  many  cases 
both  of  general  and  local  interest,  adjudicated  during  MARSHALL'S 
judicial  career,  we  shall  select,  as  one  that  excited  the  popular 
mind  to  a  degree  rarely  equaled,  the  trial  of  that  singular  combi 
nation  of  genius,  talent,  cunning  and  energy, — AARON  BURR. 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  443 

Entertaining,  it  was  said,  schemes  of  separating  the  Union,  and 
establishing  a  "  Western  Confederacy"  after  his  disappointment 
in  getting  to  the  Presidency,  he  was  forced  to  see  the  project  was 
too  stupendous  for  him,  enterprising  and  intellectual  as  he  was. 
Having  little  moral  principle,  his  highest  quality  being  an  inordi 
nate  ambition,  he  next  turned  his  attention  to  Mexico,  where,  a 
second  Cortez,  he  designed  enthroning  himself  among  the  domains 
of  the  Tlascalan.  Both  of  these  projects  were  unlawful.  The 
rumors  against  him  became  so  strong,  and  were  so  corroborated  by 
various  movements  set  on  foot,  that  a  warrant  was  issued  for  his 
arrest.  He  was  apprehended  in  January,  1807,  while  descend 
ing  the  Mississippi,  and  kept  in  close  custody.  He  contrived  to 
escape,  and  in  disguise  turned  his  course  to  Mobile,  Alabama, 
but  was  recaptured  on  the  Tombigbee  river,  soon  after.  It  is 
mortifying  to  see  one  of  the  first  intellects  of  his  day,  who  had 
been  Vice-president,  thus  pursued  by  outraged  justice,  as  a  culprit, 
to  answer  the  charge  of  treason  against  a  country  by  which  he 
had  been  so  highly  honored.  The  lesson  is  not  without  its  moral. 
It  teaches  aspiring  young  men  that,  under  our  institutions,  energy 
will  lead  them  to  the  highest  position,  and  that  a  total  disregard 
of  moral  principle,  which  is,  after  all,  man's  true  measurement, 
will  as  certainly  hurl  them  to  the  lowest. 

Burr  was  brought  to  trial,  May  22d,  180Y,  before  Chief  Justice 
Marshall,  in  the  city  of  Washington.  On  the  side  of  the  prose- 
2ution,  were  arrayed  William  Wirt,  McRea,  and  Hoy.  Burr 
appeared  for  himself,  and  managed  the  defense  in  a  very  able 
manner ;  he  was  assisted  by  Baker,  Botts,  and  Luther  Martin. 
Burr,  it  is  said,  evinced,  during  his  trial,  all  the  traits  of  an  ele 
vated  mind  and  unsurpassed  abilities  as  a  lawyer.  Despite  the 
popular  prejudice  against  him,  both  personal  and  general,  MAE- 
SHALL  presided  over  the  court  with  stern  inflexibility,  determined 
justice  should  be  done  to  the  State  prisoner.  During  the  trial, 
Burr  moved  for  a  writ  of  subpmna  duces  tecum  to  the  President, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  some  documents,  then  in  possession 
of  General  Wilkinson.  This  was  strongly  opposed  by  the  prose 
cuting  attorneys.  MARSHALL  decided  in  favor  of  the  prisoner,  and 
made  the  following  just  remarks :  u  It  is  not  for  the  court  to 
anticipate  the  result  of  the  present  prosecution.  Should  it  termi 
nate,  as  is  expected,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  all  those  who 
are  concerned  in  it  should  certainly  regret  that  a  paper,  which  the 


444  JOHN    MARSHALL. 

accused  believed  essential  to  his  defense,  which  may,  for  aught 
that  now  appears,  be  essential,  had  been  withheld  from  him.  I 
will  not  say  that  this  circumstance  would,  in  any  degree,  tarnish 
the  reputation  of  the  government ;  but  I  will  say  that  it  would 
tarnish  the  reputation  of  the  court,  which  had  given  its  sanction 
to  its  being  withheld.  Might  I  be  permitted  to  utter  one  senti 
ment  with  regard  to  myself,  it  would  be  to  deplore  most  earnestly 
the  occasion  which  should  compel  me  to  look  back  on  any  part  of 
my  official  conduct,  with  so  much  self-reproach  as  I  should  feel, 
could  I  declare,  on  the  information  now  possessed,  that  the  accused 
is  not  entitled  to  the  letter  in  question,  if  it  should  be  important 
to  him." 

On  the  22d  of  May,  the  grand  jury  was  impanneled,  and 
brought  in  instructions  against  Burr  and  Blennerhasset  for  treason, 
June  24th.  Day  after  day  was  spent  in  trying  to  get  a  jury; 
but,  so  great  was  the  prejudice  against  die  prisoner,  that  it  was 
with  much  difficulty  one  was  obtained.  Many  incidents  of  an 
exciting  nature  intervened  during  this  time.  Hamilton  Mor 
rison  was  being  interrogated  as  to  his  pre-opinions,  and  on  some 
objection  being  manifest,  petulantly  remarked :  "I  am  surprised 
why  they  should  be  in  such  terror  of  me.  Perhaps  my  name  may 
be  a  terror,  for  my  first  name  is  HAMILTON  ;"  true  enough,  to  a  man 
of  more  sensibility  than  Burr,  it  would  have  thrilled  along  the 
nerves  like  an  electric  shock  ;  not  so  with  him.  "  That  remark 
is  sufficient  cause  of  objecting  to  you,"  coolly  remarked  Burr  in 
his  challenge.  On  the  3d  of  August,  the  regular  trial  began. 
Much  asperity  was  manifest  on  both  sides ;  none  but  a  MARSHALL 
could  have  kept  them  in  due  bounds  of  restraint.  To  Luther 
Martin,  Burr's  old  friend  and  counsel,  it  was  hinted  that  he  had 
better  ''economize  time."  "Economize  time,"  he  exclaimed  tartly, 
"I  know  what  economy  they  wish.  They  wish  us  to  be  silent;  they 
would,  if  they  could,  deprive  Colonel  Burr's  counsel  of  an  oppor 
tunity  of  defending  him,  that  they  might  hang  him  up  as  soon  as 
possible  to  gratify  themselves  and  the  government."  Burr's 
counsel  replied  "  that  it  was  a  most  unprincipled  and  unfounded 
assertion."  Here  the  calmness  of  MARSHALL  interposed  with  con 
ciliatory  language,  that  like  oil  upon  the  troubled  waters,  brought 
the  court  to  a  sense  of  duty.  "I  had  hoped,"  said  he,  "that  no 
such  allusions  would  be  made ;  that  the  government  ought  to  be 
treated  with  respect,  and  that  there  was  a  delicacy  to  be  observed 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  445 

on  that  subject,  from  which  he  hoped  there  would  be  no  departure 
hereafter." 

"  I  rose  to  stop  the  progress  of  such  language,  when  up  before," 
coolly  remarked  Burr:  "I  had  made  sufficient  apologies,  if  any 
were  necessary,  for  any  expressions  which  had  been  used,  and  1 
had  hoped  that  no  allusion  would  be  made  to  the  subject.  It  will 
be  recollected  that  I  have  carefully  avoided  such  myself,  and 
imposed  similar  restraint  upon  my  counsel ;  and  urged  that  the 
government  should  be  treated  with  the  utmost  delicacy,  though 
there  was  great  provocation  from  the  gentlemen,  on  the  part  of 
the  prosecution,  which  would  have  justified  harsh  terms.  I  hope 
these  things  will  cease.  On  the  part  of  my  counsel,  I  am  sure 
they  will  cease." 

Burr  was  a  polished  man, — understood  well  the  decorum  due 
from  him  to  the  court.  It  has  been  said,  that  his  designs  in 
Mexico  were  worthy  the  enterprise  of  a  Caesar,  or  the  genius  of  a 
Napoleon ;  and  that  their  maturity  might  have  changed  the  ulti 
mate  destiny  of  that  distracted  country.  Let  his  motives  have 
been  what  they  may,  throughout  his  trial  he  maintained  a  decorous 
dignity  and  manly  bearing,  notwithstanding  the  assertion  of 
McRea  to  the  contrary.  This  trial  was  a  second  Hastings'  im 
peachment,  and  the  ability  evinced  on  the  part  of  the  prosecution, 
especially  by  Wirt,  was  a  second  Sheridan  exhibition.  They  based 
their  arguments  in  support  of  Burr's  implication  in  the  rendez 
vous  of  troops  upon  Blennerhasset's  island,  principally  upon  col 
lateral  evidence,  which  MARSHALL  decided  to  be  inadmissible.* 
He  said  that  "if  a  body  of  men  be  actually  assembled  for  the 
purpose  of  effecting,  by  force,  a  treasonable  object,  all  those  who 
perform  any  part,  however  minute  or  however  remote  from  the 
scene  of  action,  and  who  are  actually  leagued  in  the  general 
conspiracy,  are  to  be  considered  as  traitors."  Burr,  he  insisted, 
was  remote  from  the  island  at  the  time  of  the  hostile  demon 
strations,  and  that  the  collateral  proof  proposed  to  be  adduced 
from  his  actions  was  insufficient  to  establish  his  connection  there 
with. 

Under  solemn  instruction  from  the  court,  as  to  the  weight  to  be 
attached  to  the  testimony,  the  jury  retired.  After  a  short  absence 
they  brought  in  a  verdict  of  not  guilty.  MAESHALL  was  widely 

*  Lives  of  Chief  Justices. 


446  JOHN    MARSHALL. 

censured  for  several  rulings  in  this  case,  especially  that  excluding 
collateral  testimony.  Wirt  wrote  that  "  MARSHALL  had  stepped 
in  between  Burr  and  death.  He  has  pronounced  an  opinion  that 
our  evidence  is  all  irrelevant.  Burr  not  having  been  present  at 
the  island  with  the  assemblage,  and  the  act  itself  not  amounting 
to  a  levying  of  war."  "  The  second  prosecution  against  Burr," 
he  continues,  "  is  also  at  an  end ;"  MARSHALL  again  arrested  the 
evidence.  "  A  motion  will  be  made  to  commit  him  and  his  con 
federates  for  trial  in  Kentucky,  or  wherever  else  the  judge  shall, 
from  the  whole  evidence,  believe  their  crimes  to  have  been  com 
mitted.  There  is  no  knowing  what  will  become  of  the  motion  ;  I 
believe  it  will  be  defeated." 

Burr  was  held  to  appear  in  Ohio,  against  a  charge  of  originat 
ing  a  secret  movement  in  that  State  against  Mexico  ;  his  bail  was 
fixed  at  three  thousand  dollars.  He  never  appeared.  At  this 
decision  he  was  highly  displeased,  as  were  his  prosecutors,  at  the 
former.  He  wrote  his  daughter  that  "the  opinion  was  a  matter 
of  regret  and  surprise  to  the  friends  of  the  chief  justice,  and  of 
ridicule  to  his  enemies, — all  believing  that  it  was  a  sacrifice 
of  principle  to  conciliate  Jack  Cade."  Prominent  men  animad 
verted,  and  harshly  too,  upon  his  course.  Giles,  the  senator  from 
MARSHALL'S  own  State,  brought  in  a  bill  in  view  of  the  develop 
ments  of  the  Burr  trial,  defining  treason,  and  fixing  its  penalties. 
In  urging  it  before  the  legislature,  he  answered  the  chief  justice  in 
strong  terms,  saying:  "I  have  learned  that  judicial  opinions  on 
this  subject  are  like  changeable  silks,  which  vary  their  colors,  as 
they  are  held  up  in  political  sunshine." 

These  opinions  affected  the  chief  justice  about  as  much  as  the 
dart  of  a  Lilliput  would  the  shield  of  an  Achilles.  His  motives 
were  pure,  his  course  correct,  his  virtue  irreproachable,  his  firm 
ness  unbending  and  his  consciousness  of  right,  the  property  of  his 
own  bosom.  Some  one  asked  "Wirt,  after  the  trial,  "why  he  did 
not  tell  MARSHALL  the  American  people  demanded  a  conviction." 
"  Tell  him  that ;  I  would  as  soon  have  gone  to  Herschell,  and 
told  him  that  the  people  of  America  insisted  that  the  moon  had 
horns,  as  a  reason  why  he  should  draw  her  with  him,"  was  the 
response.  Wirt  knew  the  man ;  and  that  the  want  of  the 
American  mind,  excited  by  prejudice,  would  not  move  him  an 
iota  in  his  decisions  as  chief  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

Nationally,  the  trial  of  Burr  excited  universal  attention,  and 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  447 

assumed  a  place  of  importance  equaled  by  few  ever  adjudicated  in 
this  country.  For  the  full  proceedings,  the  reader  is  referred  to 
"Burr's  trial,"  as  we  must  now  consider  other  matters.  Among 
the  decisions  of  MARSHALL  that  established  principles  of  law  in 
definite  settlement,  were  some  of  judge  and  admiralty  nature, 
which  embrace  almost  the  alpha  of  this  branch  of  American 
jurisprudence.  Among  these  was  the  principle  settled  in  the 
case  of  Rose  against  Himely,  "  that  the  jurisdiction  of  a  foreign 
tribunal  may  be  examined  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  country, 
and  if  such  tribunal  can  not,  consistently  with  the  law  of  nations, 
exercise  the  jurisdiction  it  has  assumed,  its  sentence  is  to  be  dis 
regarded  ;  that,  though  the  rights  of  war  might  be  exercised  by  a 
country  on  the  high  seas,  yet  that  the  legislation  of  every  country 
being  territorial,  its  rights  of  sovereignty  in  the  execution  of  a 
mere  municipal  law,  must  be  exercised  within  its  own  territory ; 
and  therefore,  that  the  seizure  of  a  vessel  not  belonging  to  a 
subject,  made  on  the  high  seas,  for  the  breach  of  a  municipal 
regulation,  was  an  act  which  the  sovereign  could  not  authorize, 
and  such  seizure  was  totally  invalid." 

It  was  not  long  from  this  time,  when  Judge  Story  came  upon 
the  bench,  to  fill  the  place  of  Gushing ;  as  associate  judge, 
William  Pinckney  brought  to  the  court  his  talents  and  legal 
acumen;  Clay  and  Webster  also  appeared  there  as  younger 
aspirants  for  legal  fame.  We  will  notice  one  more  case  of 
admiralty,  and  proceed :  Pinto,  a  Buenos  Ayres  merchant,  got  a 
British  man-of-war,  for  the  conveyance  of  goods,  etc.,  from  Lon 
don  to  that  place.  During  the  voyage,  she  was  captured  by  one 
of  our  privateers,  carried  to  New  York,  and  condemned  as  a  prize. 
Pinto  brought  suit,  averring  that,  as  a  neutral,  he  had  the  right  to 
charter  an  armed  vessel  of  the  enemy  for  the  purpose  of  convey 
ance.  The  case  was  argued  at  length,  by  Emmett  and  others,  for 
the  plaintiff,  while  on  the  opposite  side,  appeared  William 
Piuckney.  Emmett  argued  the  case  with  discrimination,  and  the 
latter  gentleman  made  one  of  his  ablest  efforts,  characterized 
with  the  most  fervid  eloquence.  But  all  his  skill,  tact,  learning, 
and  eloquence  could  not  move  MARSHALL,  though  he  testified  to 
his  masterly  speech.  In  the  course  of  his  decision,  alluding  to 
Pinckney 's  effort,  he  said :  "  With  a  pencil  dipped  in  the  most 
vivid  colors,  and  guided  by  the  hand  of  a  master,  a  splendid 
portrait  has  been  drawn,  exhibiting  the  vessel  and  the  freighter  as 


448  JOHN    MAKSHALL. 

forming  a  single  figure,  composed  of  the  most  discordant 
materials  of  peace  and  war.  So  exquisite  was  the  skill  of  the 
artist,  so  dazzling  the  garb  in  which  the  figure  was  presented, 
that  it  required  the  exercise  of  that  cool,  investigating  faculty, 
which  ought  always  to  belong  to  those  who  sit  on  this  bench  to 
discover  its  only  imperfection, — its  want  of  resemblance."* 

In  his  decision  he  had  no  landmark, — no  precedent  of  a  like 
nature.  He  decided  that  neutrals  had  a  right  to  employ  unarmed 
ships  for  transports  belonging  to  an  enemy  at  war, — and  conse 
quently,  armed  ones  too,  provided  the  persons  so  employing  them 
do  not  insist  in  resisting,  on  their  capture,  in  case  of  attack. 
This,  it  is  said,  was  about  the  most  unsatisfactory  opinion  he 
delivered  during  his  thirty-four  years'  term. 

Passing  over  a  large  number  of  important  cases  tried,  the 
most  casual  notice  of  which  would  be  impossible  in  this  con 
nection,  we  will  notice  briefly  the  celebrated  Bank  Case.  This  was 
a  suit  between  the  United  States  and  the  State  of  Maryland,  and 
grew  out  of  an  act  passed  by  the  latter,  levying  tax  upon  a  branch 
of  the  United  States  Bank,  situated  in  the  State.  This  act  was 
alleged  to  be  unconstitutional  by  the  government.  The  State 
thereupon  said,  the  charter  of  the  institution,  in  the  first  place, 
was  not  guaranteed  to  the  Constitution.  This  was  a  great  case. 
Wirt,  Webster,  Pinckney,  Martin  and  Jones  were  counsel  iu  the 
argument.  Pinckney  made  the  last  speech,  and  said, — "  nothing 
but  miserable  shreds,  the  ragged  odds  and  ends,  the  tristes 
reliques"  had  been  left  of  the  argument.  The  decision  was 
against  the  State,  and  in  favor  of  the  Bank.  In  his  long  opinion, 
occur  the  following  words:  "We  admit,  as  all  must  admit,  that 
the  powers  of  the  government  are  limited,  and  that  its  limits  are 
not  to  be  transcended.  But  we  think  the  sound  construction  of 
the  Constitution  must  allow  to  the  national  legislature,  that  dis 
cretion^  with  respect  to  the  means  by  which  the  powers  it  confers 
are  to  be  carried  into  execution,  which  will  enable  that  body  to 
perform  the  high  duties  assigned  to  it  in  the  manner  most  bene 
ficial  to  the  people.  Let  the  end  be  legitimate, — let  it  be  within 
the  scope  of  the  Constitution,  and  all  means  which  are  appropri 
ate,  which  are  plainly  adapted  to  that  end,  which  are  not  pro 
hibited,  ~but  consist  with  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  Constitution, 

*  Van  Santvoord. 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  449 

are  constitutional."  Upon  this  principle  he  based  his  decision. 
Though  no  political  or  party  biases  influenced  him  in  the  least,  in 
this  or  any  other  decisions,  it  will  be  borne  in  inind  that  he  was  a 
Federalist.  The  Bank  could  not  be  taxed  by  the  State,  he  said, 
"  on  a  principle  which  so  entirely  pervades  the  Constitution,  is  so 
intermixed  with  the  materials  which  compose  it,  so  interwoven 
with  its  web,  so  blended  with  its  texture  as  to  be  incapable  of 
being  separated  from  it  without  rending  it  into  shreds.  This 
great  principle  is,  that  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  made  in 
pursuance  thereof  are  supreme,  that  they  control  the  constitutions 
and  laws  of  the  respective  States,  and  can  not  be  controlled  by 
them.  From  this,  which  may  almost  be  termed  an  axiom,  other 
propositions  may  be  deduced  as  corollaries,  on  the  truth  or  error 
of  which,  and  on  their  application  to  this  case,  the  course  has 
been  supposed  to  depend.  These  are :  1st,  that  a  power  to  create, 
implies  a  power  to  preserve;  2d,  that  a  power  to  destroy  that  if 
wielded  by  a  different  hand  is  hostile  to,  and  incompatible  with 
these  powers  to  create  and  to  preserve ;  3d,  that  where  this  repug 
nance  exists,  that  authority  which  is  supreme  must  control,  not 
yield  to  that  other  over  which  it  is  supreme."  He  further  says : 
"  If  the  States  may  tax  one  instrument  employed  by  the  govern 
ment  in  the  execution  of  its  powers,  they  may  tax  any  and  every 
other  instrument.  They  may  tax  a  mint ;  they  may  tax  the 
mail ;  they  may  tax  patent  rights ;  they  many  tax  the  papers 
of  the  Custom  House;  they  may  tax  judicial  process;  they 
may  tax  all  the  means  employed  by  the  general  government 
to  an  excess  which  would  defeat  all  the  ends  of  the  general  gov 
ernment.  This  was  not  intended  by  the  American  people.  They 
did  not  design  to  make  their  government  dependent  on  the  States." 
Other  causes  hinging  upon  the  constitutionality  of  the  Bank,  etc., 
ensued,  which  were  disposed  of  upon  similar  views.  With  scrupu 
lous  conscientiousness,  he  made  every  thing  subordinate  to  the 
Constitution.  For,  he  would  say,  if  so  and  so  "be  the  Consti 
tution,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  court  to  bow  with  respectful  submis 
sion  to  its  provisions.  If  such  be  not  the  Constitution,  it  is 
equally  the  duty  of  the  court  to  say  so,  and  to  perform  that  task 
which  the  American  people  have  assigned  to  the  judicial  depart 
ment." 

A  case,  argued  and  decided  not  long  after,  involved  the  question 
of  occupancy  and  discovery  to  the  lands  of  North  America.     It 


450  JOHN    MARSHALL. 

was  the  case  of  Johnson  against  Mclntosh.  Johnson  claimed 
some  land  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  which  he  held  by  title  from  the 
Indians :  Mclntosh  claimed  the  same  land,  under  a  title  from  the 
general  government.  It  was  argued  at  length,  by  able  counsel 
on  both  sides.  The  opinion  of  MARSHALL  was  learned,  elaborate, 
unanswerable  and  conclusive.  He  showed  that  the  right  of  occu 
pancy  had  been  superseded  by  discovery  and  subsequent  revo 
lution,  thereby  establishing  the  territorial  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States  over  her  immense  possessions. 

But,  as  before  indicated,  we  can  not  pursue  these  opinions  to 
too  great  a  length ;  his  career  on  the  bench,  is  an  epoch  in  the 
history  of  our  judiciary,  and  coming  to  the  bench  just  at  a  time 
when  the  various  departments  of  government  had  passed  the 
fearful  ordeal  of  experiment,  and  assumed  the  appearance  of 
vigorous  progressive  expansion,  he  more  than  any  other  man, 
deserves  to  stand  foremost  in  the  bright  array  of  American 
jurists. 

MARSHALL,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  literary  tastes  when 
young ;  these  he  retained.  It  was  said  of  Trajan,  that  he  was 
peculiarly  fortunate  in  finding  a  Pliny;  of  Washington,  it  may 
be  said,  he  was  equally  so  in  finding  a  MARSHALL,  to  adorn 
history  with  his  mighty  deeds.  MARSHALL'S  Life  of  Washington, 
until  the  more  recent  issues  of  the  elaborate  works  of  Sparks 
and  Irving,  was  the  best  biography  of  that  eminent  man,  and  as 
a  history  of  those  stirring  times  is  a  valuable  work.  Like  every 
thing  coming  from  MARSHALL,  it  is  plain,  simple  and  unaffected, 
evidently  showing  a  greater  desire  to  instruct  the  mind  than  to 
please  the  ear, — to  benefit  the  people  rather  than  disarm  criticism. 

In  1829,  Virginia  called  a  convention  to  revise  the  State  consti 
tution.  To  this  body  MARSHALL,  then  in  his  seventy-fifth  year, 
was  sent  as  a  delegate.  Madison  and  Monroe,  MARSHALL,  and 
Upshur,  "venerable  men,  who  had  come  down  from  another 
generation,"— men  learned  with  the  accumulated  wisdom  of  years, 
and  woven  with  the  elements  of  their  country,  were  there.  Mon 
roe  was  chosen  president  of  the  body,  an  honor  which  Madison 
declined  on  account  of  his  age  and  infirmities.  In  the  able  debates 
that  followed,  MARSHALL  participated  only  to  a  limited  extent. 
The  noble  type  of  a  primeval  age,  his  locks  all  whitened,  his  frame 
somewhat  attenuated,  his  manners  gentle,  his  figure  tall,  his  eyes 
black  and  piercing,  and  his  mien  reverential,  he  occupied  his  seat, 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  45} 

like  a  sage  instructor  over  a  school  of  younger  legislators,  who 
emulated  each  other  in  doing  him  homage. 

Illustrative  of  this,  during  a  heated  debate,  and  much  excitement, 
MARSHALL  was  making  some  remarks,  when  the  noise  became  so 
great  that  he  could  be  heard  with  difficulty ;  suddenly  rising  to  his 
feet,  one  of  the  members  exclaimed :  "  Wisdom  crieth  aloud  in. 
the  street  and  her  voice  is  not  heard."  Order  was  soon  restored. 
MARSHALL  was  a  federalist,  but  not  a  partisan.  Warm  and 
ardent  in  his  attachment  to  both  men  and  measures,  his  purity 
and  patriotism  restrained  undue  exhibitions  of  his  feelings.  As  a 
man,  he  was  simply  plain  JOHN  MARSHALL.  An  anecdote  is 
related  of  him,  which  shows  the  practical  simplicity  of  his  nature. 
A  young  man  of  the  dandy  school,  one  day  purchased  a  small 
article  or  two  at  a  store,  and  was  sadly  vexed  that  he  could  find 
no  one  to  take  them  home.  He  stood  furiously  lamenting  his 
fate,  when  MARSHALL  coming  along  in  his  plain  attire  and  man 
ners,  asked  the  cause  of  his  irritation,  which  was  explained. 
MARSHALL  remarked,  that  he  was  going  by  his  house,  and  would 
carry  it  for  him.  The  young  man,  scarce  deigning  to  notice  so 
plainly  clad  a  gentleman,  gave  up  the  article.  Arriving  at  his 
gate  it  was  given  up  to  him,  and  his  valet  quietly  passed  on. 
"  What  old  man  is  that  who  brought  this  along  for  me  ?"  inquired 
the  exquisite  of  the  first  passer-by.  "That  gentleman,"  he 
answered,  uthat  is  JOHN  MARSHALL,  chief  justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court."  The  nice  youngster's  feelings,  at  so  cutting  a  rebuke, 
will  have  to  be  imagined. 

In  1835,  MARSHALL  presided  over  the  Supreme  Court  for  the 
last  time.  Though  he  had  attained  his  eightieth  year,  his  great 
intellect  was  undimrned ;  in  fact,  fearing  that  his  mental  powers 
might  become  impaired,  he  had  requested  near  friends,  in  case 
of  any  indications  of  such  an  event,  to  tell  him  immediately  of 
the  fact,  with  a  view  to  his  retiring  from  the  bench.  At  this 
last  court,  he  evinced  his  usual  vigor  of  mind  and  dignified 
demeanor,  though  no  business  of  very  great  importance  was  trans 
acted. 

On  its  adjournment,  and  soon  after  he  reached  home,  he  became 
very  ill.  He  improved,  however,  in  a  short  time,  so  as  to  be 
enabled  to  receive  his  friends  ;  strong  hopes  were  now  entertained 
of  his  recovery.  He  consented  to  visit  Philadelphia,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  availing  himself  of  the  best  medical  aid.  There,  his 


452  JOHN    MARSHALL. 

illness  assumed  an  alarming  aspect,  and  hope  was  entirely 
abandoned.  Surrounded  by  the  best  of  friends,  who  did  all  they 
could  to  alleviate  his  suffering,  he  continued  to  sink  until  the  6th 
of  July,  1835,  when  he  died  as  a  Christian  alone  could  die. 

His  remains  were  conveyed  to  Richmond  by  an  escort,  where, 
after  the  most  solemn  funeral  obsequies,  they  were  deposited 
beside  the  grave  of  his  wife,  in  the  cemetery.  Many  tributes  were 
paid  to  his  illustrious  name.  At  the  next  session  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  Henry  Clay  pronounced  his  eulogy,  and  Story  responded. 
Eesolutions  expressive  of  their  grief  and  loss,  were  passed  by  the 
members  of  the  bar  throughout  the  entire  country.  One  passed 
by  the  bar  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  reads  as  follows: 
"Though  his  authority  as  Chief  Justice,  was  protracted  far 
beyond  the  ordinary  term  of  public  life,  no  man  dared  to  covet 
his  place,  or  express  a  wish  to  see  it  filled  by  another.  Even  the 
spirit  of  party  respected  the  unsullied  purity  of  the  judge,  and 
the  fame  of  the  chief  justice  has  justified  the  wisdom  of  the 
Constitution,  and  reconciled  the  jealousy  of  freedom  to  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  judiciary."* 

Having  thus  glanced  at  MARSHALL'S  public  career,  we  will  close 
with  the  words  of  his  eulogist,  Binney,  in  regard  to  him  as  a 
private  individual:  "He  had  no  frays  in  his  boyhood.  He  had 
no  quarrels  or  outbreakings  in  manhood.  He  was  the  composer 
of  strifes.  He  spoke  ill  of  no  man.  He  meddled  not  with  their 
affairs.  He  viewed  their  worst  deeds  through  the  medium  of 
charity.  He  had  eight  sisters  and  six  brothers,  with  all  of  whom 
from  youth  to  age,  his  intercourse  was  marked  by  the  utmost 
kindness  and  affection ;  and  although  his  eminent  talents,  high 
public  character,  and  acknowledged  usefulness,  could  not  fail  to 
be  a  subject  of  pride  and  admiration  to  all  of  them ;  there  is  no 
one  of  his  numerous  relations,  who  has  had  the  happiness  of  a 
personal  association  with  him,  in  whom  his  purity,  simplicity, 
and  affectionate  benevolence,  did  not  produce  a  deeper  and  more 
cherished  impression,  than  all  the  achievements  of  his  powerful 
intellect." 

•  *  Lives  of  Chief  Justices. 


JAMES  MADISON. 


JAMES  MADISON. 


IT  has  been  said  of  Gibbon's  works,  that  they  form  a  bridge, 
which,  spanning  the  abyss  of  the  medieval  age,  connects  ancient 
with  modern  times,  and  enables  the  historic  student  to  pass  from 
the  deeds  and  exploits  of  more  recent  actors,  to  the  theater  of 
past  glories,  and  gather  the  treasures  of  long-gone  centuries. 

Having  endeavored  to  give  the  records  of  those  who  figured 
most  conspicuously  in  our  country,  from  the  first  assertion  of 
colonial  right,  through  the  tumultuous  throes  of  revolution,  till  an 
organization  was  effected  that  has  resulted  in  her  present  glorious 
proportions,  it  seems  but  proper  to  bring  in  the  name  of  one,  with 
whose  administration,  our  great  development  seems  to  have  fairly 
commenced. 

The  eighteenth  century  passed  by,  leaving  us  triumphant  in  a 
war  of  opinion.  "We  had  declared,  then  fought,  and  then  organ 
ized.  Though,  successful  in  these,  young  Freedom,  yet  at  its 
parent  breast,  had  to  be  nursed  into  strength  to  support  itself. 
The  task  of  its  development  devolved,  in  a  measure,  upon  others 
than  those,  who  kept  it  from  being  "strangled  in  its  birth." 
Fortunately,  it  was  fostered  with  fraternal  care,  till  "  hardened  into 
the  bone  of  manhood,"  by  anxious  and  patriotic  guardians. 
Among  the  first  of  these  was  JAMES  MADISON,  who,  through 
cloud  and  storm,  protected  its  growth  for  four  years,  and  gave  it 
into  the  hands  of  his  successor  in  a  state  of  progressive  maturity. 

He  was  born  in  Orange  County,  Virginia,  March  5th,  1750. 
His  family  was  one  of  influence  and  wealth,  and  much  respected 
for  their  high  traits  of  character.  The  name  of  his  father  was 
also,  James ;  the  family  were  of  "Welsh  descent,  and  were  among 

'453) 


£54  JAMES    MADISON. 

the  earliest  settlers  of  Virginia.  Young  MADISON  was  early 
started  to  school,  and  studied  the  elementary  branches  under  the 
tuition  of  Donald  Robinson.  Another  gentleman,  Rev.  Thomas 
Martin,  was  afterward  secured  as  private  teacher  in  his  father's 
family,  by  whom  he  was  instructed  in  the  higher  branches,  and 
prepared  for  college.  After  enjoying  the  benefits  of  the  instruction 
of  this  worthy  man  for  some  time,  he  entered  Princeton  College, 
where  he  graduated  with  credit,  in  1771. 

At  college,  he  was  studious,  energetic,  and  ambitious  to  excel. 
So  high  was  his  character  at  this  institution,  that  the  president, 
years  after,  declared  to  a  friend :  "  That,  in  the  whole  course  of 
MADISON  at  college,  he  had  never  known  him  to  say  or  do  an 
indecent  thing."  Though  active  and  ambitious,  MADISON  was  care 
ful  to  fortify  himself  by  the  cultivation  of  correct  reasoning  and 
solid  principles.  Hence,  on  approaching  the  period  when  his 
talents  and  abilities  were  called  into  requisition  in  behalf  of  his 
country,  he  possessed  a  judgment,  seldom  inaccurate,  and  a  dis 
cretion  that  prevented  any  acts  of  imprudence.  His  thoughts 
were  early  directed  to  the  law ;  but,  scarce  had  he  returned  to  his 
State  from  college,  and  begun  to  devote  himself  to  the  profession, 
when  the  war  prevented  all  opportunities  of  advancement.  In  1775, 
he  was  placed  on  the  Committee  of  Safety,  in  his  native  county, 
and  was  the  next  year  elected  to  the  State  Assembly. 

This  body,  taking  into  consideration  the  destiny  that  was 
opening  before  him,  was  for  him  the  finest  of  schools ;  he  was  a 
vigilant  member,  and  studied  carefully  the  manner  and  workings 
of  a  legislative  body.  At  this  session,  he  laid  deep  and  broad  the 
foundations  of  his  future  career  and  usefulness.  In  1775,  he  was 
created  a  member  of  the  executive  council,  which  post  he  con 
tinued  to  occupy  for  nearly  two  years.  After  his  services  in  this 
capacity,  he  was  elected  to  the  Continental  Congress.  He  took 
his  seat  in  that  body,  March  20th,  1780, — a  portentous  period  in 
our  history. 

"It  was  then  in  the  midst  of  the  Revolution,  and  under  the 
influence  of  its  most  trying  scenes,  that  his  political  character  was 
formed,  and  then  it  was  that  the  virtue  of  discretion,  the  spirit  of 
moderation,  the  conciliatory  temper  of  compromise  found  room 
for  its  exercise  in  its  most  comprehensive  extent."*  He  continued 

*  John  Quincy  Adams. 


JAMES    MADISON.  455 

a  valued  member  of  that  body  until  the  close  of  the  war,  careful 
on  all  occasions,  to  labor  for  his  country,  and  study  the  principles 
of  political  economy.  Enough  had  been  observed  and  noted,  to 
convince  him  of  the  defects  of  the  then  existent  form  of  govern 
ment,  and  to  identify  him  with  the  earliest  friends  of  revision  and 
amendment.  These  defects,  principally  relating  to  commerce, 
revenue,  and  debts,  have  been  noticed  elsewhere,  in  connection 
with  those  who,  like  MADISON,  early  perceived  the  inefficiency  of  the 
old  confederation. 

In  1783,  it  was  resolved  by  nine  States,  to  recommend  the 
levying  of  a  tax  on  spirituous  liquors,  and  other  luxuries,  and 
also  five  per  cent.,  upon  all  imported  goods ;  that  a  sum  of  a 
million  and  a  half  dollars  be  raised,  to  pay  the  public  debt, — each 
State  to  secure,  by  tax,  its  respective  portion  ;  and  that  the  States 
relinquish  their  individual  territory,  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of 
which,  should  go  to  the  liquidation  of  the  public  debt.  Upon 
these  recommendations,  a  committee,  consisting  of  MADISON, 
Oliver  Ellsworth  and  Hamilton,  was  appointed,  for  the  purpose 
of  furthering  the  several  objects.  An  address,  remarkable  for  its 
fine  composition,  marked  ability,  and  correct  views  of  the  neces 
sities  of  the  times,  appeared  from  the  pen  of  MADISON.  It  closed  as 
follows : 

"  Let  it  be  remembered,  that  it  has  ever  been  the  pride  and 
boast  of  America,  that  the  rights  for  which  she  contended,  were 
the  rights  of  human  nature.  By  the  blessings  of  the  Author  of 
these  rights,  on  the  means  exerted  for  their  defense,  they  have 
prevailed  over  all  opposition,  and  form  the  basis  of  thirteen  inde 
pendent  States.  No  instance  has  heretofore  occurred,  nor  can  any 
instance  be  expected,  hereafter  to  occur,  in  which  the  unadulter 
ated  forms  of  republican  government  can  pretend  to  so  fair  an 
opportunity  of  justifying  themselves  by  their  fruits.  In  this  view, 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States  are  responsible  for  the  greatest 
trust  ever  confided  to  a  political  society.  If  justice,  good  faith, 
honor,  gratitude,  and  all  other  qualities  which  ennoble  the 
character  of  a  nation,  and  fulfill  the  ends  of  government,  be 
the  fruits  of  our  establishments,  the  cause  of  liberty  will  acquire 
a  dignity  and  luster,  which  it  has  never  yet  enjoyed ;  and  an 
example  will  be  set,  which  can  but  have  the  most  favorable  in 
fluence  on  the  rights  of  mankind.  If,  on  the  other  side,  our 
government  should  be  unfortunately  blotted  with  the  reverse  of 
31 


456  JAMES    MADISON. 

these  cordial  and  essential  virtues,  the  great  cause  which  we  have 
engaged  to  vindicate,  will  be  dishonored  and  betrayed ;  the  last 
and  fairest  experiment  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  human  nature, 
will  be  turned  against  them ;  and  their  patrons  and  friends  ex 
posed  to  be  insulted  and  silenced  by  the  votaries  of  tyranny  and 
usurpation." 

He  well  knew  that,  notwithstanding  a  peace  had  been  conquered, 
and  independence  recognized,  there  was  really  no  government 
solidified  upon  the  basis  of  experience  and  power,  essential  to  pre 
vent  internal  dissensions,  a  sequence  to  which,  would  be  embroil 
ment  with,  and  perhaps  submission  to,  external  combinations  and 
influences ;  hence,  his  warning  voice  was  raised  thus  early  in 
appeals  to  his  country,  to  preserve  and  maintain  the  blessings, 
which,  .by  blood  and  suffering,  they  had  won. 

MADISON  continued  a  member  of  Congress  till  1783,  when,  by 
constitutional  restriction,  his  term  of  office  expired,  and  he  was 
elected  to  the  State  Assembly,  of  which  he  continued  an  efficient 
member,  till  1786.  Jefferson,  it  will  be  remembered,  brought  a 
bill  in  the  house,  preventing  legal  interference  with  religious 
opinions,  or  religious  exercises,  giving  unrestricted  liberty  of 
conscience  in  these  matters.  Its  passage  was  earnestly  urged  by 
its  friends,  and  as  sternly  opposed  by  its  enemies.  The  Church 
of  England  being  the  prevailing  faith,  and  all  who  did  not  indorse 
its  peculiar  tenets,  being  branded  as  dissenters,  arrayed  the  people 
against  its  ministers,  had  produced  infinite  mischief  during  the 
Eevolution,  and  was  still  continuing  to  do  so.  It  was  to  root 
out  this  aristocratic  feature  of  his  commonwealth,  that  induced 
Jefferson  to  bring  in  his  bill.  It  was  at  first  defeated,  and  its 
friends  almost  despaired  of  carrying  it  through ; — the  necessary 
absence  of  Jefferson  at  the  next  session,  greatly  increased  these 
fears.  MADISON,  however,  a  warm  friend  to  the  measure,  sternly 
identified  with  the  advocates  of  pure  republicanism,  and  strongly 
opposed  to  any  thing  conflicting  with  its  principles,  came 
a  true  champion  to  its  rescue,  and  by  his  labor  and  influence, 
effected  its  passage.  Side  by  side  with  Jefferson,  he  labored,  also, 
in  remodeling  the  laws  of  the  State  of  Virginia.  The  ordinance 
of  1787,  so  settling  the  difficulties  arising  from  the  cession  of  the 
north-western  territory,  that  they  no  longer  operated  as  a  barrier 
to  the  ratification  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  received  as  much, 
perhaps,  more  of  his  labors  and  anxious  attention,  as  of  any  other 


JAMES    MADISON.  457 

individual.  Daily  experience  and  observation,  both  in  public  and 
private  capacities,  convinced  MADISON  that  the  federal  government 
was,  in  many  of  its  features,  sadly  defective,  and  unadapted  to 
answer  fully  the  objects  of  its  framers.  He,  therefore,  urged, 
after  consultation  with  his  friends,  who  coincided  with  his  views 
in  regard  to  the  matter,  a  general  convention  of  delegates,  for  the 
purpose  of  regulating  the  commercial  interests  of  the  country. 
This  proposition  finally  passed  the  legislature  of  the  State.  This 
convention,  composed  of  delegates  from  five  of  the  States,  to  wit : 
New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Virginia,  New  Jersey,  and 
Maryland  met  at  Annapolis,  in  the  fall  of  1786,  and  selected 
Dickinson,  of  the  latter  State,  to  preside  over  their  deliberations. 
After  a  brief  session,  an  able  address,  in  the  preparation  of  which 
MADISON  took  an  active  part,  was  agreed  to,  urging  upon  all  the 
States,  the  reassemblage  of  delegates  at  Philadelphia,  to  take  into 
consideration  the  federal  articles  more  fully,  and  at  length. 

"When  this  convention  met,  May  9th,  1787,  MADISON,  who  was 
sent  as  one  of  the  delegates  of  Virginia,  became,  at  once,  a 
leading  member.  In  most  of  the  reports,  addresses,  resolutions, 
and  articles  presented,  the  reflex  of  his  genius  and  talent  is 
clearly  visible.  The  scope  of  their  labors  became  wider  than  was 
at  first  anticipated,  and  finally  resulted  in  the  consolidation  of  all 
the  States  into  ONE  PEOPLE,  protected  by  the  Constitution  of  a 
Federal  Government.  This  is  not  the  proper  place  to  speak  in 
detail  of  the  proceedings  of  that  body.  "We  can  not  refrain,  how 
ever,  from  giving  the  views  of  MADISON,  upon  the  great  question 
of  the  political  government  of  the  United  States,  and  the  proper 
constitution  for  her  regulation  and  protection.  These  views  were 
embodied  in  a  letter  written  to  Washington  from  MADISON,  which 
will  be  found  in  the  North  American  Keview,  and  reads  as  follows : 

"  Mr.  Madison  thinks  an  individual  independence  of  the  States 
utterly  irreconcilable  with  their  aggregate  sovereignty,  and  that 
a  consolidation  of  the  whole  into  one  simple  Republic  would  be  as 
inexpedient  as  it  is  unattainable.  He  therefore  proposes  a  middle 
ground,  which  may  at  once  support  a  due  supremacy  of  the  na 
tional  authority,  and  not  exclude  the  local  authorities  whenever 
they  can  be  subordinately  useful. 

"  As  the  groundwork,  he  proposes  that  a  change  be  made  in 
the  principle  of  representation,  and  thinks  there  would  be  no  great 
difficulty  in  effecting  it. 


458  JAMES    MADISON. 

"  Next,  that,  in  addition  to  the  present  federal  powers,  the  na 
tional  government  should  be  armed  with  positive  and  complete 
authority  in  all  cases  which  require  uniformity ;  such  as  regulation 
of  trade,  including  the  right  of  taxing  both  imports  and  ex 
ports,  the  fixing  the  terms  and  forms  of  naturalization,  etc. 

"  Over  and  above  this  positive  power,  a  negative  in  all  cases 
whatever  on  the  legislative  acts  of  the  States,  as  heretofore  exer 
cised  by  the  kingly  prerogative,  appears  to  him  absolutely  neces 
sary,  and  to  be  the  least  possible  encroachment  on  the  state  juris 
dictions.  Without  this  defensive  power,  he  conceives  that  every 
positive  law  which  can  be  given  on  paper,  will  be  evaded. 

"  This  control  over  the  laws  would  prevent  the  internal  vicissi 
tudes  of  state  policy,  and  the  aggressions  of  interested  majori 
ties. 

"  The  national  supremacy  ought  also  to  be  extended,  he  thinks, 
to  the  judiciary  departments ;  the  oaths  of  the  judges  should  at 
least  include  a  fidelity  to  the  general,  as  well  as  local  Constitution  ; 
and  that  an  appeal  should  be  to  some  national  tribunals  in  all 
cases  to  which  foreigners  or  inhabitants  of  other  States  may  be 
parties.  The  admiralty  jurisdiction  to  fall  entirely  within  the 
purview  of  the  national  government. 

"  The  national  supremacy,  in  the  executive  departments,  is  liable 
to  some  difficulty,  unless  the  officers  administering  them  could  be 
made  appoiutable  by  the  supreme  government.  The  militia 
ought  entirely  to  be  placed,  in  some  form  or  other,  under  the 
authority  which  is  intrusted  with  the  general  protection  and 
defense. 

"  A  government  composed  of  such  extensive  powers  should  be 
well  organized  and  balanced. 

"  The  legislative  department  might  be  divided  into  two  branches, 

one  of  them  chosen  every years,  by  the  people  at  large,  or  by 

the  legislatures ;  the  other  to  consist  of  fewer  members,  to  hold 
their  places  for  a  longer  term,  and  to  go  out  in  such  rotation  as 
always  to  leave  in  office  a  large  majority  of  old  members. 

"  Perhaps  the  negative  on  the  laws  might  be  most  conveniently 
exercised  by  this  branch. 

"  As  a  further  check,  a  council  of  revision,  including  the  great 
ministerial  officers,  might  be  superadded. 

"  A  national  executive  must  also  be  provided.  He  has  scarcely 
ventured,  as  yet,  to  form  his  own  opinion,  either  of  the  manner  in 


JAMES    MADISON.  459 

which  it  ought  to  be  constituted,  or  of  the  authorities  with  which 
it  ought  to  be  clothed. 

"  An  article  should  be  inserted,  expressly  guaranteeing  the  tran 
quillity  of  the  States  against  internal  as  well  as  external  dangers. 

"  In  like  manner,  the  right  of  coercion  should  be  expressly 
declared.  With  the  resources  of  commerce  in  hand,  the  national 
administration  might  always  find  means  of  exerting  it  either  by 
sea  or  land ;  but  the  difficulty  and  awkwardness  of  operating  by 
force  on  the  collective  will  of  a  State,  render  it  particularly 
desirable  that  the  necessity  of  it  might  be  precluded.  Perhaps 
the  negative  on  the  laws  might  create  such  a  mutual  dependence 
between  the  general  and  particular  authorities  as  to  answer ;  or 
perhaps  some  defined  objects  of  taxation  might  be  submitted  along 
with  commerce,  to  the  general  authority. 

"  To  give  a  new  system  its  proper  validity  and  energy,  a  ratifi 
cation  must  be  obtained  from  the  people,  and  not  merely  from  the 
ordinary  authority  of  the  legislature.  This  will  be  the  more 
essential,  as  inroads  on  the  existing  constitutions  of  the  States 
will  be  unavoidable." 

MADISON,  at  the  close  of  his  labors  in  the  legislature,  was 
returned  to  Congress,  the  intervening  time  having  rendered  him 
re-eligible,  and  was  a  member  during  the  sitting  of  the  con 
vention.  About  this  time  the  "  Federalist "  was  commenced, 
several  numbers  of  which,  are  from  the  pen  of  MADISON,  and  re 
garded  yet,  as  among  the  finest  contributions  to  our  national 
literature.  In  these  able  and  elaborate  commentaries  upon  the 
Constitution,  he  agreed  with  Hamilton,  and  labored  with  him  to 
secure  the  adoption  of  the  instrument,  though  a  perusal  of  the 
articles  penned  by  the  two,  develops  wide  diversity  of  talent  and 
genius.  They  afterward  differed  upon  many  questions  of  the  day. 

The  influence  of  the  "  Federalist "  upon  the  public  mind,  in 
securing  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  has  already  been 
mentioned.  MADISON  was  a  devoted  friend  to  the  instrument,  and 
during  the  intensely  exciting  debates  in  the  Virginia  convention, 
in  which  MADISON,  with  his  armor  rebuckled,  and  fresh  from  the 
investigation  of  the  subject,  while  contributing  to  the  "Federalist," 
was  pitted  against  the  strongest  men  of  the  opposition,  whom  he 
successfully  met  at  every  point,  and  never  left  them  till  they  were 
in  a  position  of  utter  discomfiture. 

Formidable  among  the  opposition,  were  Mason  and  Patrick 


460  JAMES    MADISON. 

Henry,  the  latter  of  whom,  as  already  remarked,  was  against  the 
whole  thing  in  letter,  spirit,  and  detail.  Inasmuch  as  the  ratifi 
cation  of  the  instrument  by  Virginia,  made  the  assent  of  the  nine 
States  necessary  to  its  final  adoption  by  the  country,  and  it  being 
the  State  wherein  opposition  was  most  violent  and  bitter,  MADISON 
felt  all  the  importance  of  the  occasion,  and  roused  his  powers 
fully  up  to  the  crisis.  Thoroughly  master  of  his  subject,  his 
severe  logic  and  crystal  reasoning,  made  every  thing  clear  to  each 
member's  vision,  that  otherwise  might  have  been  blinded  by  the 
fascinating  eloquence  of  Patrick  Henry  and  his  associates. 

Few  bodies  ever  convened  in  the  United  States,  the  deliberations 
of  which,  evinced  a  more  thrilling  interest,  or  grander  displays  of 
eloquence,  argument,  and  patriotism,  than  did  those  of  that  Vir 
ginia  convention.  A  cradle  of  great  men,  Virginia  was,  at  that 
time,  in  her  palmy  state  of  glory,  and  many  of  her  most  illus 
trious  sons  were  in  that  convention.  MADISON,  Marshall,  Ran 
dolph,  Fendleton,  Henry,  and  Lee,  were  there.  Some  idea  can 
be  had  of  the  results  of  contact  and  collision  of  such  minds,  upon 
questions  of  national  policy.  MADISON  and  his  friends  secured 
the  ratification  of  the  Constitution,  which  placed  its  acceptance 
beyond  further  question. 

Upon  the  organization  of  the  government,  and  election  of 
Washington  to  the  presidency,  MADISON  was  sent  to  the  First 
Congress,  convening  under  the  Constitution.  Before  the  repre 
sentatives  of  a  newly-formed  Republic,  loomed  herculean  labors. 
Commerce,  foreign  affairs,  revenue,  debts,  the  seat  of  government, 
and  an  infinite  variety  of  subjects,  opened  for  immediate  action. 
MADISON  went  bravely  into  the  great  work:  An  architect  of  no 
ordinary  skill,  he  had  labored  in  the  construction  of  the  govern 
ment  machinery,  and  now,  during  Washington's  first  administra 
tion,  the  fadeless  splendors  of  which  lit  the  world  ;  he  was  ready 
to  prove  that  he  understood  how  to  assist  in  keeping  it  in  proper 
motion.  While  the  breach  was  widening  between  Jefferson  and 
Hamilton,  and  dissensions,  growing  out  of  the  funding  system, 
were  waxing  warm ;  placid,  and  steadfast,  MADISON  sought  un 
ostentatious  performance  of  duty,  in  a  spirit  of  meekness  and 
conciliation. 

"Too  happy  should  I  be,"  said  John  Quincy  Adams,  speaking 
of  these  eventful  times,  "if,  with  a  voice  speaking  from  the  last, 
to  the  coming  generation  of  my  country,  I  could  effectually  urge 


JAMES    MADISON. 

them  to  seek,  in  the  temper  and  moderation  of  JAMES  MADISON, 
that  healing  balm  which  assuages  the  malignity  of  the  deepest- 
seated  political  disease,  redeems  to  life  the  rational  mind,  and 
restores  to  health  the  incorporated  union  of  our  country,  even 
from  the  brain  fever  of  party  spirit."  In  1793,  when  the  country 
was  torn  by  excitements  in  regard  to  the  affairs  of  France,  Wash 
ington  submitted  the  subjects  of  a  neutrality  proclamation,  and 
the  reception  of  a  French  minister,  to  cabinet  consideration. 
Hamilton,  it  will  be  borne  in  mind,  favored  the  proclamation,  and 
insisted  upon  the  qualified  reception  of  Genet.  The  coincidence 
of  the  President  with  these  views,  drew  -upon  him  severe  animad 
versions  from  various  sources.  These  elicited  in  his  defense  the 
"  Pacificus "  letters  of  Hamilton.  Here,  MADISON,  watchfully 
jealous  of  every  republican  right,  and  influenced,  perhaps,  to  some 
extent,  by  the  opinions  of  Jefferson,  began  to  fall  into  the  idea 
considerably  prevalent,  that  the  author  of  '  Pacificus,'  leaned  too 
much  toward  monarchy,  and  to  draw  off  from  his  old  friend  and 
confederate  in  securing  the  Constitution.  He  replied  to  '  Pacificus,' 
over  the  signature  of  "Helvetius,"  through  the  public  prints. 
His  reply  was  embraced  in  five  numbers,  which,  for  finish  of 
composition,  clearness  of  reason,  and  severity  of  logic,  have 
never  been  excelled  in  our  national  papers.  'Pacificus,'  though  not 
from  any  timidity,  lest  in  the  contest  he  should  be  overpowered 
DV  his  opponent,  never  replied  to  these  letters,  and  MADISON'S 
friends  claimed  a  triumph  over  the  Federal  leader.  Imagine  a  war 
of  words  from  the  dagger-pens  of  two  such  men  as  Hamilton  and 
MADISON,  upon  the  most  vital  questions  that  ever  agitated  a  young 
republic.  From  two  such  caskets  of  mental  treasure,  there  could 
but  fall  pearls,  priceless  as  ever  gemmed  a  nation's  coronet.  As 
such,  they  are  prized.  Through  these  letters,  along  with  the 
'Federalist,'  ring  their  hushless  voices  yet  upon  those,  among  the 
nicest  abstrusities  of  our  political  organism,  "  the  distribution  of 
legislative  and  executive  powers,"  and  there  the  student  of  his 
country's  history  will  pore  with  pride,  and  drink  in  their  ideas  to 
be  again  diffused  as  long  as  freedom  has  a  friend,  or  liberty  knows 
a  lover. 

On  Washington's  retiring  from  the  presidency,  MADISON  re 
signed  his  seat  in  Congress,  and  became  the  supporter  of  Jeffer 
son,  Yice-president,  under  the  elder  Adams.  Availing  himself 
of  the  current  of  popular  dislike  to  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws, 


462  JAMES    MADISON. 

Jefferson  readily  foresaw  that,  by  arraying  the  State  assemblies 
against  the  acts  of  the  Federal  government,  he  could  concentrate  a 
large  accession  to  his  party.  Knowing  well  his  talents  and 
powers,  he  sought  and  obtained  the  influence  of  MADISON  in  this 
design  ;  this,  is  often  a  dangerous  experiment.  Appeals  made  to 
the  State,  against  the  acts  of  the  Federal  government,  are  oftener 
fraught  with  mischiefs  than  otherwise.  The  public  mind  is  too 
easily  inflamed, — too  jealous  of  every  right,  to  withstand  skill 
fully-urged  charges  against  chief  depositaries  of  power,  without 
becoming  aroused,  almost  to  resistance.  Twice  has  the  principle 
here,  first  broached,  been  attempted,  and  each  time  with  re 
sults,  dangerous  to  the  country,  and  unhealthy  to  our  nationality. 
Everywhere  popular  and  conceded  to  possess  extraordinary 
abilities,  Jefferson,  now  identified  with  the  opponents  of  measures, 
in  no  high  favor,  was  in  a  fair  way  to  build  up  a  large  and  power 
ful  party.  The  rapid  rise  and  progress  of  the  Republican  party, 
was  the  result  of  the  joint  efforts  of  himself,  MADISON,  and  their 
friends.  It  has  been  said  of  Jefferson  that,  "  among  the  numerous 
advantages  which  it  was  the  rare  good  fortune  of  his  life  to  enjoy, 
was  that  of  the  uninterrupted,  disinterested,  and  efficient  friend 
ship  of  MADISON,: — the  friendship  of  a  mind,  not  inferior  in 
capacity,  and  tempered  with  a  calmer  sensibility  and  a  cooler  judg 
ment  than  his  own.*" 

Siding  with  Jefferson  upon  most  of  the  political  questions,  then 
exciting  the  country,  and  devoted  to  him  by  the  strongest  ties  of 
personal  friendship,  he  was  well  prepared  to  lend  aid,  the  most 
efficient  and  powerful,  to  that  great  democratic  leader.  He  was 
opposed  to  a  national  bank, — differed  with  Hamilton  in  regard  to 
his  plan  of  settling  the  public  debt, — was  not  fully  satisfied  with 
the  neutrality  proclamation,  and  occupied  grounds,  highly  hostile 
to  the  Jay  treaty.  His  views  upon  some  questions  of  the  policy 
of  the  country,  then,  are  embraced  in  the  following  resolutions 
urged,  in  person,  before  the  Virginia  Assembly,  at  the  instance 
of  Jefferson,  in  the  winter  of  1778 : 

"  First.  That  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  a  com 
pact  to  which  the  States  were  parties,  granting  limited  powers  of 
government. 

"  Second.    That,  in  case  of  deliberate,  palpable,  and  dangerous 

*  Adams. 


JAMES    MADISON.  453 

exercise  of  other  powers,  not  granted  by  the  compact,  the  States 
had  the  right  to,  and  were  in  duty  bound,  to  interpose,  for  arresting 
the  progress  of  the  evils,  and  for  maintaining  within  their  re 
spective  limits,  the  authorities,  rights,  and  liberties  appertaining 
to  them. 

"  Third.  That  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  were  palpable  and 
alarming  infractions  of  the  Constitution. 

"  Fourth.  That  the  State  of  Virginia,  having  by  its  con 
vention,  which  ratified  the  Federal  Constitution,  expressly  declared 
that,  among  other  essential  rights,  the  liberty  of  conscience  and 
the  press,  can  not  be  canceled,  abridged,  restrained,  or  modified 
by  any  authority  of  the  United  States,  and  from  its  extreme 
anxiety  to  guard  these  rights  from  every  possible  attack  of  sophis 
try  and  ambition,  having,  with  the  other  States,  recommended  an 
amendment  for  that  purpose,  which  amendment  was,  in  due  time, 
annexed  to  the  Constitution,  it  would  mark  a  reproachful  incon 
sistency,  and  criminal  degeneracy,  if  an  indifference  were  shown 
to  the  most  palpable  violation  of  one  of  the  rights  thus  declared 
and  secured,  and  to  the  establishment  of  a  precedent  which  might 
be  fatal  to  the  other. 

"  Fifth.  That  the  State  of  Virginia  declared  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  laws,  UNCONSTITUTIONAL, — solemnly  appealed  to  the  like 
dispositions  in  other  States,  in  confidence  that  they  would  concur 
with  her  in  that  declaration,  and  that  the  necessary  and  proper 
measures  would  be  taken  by  each  for  co-operating  with  her  in' 
maintaining  unimpaired,'  the  authorities,  rights  and  liberties 
reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people. 

"  Sixth.  That  the  governor  should  be  desired  to  transmit  a 
copy  of  these  resolutions  to  the  executive  authority  of  each  of  the 
other  States,  with  a  request  that  they  should  be  communicated  to 
the  respective  State  legislatures,  and  that  a  copy  should  be 
furnished  to  each  of  the  senators  and  representatives  of  Virginia 
in  Congress." 

A  unanimous  combination,  nugatory  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition 
laws,  on  the  part  of  the  several  States,  was  the  object  sought  to 
be  attained  by  these  resolutions.  They  were  partially  successful. 
Some  of. the  State  legislatures,  especially  that  of  Kentucky,  into 
which,  resolutions  of  a  similar  import,  drawn  by  Jefferson  him 
self,  had  been  introduced,  took  high  grounds  against  them, 
though,  the  idea  of  nullification,  they  did  not  fully  sanction. 


464  JAMES    MADISON. 

That  these  laws  were  odious  to  the  larger  portion  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  is  well  known.  The  activity  of  Jefferson  in 
making  them  a  cause  of  party  diversity,  and  arraying  the  State 
against  the  Federal  government,  has  been,  and  not  without  a 
degree  of  plausibility,  ascribed  to  his  ambition,  to  place  his  party 
in  the  ascendency,  with  himself  at  its  head.  The  co-operation  of 
MADISON  in  the  movement  is  not,  at  least  to  the  same  extent,  to 
be  attributed  to  the  same  reasons.  He,  no  doubt,  acted  from 
convictions  of  dutv  and  patriotism,  swayed,  perhaps,  somewhat 
by  the  strong  friendship  existing  between  Jefferson  and  himself. 
Certain  it  is,  that  MADISON  never  fully  indorsed  the  sentiments 
of  Jefferson  in  regard  to  these  laws. 

The  deep  hold  taken  upon  the  people  by  Jefferson,  designated 
him  as  the  first  person  for  the  next  presidency.  On  his  accession 
to  that  office,  in  1801,  MADISON  was  appointed  Secretary  of  State, 
a  post  for  which  he  was  eminently  qualified,  by  talent,  prudence, 
and  experience.  The  great  difficulties  through  which  this  adminis 
tration  had  to  pass,  has  already  been  adverted  to.  All  Europe 
was  then  at  "  tilt  and  tournament,"  in  a  bloody  war  of  conquest 
or  defense.  England  swept  the  seas  with  her  fleets,  while  the 
towering  genius  of  Napoleon  thundered  his  triumphant  cannon 
from  Alp  to  Pyramid.  Neutrality, — strict,  uninterrupted  neu 
trality,  was  certainly  the  policy  of  this  country.  The  dark  evolve- 
ments  of  European  war-clouds,  should  not  then  have  gathered 
from  across  the  wave  to  obscure  our  Republican  sun. 

The  foreign  correspondence,  incident  to  these  exciting  times, 
was  extensive,  delicate,  and  important.  With  a  pen  moved  by  no 
nerveless  arm,  MADISON  kept  it  up  in  a  manner  that  showed 
superior  statesmanship  and  unerring  sagacity.  The  "  Dissertation 
upon  Neutral  Trade,"  connected  with  Great  Britain,  was  written 
about  this  time.  Never  did  pen  more  freely  flow  with  talent, 
genius,  and  wisdom,  than  did  his,  while  leaving  on  paper-scroll 
this  essence  of  international  law.  The  whole  of  Jefferson's  term 
of  office,  was  rendered  harassing  by  fits  of  European  frenzy, 
that  kept  this  country  in  a  state  of  national  twilight, — hoping 
peace,  yet  fearing  complication  in  foreign  quarrels.  At  the  close 
of  his  last  term,  he  was  succeeded  by  MADISON,  who  went  into 
office,  entertaining  the  same  principles,  substantially,  as 'his  prede 
cessor.  Seeds  of  dissension  between  us  and  Great  Britain,  had 
already  been  sown,  and  though  anxious  for  peace,  MADISON  was 


JAMES    MADISON.  465 

unwilling  to  sanction  any  terms  whereby  it  would  be  main 
tained  at  the  sacrifice  of  national  dignity  and  honor.  We  have 
already  mentioned  the  Milan  and  Berlin  Decrees  and  Orders 
in  Council,  and  their  succession  by  the  American  Embargo.  Bad 
national  feelings  were  engendered  by  the  failure  of  England  to 
rescind  the  orders,  until  matters  had  almost  reached  a  crisis  ;  at  the 
recommendation  of  MADISON,  war  was  declared  by  the  American 
Congress.  Unlike  the  Revolution,  this  war  was  essentially  a 
contest,  on  our  part,  for  the  rights  of  neutrals.  In  her  commercial 
intercourse  with  other  nations,  by  the  vigorous  enforcement  of 
Parliamentary  acts,  on  the  part  of  England,  directly  at  variance 
with  the  more  liberal  features  of  her  policy,  the  United  States 
were  forced  into  the  measure.  Not  until  the  war,  were  her  odious 
maritime  regulations  modified.  The  course  of  MADISON,  in 
sanctioning  a  resort  to  arms,  drew  upon  him  the  abuse  of  a  large 
portion  of  the  citizens  of  the  States,  particularly  those  of  New 
England.  Fresh  from  the  French  wars,  and  not  disposed  to  yield 
the  smallest  concession,  England  went  into  the  war,  thinking,  no 
doubt,  to  humiliate,  perhaps  crush  the  rising  fortunes  of  America. 
How  our  past  reputation  was  vindicated  in  the  struggle,  is  a 
matter  of  history.  Whatever  of  abuse  or  indignation  may,  at  the 
time,  have  been  heaped  upon  the  originators  of  this  war,  it  proved 
of  vast  importance  to  us,  maintained  our  national  dignity  and  com 
merce,  and  settled,  forever,  the  asserted  rights  of  our  country.  Elec 
ted  by  one  of  the  heaviest  majorities  ever  cast,  MADISON  came  to  the 
office  of  chief  magistrate,  March  4th,  1809,  a  period  when  our  foreign 
relations  were  in  a  condition  extremely  delicate  and  complicated. 
Some  time  prior  to  the  close  of  Jefferson's  official  term,  pros 
pects  had  indicated  a  collision  with  England,  which  was  becoming 
every  day  more  apparent.  In  his  inaugural  address,  he  used  the 
following  words,  in  regard  to  the  course  marked  out  for  his 
administration :  "  To  cherish  peace  and  friendly  relations  with  all 
nations  having  correspondent  disposition  ;  to  maintain  sincere 
neutrality  toward  belligerent  nations ;  to  prefer,  in  all  cases, 
amicable  discussion  and  reasonable  accommodation  of  differences 
to  a  decision  of  them,  by  an  appeal  to  arms ;  to  exclude  foreign 
intrigues  and  foreign  partialities,  so  degrading  to  all  countries, 
and  so  baneful  to  free  ones ;  to  foster  a  spirit  of  independence,  too 
just  to  invade  the  rights  of  others,  too  proud  to  surrender  our 
own,  too  liberal  to  indulge  unworthy  prejudices  ourselves,  and 


466  JAMES    MADISON. 

too  elevated  not  to  look  down  upon  them  in  others ;  to  hold  the 
Union  of  the  States  as  the  basis  of  their  peace  and  happiness  ;  to 
support  the  Constitution,  which  is  the  cement  of  the  Union,  as 
well  in  its  limitation  as  in  its  authorities ;  to  respect  the  rights 
and  authorities  reserved  to  the  States,  and  to  the  people,  as  equally 
incorporated  with,  and  essential  to  the  success  of  the  general 
system ;  to  avoid  the  slightest  interference  with  rights  of  con 
science,  or  the  functions  of  religion  so  wisely  exempted  from  civil 
jurisdiction ;  to  preserve  in  their  full  energy,  the  other  salutary 
provisions  in  behalf  of  private  and  personal  rights,  and  of  the 
freedom  of  the  press ;  to  observe  economy  in  the  public  expendi 
tures  ;  to  liberate  the  public  resources  by  an  honorable  discharge 
of  the  public  debt ;  to  keep  within  the  requisite  limits  a  standing 
military  force,  always  remembering  that  an  armed  and  trained 
militia  is  the  firmest  bulwark  of  republics, — that  without  stand 
ing  armies,  their  liberties  can  never  be  in  danger,  nor  with  large 
armies  safe;  to  promote,  by  authorized  means,  improvements 
friendly  to  agriculture,  to  manufactures,  and  to  external,  as  well 
as  internal  commerce ;  to  favor,  in  like  manner,  the  advancement 
of  science,  and  the  diffusion  of  information  as  the  best  aliment  of 
true  liberty ;  to  carry  on  the  benevolent  plans  which  have  been  so 
meritoriously  applied  to  the  conversion  of  our  aboriginal  neigh 
bors  from  the  degradation  and  wretchedness  of  savage  life,  to  a 
participation  of  the  improvements  of  which  the  human  mind  and 
manners  are  susceptible  in  a  civilized  state  :  as  far  as  sentiments 
and  intentions,  such  as  these,  can  aid  the  fulfillment  of  my  duty, 
they  will  be  a  resource  which  can  not  fail  me." 

As  members  of  his  cabinet,  he  selected  for  Secretary  of  State, 
Robert  Smith  of  Maryland ;  for  Secretary  of  Treasury,  Albert 
Gallatin  of  Pennsylvania ;  for  Attorney-General,  Csesar  Rodney 
of  Delaware ;  for  Secretary  of  War,  William  Eustis  of  Massa 
chusetts  ;  for  the  Navy  department,  Paul  Hamilton  of  South 
Carolina ;  Gideon  Granger  of  New  York,  for  Post-niaster- 
General.* 

A  survey  of  the  vast  duties  before  him,  developed  an  unpleas 
ant  perplexity  of  national  affairs,  the  regulation  of  which,  required 
the  mightiest  energies,  talent,  firmness,  'and  decision.  Com 
mercial  relations  were  distracted, — revenues  were  in  an  unsettled 

*  This  was  not  then  a  Cabinet  offica 


JAMES    MADISON. 

condition, — parties   struggling  for  ascendency,   needed   concili 
ation  ;  while  war  with  England,  it  became  evident,  was  inevitable. 

The  antipathy  between  the  two  countries,  was  deep-seated  and 
reciprocal ;  England  had  never  fully  abandoned  the  idea  of  con 
trolling  this  Continent.  Thinking  herself  in  a  better  condition  to 
effect  her  designs,  than  when  she  acceded  to  the  stipulations  of 
the  treaty  of  peace,  she  violated  many  of  its  important  pro 
visions,  which  resulted  in  renewed  hostilities.  In  addition  to  the 
disagreeable  fetters  imposed  upon  commerce  and  national  inter 
course,  through  her  emissaries,  the  northern  aborigines  were 
impelled  to  acts  of  cruelty  upon  the  settlers,  particularly  the  more 
recent  occupants  of  the  great  Mississippi  valley.  The  efforts  of 
our  first  presidents  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with  the  Indians, 
have  been  remarked.  This  commendable  disposition,  on  the  part 
of  our  government,  which  as  is  well  known,  deprived  them  of  not 
one  foot  of  territory,  of  which  they  were  the  legitimate  owners, 
save  by  purchase,  was  thwarted  in  every  instance  by  England, 
and  in  a  way  that  admitted  of  no  counteraction.  Equipments 
and  warlike  instruments  were  not  only  furnished  the  Indians,  but 
as  an  additional  incentive  to  the  perpetration  of  barbarous  cruelties, 
they  were  supplied  with  whisky,  rum,  etc.,  and  then  urged  upon 
the  unoffending  whites. 

Conspicuous  among  her  secret  agents  in  thus  kindling  diffi 
culties  between  the  settlers  and  Indians,  then,  was  one  Simcoe, 
through  whose  efforts  and  those  of  his  associates,  robbery,  murder, 
and  incendiary  depredations  were  carried  on  along  the  frontier. 
In  the  operations  of  St.  Clair,  England's  efforts  in  behalf  of,  and 
co-operative  with,  the  savages,  proved  the  greatest  obstacle ;  so  in 
Wayne's  famous  Indian  expedition,  which  has  been  mentioned 
before,  she  manifested  a  willingness  to  protect  the  Indians ;  and 
when  they  were  defeated,  threw  open  the  gates  of  Fort  George  to 
afford  shelter  to  the  savages.  Complicated  in  a  variety  of  diffi 
culties  nearer  home,  after  the  successes  of  Wayne,  and  the  evacu 
ation  of  the  northern  posts,  according  to  stipulations  of  the  Jay 
treaty,  and  the  formal  Indian  treaty  of  1795,  hostile  manifestations 
began,  for  a  while,  to  relax.  Catching,  in  the  meantime,  the 
spirit  of  liberty  that  had  made  Americans  doff  the  yoke  of  domi 
nation,  the  nations  of  Europe  were  rising  in  their  majesty  to 
assert  their  supremacy.  The  practical  evidences  of  the  benefits  of 
unshackled,  social,  political,  and  religious  freedom  were  so  palpably 


4G8  JAMES    MADISON. 

evinced  by  the  rapid  strides  with  which  we  were  advancing  to 
commercial  and  national  fame,  induced  a  disposition  to  imitate 
our  example  everywhere,  and  resulted,  to  some  extent,  in  the 
universal  convulsion  of  monarchies  and  despotisms.  The  jealousy 
of  England, — mistress  of  the  seas,  and  the  defender  of  modern  mon 
archy, — it  may  be  readily  perceived,  was  quickly  excited,  and 
notwithstanding  treaty  obligations,  she  did  not  hesitate  upon  the 
infliction  of  outrages  upon  our  commerce  and  international  trade, 
a  submission  to  which,  would  have  proved  us  recreant  to  the  in 
heritance  of  freedom  received  from  our  ancestry,  and  the  principles 
for  which  they  contended  through  the  Ke volution. 

Not  satisfied  with  unfurling  her  sea-conquering  flag  from 
the  masts  of  her  privateers,  and  sending  her  robber  bands  to 
every  port,  for  the  purpose  of  crippling  and  destroying  our  com 
merce,  she  resorted  to  the  odious  measure  of  impressing  our 
seamen,  and  forcibly  making  them  serve  upon  her  own  vessels, 
in  lieu  of  the  services  of  those  of  whom  she  had  been  deprived 
by  her  long-continued  disputes  with  the  nations  of  Europe. 

These  things,  taken  in  connection  with  her  attempts  to  urge  the 
Indians  to  the  commission  of  further  depredations,  produced  grow 
ing  bickerings  until  the  spring  of  1809,  when  the  closing  of  the 
French  ports  against  the  entry  of  neutral  vessels,  be  they  laden 
with  whatsoever  they  might,  and  the  assignment  of  a  large  naval 
force  to  hover  along  our  seaports,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  any 
vessel  from  freighting  for  any  of  them,  precipitated  matters  to  a 
crisis.  The  protection,  by  a  resort  to  arms,  of  her  commerce,  by 
the  United  States,  or  its  entire,  not  to  say  disgraceful  abandon 
ment,  were  now  the  only  alternatives.  The  embargo  of  1807, 
called  forth  by  the  dire  necessity  of  the  times,  produced  great  and 
wide-spread  dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  a  large  portion  of  the 
people,  who  began  to  call  loudly  for  redress.  British  annoyances 
continued  to  become  more  excessive,  and  in  1809,  about  the  time 
of  MADISON'S  accession  to  the  Presidency,  the  non-intercourse 
acts  were  resorted  to,  interdicting  all  trade  or  commercial  relations 
with  Great  Britain.  She  was  now  excluded,  in  retaliation,  from  our 
ports.  Still  showing,  however,  notwithstanding  the  oppressive 
enormities  practiced  upon  us,  a  disposition  to  maintain  amicable 
relations,  Congress  passed  the  following  act:  "That  in  case 
Great  Britain  or  France  should,  before  the  3d  of  March,  1811,  so 
revoke  or  modify  her  acts,  as  that  they  should  cease  to  violate 


JAMES    MADISON.  459 

the  neutral  commerce  of  the  United  States ;  and  if  the  other 
nation  should  not,  within  three  months,  thereafter,  so  revoke  or 
modify  her  edicts  in  like  manner,  the  provisions  of  the  non- 
intercourse  and  non-importation  law,  should,  at  the  expiration  of 
three  months,  be  revived  against  the  nation  refusing  or  neglecting 
to  revoke  or  modify  its  edict."  This  was  in  the  spring  of  1810, — 
the  President  having,  in  the  meantime,  been  vested  with  powers 
nugatory  of  the  non-intercourse  provisions,  in  case  of  a  revocation 
of  the  edicts  by  the  foreign  powers  just  named.  A  succession 
of  urgent,  though  firm  and  dignified  efforts,  on  the  part  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  now  followed,  in  the  hope  of  a 
satisfactory  adjustment  of  all  difficulties.  Thus,  the  spring  of 
1811  opened,  but  brought  with  it  no  revocation  or  modification  of 
those  disagreeable  causes  of  disturbance,  the  edicts.  Still,  not 
unwilling  to  lengthen  out  the  time  of  probation, — hoping  a 
happy  result,  and  the  maintenance  of  peace, — the  American  Con 
gress  passed  another  act,  to  this  effect:  "  That,  in  case  at  any  time 
Great  Britain  should  so  revoke  or  modify  her  edicts,  as  that  they 
shall  cease  to  violate  the  neutral  commerce  of  the  United  States, 
the  President  of  the  United  States  should  declare  the  fact  by 
proclamation ;  and  that  the  restrictions,  previously  imposed, 
should,  from  the  date  of  such  proclamation,  cease,  and  be  discon 
tinued." 

This  act  passed,  March  second.  All  these  efforts  for  peace, 
proved  of  no  avail.  Great  Britain  was  resolved  to  push  her 
schemes.  "They  had  seized  the  commercial  property  of  Ameri 
can  citizens  to  an  incalculable  amount.  She  had  united  in 
the  enormities  of  France,  to  declare  a  great  proportion  of  the 
terraqueous  globe  in  a  state  of  blockade ;  chasing  the  American 
merchant  flag  effectually  from  the  ocean.  She  had  contemptu 
ously  disregarded  the  neutrality  of  the  American  territory,  and 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  American  laws  within  the  waters  and 
harbors  of  the  United  States.  She  was  enjoying  the  emoluments 
of  a  surreptitious  trade,  stained  with  every  species  of  fraud  and 
corruption,  which  gave  to  the  belligerent  powers  the  advantages 
of  peace,  while  the  neutrals  were  involved  in  the  evils  of  war. 
She  had,  in  short,  usurped,  and  exercised  on  the  water,  a  tyranny 
similar  to  that  which  her  great  antagonist  had  usurped  and  exer 
cised  upon  the  land.  And  amidst  all  these  proofs  of  ambition 
and  avarice,  she  demanded  that  the  victims  of  her  usurpations  and 


470  JAMES    MADISON. 

her  violence,  should  revere  her  as  the  sole  defender  of  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  mankind. 

"  When,  therefore,  Great  Britain,  in  manifest  violation  of  her 
solemn  promise,  refused  to  follow  the  example  of  France,  by  the 
repeal  of  her  orders  in  council,  the  American  government  was 
compelled  to  contemplate  a  resort  to  arms,  as  the  only  remain 
ing  course  to  be  pursued  for  its  honor,  its  independence,  and  its 
safety."* 

Such  were  some  of  the  causes  leading  to  the  war  of  1812.  As 
already  indicated,  embargo  had,  during  the  previous  administra 
tion,  been  tried  in  vain ;  non-intercourse  was  substituted  with  as 
little  effect.  Though  these  resorts  were  had  with  hopeful  antici 
pations  of  securing  peace,  in  case  of  failure,  MADISON  provided, 
in  view  of  the  aspect  of  affairs,  a  special  assemblage  of  Congress, 
which  convened  in  May,  1810. 

Immediately  on  the  assemblage  of  this  body,  matters  took  a 
more  pacific  turn.  The  British  minister,  Erskine,  proposed  resti 
tution  for  losses  sustained  by  our  commerce,  and  a  rescission  of  the 
orders  in  council  at  an  early  day ;  these  terms  were  accepted,  and 
MADISON  advised  the  people  accordingly,  through  proclamation, 
as  agreed  upon  in  the  act  of  Congress,  before  named.  Again, 
signs  of  peace  brightened  up  the  land,  and  again  they  were 
destined  to  disappear.  Erskine  received  few  thanks  for  his  con 
ciliatory  efforts,  and  was,  principally  through  the  influence  of  the 
British  Secretary  of  foreign  affairs,  Canning,  superseded  in  his  post 
by  one  ready  to  indorse  and  further  the  most  extreme  measures. 
This  new  minister^  desired  nothing  more  sincerely,  than  a  rupture 
between  the  two  countries,  and  took  steps  well  calculated  to  insure 
the  gratification  of  this  desire.  The  war-spirit  was  rapidly  on  the 
increase  in  the  country,  on  finding  that  England  was  not  disposed 
to  comply  with  the  agreements  made  by  Erskine.  The  pacific 
desires  of  MADISON  were  made  use  of  now,  as  means  of  abusing 
him,  by  his  opponents,  some  of  whom  affirmed  that  he  could  not 
be  "  kicked  into  a  war."  MADISON  now  issued  a  second  pro 
clamation,  announcing  the  changes  that  'had  taken  place,  and 
declaring  the  full  force  of  the  non-intercourse  acts.  "  Free  trade, 
and  sailors'  rights,"  now  became  the  cry  throughout  the  entire 
country.  Though  MADISON  still  manifested  a  conciliatory  spirit, 

*  Foster's  Correspondence.  t  Mr.  Jackson 


JAMES    MADISON.  471 

the  people  of  the  country  were  everywhere  disposed  to  resistance, 
and  a  resort  to  arms  for  redress  of  their  wrongs.  Such  were  the 
state  of  things  at  the  regular  convention  of  Congress.  MADISON, 
in  his  message,  gave  a  clear  statement  of  intermediate  events,  and 
advised  early  steps  to  place  the  country  in  a  condition  to  protect 
her  interests.  This  was  no  small  task.  Just  emerging  into  pros 
perity,  from  the  effects  of  the  old  struggle,  no  great  attention  had 
been  paid  to  military  affairs.  In  naval  preparations,  we  had  been 
sadly  enough  remiss,  while  the  militia  had  not  been  trained  or 
disciplined.  The  prostration  of  commercial  operations  had  affec 
ted,  very  seriously,  the  revenues  of  the  country,  and  reduced  the 
coffers  of  the  treasury.  Congress  took  immediate  steps  to  act  in 
accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  President,  and  expressed  a 
willingness  to  raise  a  large  force  for  the  emergency.  Matters  now 
approached  a  crisis,  and  were  rapidly  maturing  for  active  hostil 
ities,  which  the  recall  of  the  British  Minister  tended  much  to 
accelerate.  An  act  was  passed,  by  Congress,  declaring  that  a 
failure,  on  the  part  of  France,  to  revoke  the  Milan  and  Berlin 
decrees,  or  of  England  to  withdraw  her  council  orders,  would 
result  in  a  declaration  of  war  against  the  party  refusing.  France 
complied,  and  gave  early  notification,  that  the  decrees  would  be 
revoked.  This  placed  the  cause  of  quarrel  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States.  As  the  last  opportunity,  England  was 
given  three  months  to  withdraw  her  restrictions.  Pinckney,  our 
minister  at  the  British  court,  labored  earnestly  to  maintain  peace, 
and  secure  their  withdrawal.  Finding  his  efforts  abortive,  and 
receiving  an  answer,  substantially,  a  formal  refusal  to  subscribe  to 
the  terms,  further  negotiations  were  broken  off,  and  he  returned 
to  the  United  States.  This  was  the  1st  of  March,  1811. 

Meantime,  apprehending  an  unsuccessful  result  in  their  efforts 
to  avoid  a  rupture,  Congress  had  taken  measures  to  prepare  for 
the  event.  An  American  vessel,  the  President,  was,  in  May,  fired 
upon,  by  a  British  vessel,  the  Little  Belt,  without  provocation. 
A  spirited  action  ensued,  in  which  the  President  got  the  better  of 
the  Little  Belt,  and  killed  many  of  her  men, — a  good  omen  of  the 
results  of  the  contest.  This  very  much  increased  the  war-spirit, 
already  burning  warmly  among  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

The  northern  Indians,  England's  ready  auxiliaries  to  strike  the 
blood-trail  and  ring  the  war-whoop,  whenever  prospects  of  carnage 
and  plunder  offered,  were  soon  kindling  their  council  fires,  and 
32 


472  JAMES    MADISON. 

lifting  their  tomahawks  to  engage  in  the  contest.  Their  defeat  at 
Tippecanoe,  and  the  destruction  of  their  posts  and  towns  by 
Harrison,  checked  their  progress,  and  rather  overawed  them  for 
the  future. 

The  Twelfth  Congress  convened  in  November,  and  organized 
by  the  elevation  of  Henry  Clay  to  the  speakership.  No  longer 
harboring  hopes  of  adjustment,  MADISON,  in  his  message,  urged 
active  measures  upon  the  country,  and  its  immediate  assumption 
of  uan  armor"  and  an  attitude  of  defense,  demanded  by  the 
crisis.  The  deliberations  of  that  body  were  now  prompt  and 
decisive.  Twenty  thousand  regulars  were  called  for ;  provision 
was  made  for  strengthening  the  naval  force ;  volunteers  were 
urged  into  the  service ;  while  the  different  States  were  asked  to 
furnis.h  their  quotas  in  marching  trim  without  delay.  They  had 
long  been  laboring  for  peace, — actively,  heroically, — they  now 
prepared  for  war.  Too  much  credit  can  not  be  ascribed  to  Henry 
Clay,  who  was  then  fairly  entering  upon  the  splendid  career  open 
ing  before  him,  nor  to  James  Monroe,  the  successor  to  the  first 
honors  of  the  nation,  for  the  boldness  and  earnestness  with  which 
they  labored  to  work  Congress  and  the  country  up  to  their  duty, 
in  resisting  the  oft-repeated  aggressions  of  England. 

It  would  be  unjust  to  MADISON  and  his  fame  to  ascribe  his  con 
ciliatory  course,  and  repeated  overtures  for  adjustment  to  any  thing 
like  fear  or  timidity.  True,  he  was  anxious  to  preserve  peace, — 
what  good  executive  is  not  ? — and  for  its  preservation,  was  willing 
to  make,  and  did  make  every  effort  compatible  with  the  dignity 
and  honor  of  the  people  over  whose  destinies  he  presided.  Most 
of  the  influential  and  talented  men  of  the  country,  until  the  last 
expedient  was  exhausted  to  prevent  a  rupture,  were  opposed  to 
hurrying  matters  to  a  collision.  Among  these  were  Pinckney 
and  Gallatin.  But,  like  MADISON,  when  all  hope  of  reconciliation 
gave  way,  they  were  as  firmly  identified  with  the  advocates  of  war, 
as  they  had  formerly  been  with  those  of  peace,  and  co-operated 
with  efficiency  and  zeal,  in  every  movement  that  tended  to  the 
national  credit,  and  the  humiliation  of  the  enemy. 

Bonaparte  finally  revoked  the  decrees,  April  28th,  1811.  Kus- 
sell  was  then  our  minister  to  the  court  of  Great  Britain.  After 
every  effort  had  been  made  in  vain,  to  induce  an  abrogation  of 
the  orders  in  council,  he  wrote  to  our  government,  that  he  "  no 
longer  entertained  a  hope  that  we  could  honorably  avoid  war." 


JAMES    MADISON.  473 

An  embargo  was  now  passed  upon  all  vessels  lying  in,  or  com 
ing  to,  our  ports.  Notwithstanding  the  sufferings  of  a  large  portion 
of  British  merchants,  in  consequence  of  the  commercial  derange 
ments  incident  to  these  measures,  the  ministry  persisted  in  the 
enforcement  of  the  orders.  Convinced  that  further  efforts  to  settle 
the  vexatious  difficulties  would  only  detract  from  the  dignity  of 
the  country,  MADISON,  on  the  first  day  of  June,  1812,  sent  a 
message  to  Congress,  breathing  a  warlike  tone,  and  recommend 
ing  steps  of  redress  ;  it  closed  as  follows : 

"  Such  is  the  spectacle  of  injuries  and  indignities,  which  have 
been  heaped  on  our  country;  and  such  the  crisis  which  its 
unexampled  forbearance  and  conciliatory  efforts  have  not  been 
able  to  avert.  It  might,  at  least,  have  been  expected  that  an 
enlightened  nation,  if  less  urged  by  moral  obligation,  or  invited  by 
friendly  disposition,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  would  have 
found  in  its  true  interests  alone,  a  sufficient  motive  to  respect  their 
rights  and  their  tranquillity  on  the  high  sea ;  that  an  enlarged 
policy  would  have  favored  that  free  and  general  circulation  of 
commerce,  in  which  the  British  nation  is,  at  all  times,  interested, 
and  which,  in  times  of  war,  is  the  best  alleviation  of  its  calamities 
to  herself,  as  well  as  to  other  belligerents ;  and  more  especially, 
that  the  British  cabinet  would  not,  for  the  sake  of  a  precarious 
and  surreptitious  intercourse  with  hostile  markets,  persevere  in  a 
course  of  measures  which  necessarily  put  at  hazard  the  invaluable 
market  of  a  great  and  growing  country,  disposed  to  cultivate  the 
mutual  advantages  of  an  active  commerce. 

"  Other  councils  have  prevailed.  Our  moderation  and  concili 
ation  have  had  no  other  effect  than  to  encourage  perseverance  and 
to  enlarge  pretensions.  We  behold  our  seafaring  citizens  still  the 
daily  victims  of  lawless  violence,  committed  on  the  great  and 
common  highway  of  nations,  even  in  sight  of  the  country  which 
owes  them  protection.  "We  behold  our  vessels,  freighted  with  the 
products  of  our  soil  and  industry,  on  returning  with  the  honest 
proceeds  of  them,  wrested  from  their  lawful  destination,  confis 
cated  by  prize  courts,  no  longer  the  organs  of  public  law,  but  the 
instruments  of  arbitrary  edicts,  and  their  unfortunate  crews  dis 
persed  or  lost,  or  inveigled  in  British  forts  into  British  fleets,  while 
arguments  are  employed  in  support  of  these  aggressions,  which 
have  no  foundation  but  in  a  principle  equally  supporting  a  claim 
to  regulate  our  external  commerce  in  all  cases  whatsoever.  '  "We 


474  JAMES    MADISON. 

behold  in  fine,  on  the  side  of  Great  Britain,  a  state  of  war  against 
the  United  States ;  and  on  the  side  of  the  United  States,  a  state 
of  peace  toward  Great  Britain.' 

"  Whether  the  United  States  will  continue  passive  under  these 
progressive  usurpations  and  accumulating  wrongs,  or  opposing 
force  to  force  in  defense  of  their  national  rights,  shall  commit  a 
just  cause  into  the  hands  of  the  Almighty  disposer  of  events, 
avoiding  all  connections  which  might  entangle  it  in  the  contests 
or  views  of  other  powers,  and  preserving  a  constant  readiness  to 
concur  in  an  honorable  re-establishment  of  peace  and  friendship, 
is  a  solemn  question,  which  the  Constitution  wisely  confides  to  the 
legislative  department  of  the  government.  In  recommending  it 
to  their  early  deliberations,  I  am  happy  in  the  assurance  that  the 
decision  will  be  worthy  the  enlightened  and  patriotic  councils  of 
a  virtuous,  free,  and  a  powerful  nation." 

Upon  this  message,  Congress  deliberated  seriously,  and  with 
closed  doors.  After  considerable  time  had  been  taken  up  in  its 
consideration,  and  much  earnest  debate,  Pinckney  prepared  the 
following  act,  which  was  reported  by  Calhoun  :  "  That  war  be,  and 
the  same  is  hereby  declared  to  exist  between  the  united  kingdom 
of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  the  dependencies  thereof,  and 
the  United  States  of  America  and  their  territories;  and  the 
President  of  the  United  States  is  hereby  authorized  to  use  the 
whole  land  and  naval  force  of  the  United  States  to  carry  the  same 
into  effect,  and  to  issue  to  private  armed  vessels  of  the  United 
States,  commissions,  or  letters  of  marque  and  general  reprisal,  in 
such  form  as  he  shall  think  proper,  and  under  the  seal  of  the 
United  States,  against  the  government  of  the  said  united  king 
dom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  the  subjects  thereof." 

Considerable  excitement  prevailed  on  the  introduction  of  this 
bill.  It  finally  passed  the  House,  however,  by  a  good  majority,  and 
afterward  the  Senate,  by  a  vote  of  six  in  favor  of  it.  Congress  then 
passed  an  act  limited  to  the  existence  of  the  embargo,  prohibiting 
all  exports.  A  general  land  office,  also,  was  instituted ;  the 
public  lands  were  surveyed ;  treasury  notes  were  issued  ;  duties 
were  increased,  and  the  apportionment  attended  to.  Combinations 
were  now  formed  to  prevent  the  re-election  of  MADISON  to  the 
presidency, — his  name  being  already  widely  mentioned  by  his 
friends  in  connection  with  the  office.  Great  excitement  had 
followed  the  formal  declaration  of  war.  Opposition  at  many 


JAMES    MADISON.  475 

points  was  strong  and  virulent,  while  the  friends  of  the  measure 
were  equally  earnest  in  the  maintenance  of  their  views.  The 
western  States  were  ready  and  anxious  to  indorse  the  course  of 
Congress  ;  the  New  England  States  were  generally  hostile  to  the 
act,  while,  in  the  middle  and  southern  parts  of  the  Union,  the 
public  mind  was  about  equally  balanced.  The  act  having  passed, 
hostilities  commenced  in  earnest.  Henry  Dearborn  was  appointed 
Major-General,  with  Wilkinson,  Hampton,  Hull,  and  Pinckney, 
for  his  subordinates.  Large  forces  were  called  into  service,  and 
great  attention  paid  to  the  navy.  On  the  commencement  of  active 
operations,  several  severe  disasters  ensued,  owing,  in  a  measure, 
to  the  incapacity  of  some  of  the  generals.  Of  the  military  oper 
ations,  incident  to  the  war  of  1812,  this  is  not  the  proper  place  to 
speak.  Upon  these,  more  extended  remarks  will  be  made,  when 
we  come  to  speak  of  those  immediately  connected  with  them. 

The  efforts  of  the  Federalists  to  supersede  MADISON  in  the 
presidency,  were  unavailing.  He  was  re-elected  over  their  can 
didate,  George  Clinton,  the  same  year  that  war  was  declared, 
by  a  very  handsome  majority.  Soon  after  his  inauguration,  which 
took  place  on  the  4th  of  March,  1813,  the  Russian  minister  offered 
mediation,  on  the  part  of  his  government,  between  the  belligerent 
powers.  It  was  accepted,  but  resulted  in  no  more  than  the 
reiterated  determination  of  England  to  adhere  to  her  declared 
principles.  Late  in  the  fall,  however,  she  manifested  a  willing 
ness  to  enter  into  formal  negotiations,  and  Lord  Castlereagh  gave 
notice  of  the  fact.  This  indication  was  highly  satisfactory  to 
MADISON  and  the  country.  These  negotiations  were  not  so  easily 
consummated.  After  the  battles  of  Chippewa,  Niagara,  and  New 
Orleans,  on  land,  and  exploits  equally  brave  and  honorable,  had 
taken  place  at  sea,  arrangements  were  made  for  the  adjust 
ment  of  all  difficulties.  After  a  serious  and  somewhat  pro 
tracted  struggle,  that  redounded  to  the  renown  of  America,  and 
checked,  forever,  any  designs  of  England  upon  our  growing 
country,  negotiations  were  formally  opened  that  resulted  in  the 
peace  of  Ghent,  concluded,  December  24th,  1814.  Though 
MADISON  consented  to  the  war  with  a  considerable  degree  of 
reluctance,  after  the  measure  had  been  settled  upon,  he  was  firm, 
decisive,  and  unflinching,  in  promoting  its  successful  prosecution. 
The  return  of  peace  was  to  no  one  more  welcome,  than  himself. 
Nothing  now  remained  to  rnar  the  close  of  his  last  administration. 


476  JAMES    MADISON. 

Fostering  a  spirit  of  enterprise  in  manufactures  and  every  mode 
of  home  industry,  he  closed  his  official  term,  by  encouraging 
peaceful  pursuits,  and  inspiring  a  love  of  country,  virtue,  and 
duty.  Many  events  of  importance,  beside  the  war  of  1812,  took 
place  during  his  administration.  The  United  States  Bank  was 
chartered  in  1816 ;  Indiana  was  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a 
State;  and  the  name  of  Missouri  was  given  to  the  territory  now 
forming  that  State.  March  3d,  1817,  closed  the  political  life  of 
this  great  man. 

He  was  now  in  his  sixty-seventh  year,  but,  in  the  enjoyment  of 
good  health.  He  left  public  life  at  a  time  when,  in  the  language 
of  one  of  his  messages,  we  had  established  "  a  government,  which 
watches  over  the  purity  of  elections,  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of 
the  press-j  the  trial  by  jury,  and  the  equal  interdict  against  the 
encroachments  and  compacts  between  religion  and  State ;  which 
maintains  inviolable,  the  maxims  of  public  faith,  the  security  of 
persons  and  property,  and  encourages,  in  every  authorized  mode, 
that  general  diffusion  of  knowledge  which  guarantees  to  public 
liberty  its  permanency,  and  to  those  who  possess  the  blessings  of 
the  true  enjoyment  of  it ;  a  government  which  avoids  intrusion 
on  the  internal  repose  of  other  nations,  and  repels  them  from  its 
own  ;  which  does  justice  to  all  nations  with  a  readiness  equal  to 
the  firmness  with  which  it  requires  justice  from  them  ;  and  which, 
while  it  refines  its  domestic  code  from  every  ingredient  not  con 
genial  with  the  precepts  of  an  enlightened  age,  and  the  sentiments 
of  a  virtuous  people,  seeks  by  appeals  to  reason  and  by  its  liberal 
examples,  to  infuse  into  the  law  which  governs  the  civilized  world, 
a  spirit  which  may  diminish  the  frequency,  or  circumscribe  the 
calamities  of  war,  and  meliorate  the  social  and  beneficent  relations 
of  peace ;  a  government,  in  a  word,  whose  conduct  within  and 
without,  may  bespeak  the  most  noble  of  all  ambitious, — that  of 
pronouncing  peace  on  earth,  and  good- will  to  man."* 

In  the  undisturbed  repose  of  his  home,  he  passed  at  Montpelier 
the  remainder  of  his  days,  practicing  those  virtues  of  which  his 
life  had  been  an  exemplification.  He  was  sent  to  the  Virginia 
convention,  in  1829, and  took  part  in  the  proceedings  that  resulted 
in  the  revision  of  the  State  constitution.  He  was,  also,  selected 
president  of  a  society  of  agriculture,  for  which  he  had  a  passionate 

*  Eighth  annual  message. 


JAMES    MADISON.  477 

fondness.  He  labored,  too,  with  his  venerable  friend  Jefferson,  in 
the  establishment  of  the  University  of  Virginia.  His  long  and 
useful  career  was  brought  to  a  close,  on  the  28th  of  June,  1836, 
in  the  86th  year  of  his  age. 

MADISON  was  married,  in  1794,  to  Mrs.  Dolly  Pain  Todd,  a 
young  widow  of  great  beauty,  fascinating  manners,  and  high 
intelligence.  Of  all  the  ladies  that  ever  graced  the  White  House, 
few,  if  any,  have  ever  excelled  her  in  accomplishments  or  fitness 
for  its  honors.  This  union  resulted  in  no  offspring,  but  was  one 
of  high  felicity. 

MADISON'S  death  threw  the  whole  country  into  mourning,  and 
elicited,  everywhere,  proper  testimonials  of  sorrow.  His  name 
will,  forever,  occupy  a  high  place  in  the  history  of  our  country, 
worthy  the  admiration  of  succeeding  generations,  and  the  pride 
of  mankind.  "  In  his  personal  appearance,  MADISON  was  of  small 
stature,  and  rather  protuberant  in  front.  He  had  a  calm  expres 
sion,  penetrating  blue  eyes,  and  was  slow  and  grave  in  his  speech. 
At  the  close  of  his  presidency,  he  seemed  to  be  careworn,  with  an 
appearance  of  more  advanced  age  than  was  the  fact.  He  was 
bald  on  the  top  of  his  head,  wore  his  hair  powdered,  and  generally 
dressed  in  black.  His  manner  was  modest  and  retiring,  but  in 
conversation,  he  was  pleasing  and  instructive,  having  a  mind  well 
stored  with  the  treasures  of  learning,  and  being  particularly 
familiar  with  the  political  world.  He  was  fond  of  society,  though 
he  had  traveled  but  little ;  never  having  visited  foreign  countries, 
or  seen  much  of  the  people  of  the  country  over  which  he  presided. 
When  a  member  of  deliberative  bodies,  he  was  an  able  debater, 
having  acquired  self-confidence  by  slow  degrees.  As  a  writer,  he 
has  had  few  equals  among  American  statesmen,  and  the  style  of 
his  public  documents  and  his  correspondence,  has  always  been 
much  admired.  He  was,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  the  last  sur 
viving  signer  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  part  he  bore  in  fram 
ing  that  instrument,  his  subsequent  advocacy  of  it  by  his  writings, 
with  his  adherence  to  its  provisions,  obtained  for  him  the  title  of 
;  Father  of  the  Constitution.' " 


JAMES  MONROE. 


THE  illustrious  Grecian,*  when  he  came  to  die,  remarked  to 
friends  around  him,  that  in  extolling  the  acts  of  his  life,  they  failed 
to  notice  the  greatest  and  most  honorable  part  of  his  character, — 
that  no  Athenian,  through  his  means,  ever  put  on  mourning. 
He  had  filled  high  stations,  and  figured  prominently  among  the 
great  men  of  his  day ;  a  statesman  of  vast  capacity  and  energy,  he 
had  served  his  country  with  fidelity  during  one  of  the  most  event 
ful  periods  of  its  history.  Though  he  had  taken  active  part  in 
both  civic  and  military  affairs,  while  the  people  were  rent  by 
intestine  dissensions  within,  and  menaced  by  enemies  from  with 
out,  he  had  maintained  a  smooth  and  even  course ;  and  now,  as 
earthly  toils  and  strifes  were  fading  from  his  sight,  while  taking 
a  retrospect  of  his  career,  its  splendors  were  forgotten  in  the  con 
soling  fact,  that  in  no  act  of  his  life  had  he  given  his  people  cause 
to  wear  mourning. 

If  the  Athenian  rejoiced  because  he  had  overwhelmed  none 
with  grief,  what  infinite  source  of  satisfaction  was  afforded  to  the 
fifth  President  of  the  United  States,  who,  after  a  peaceful  adminis 
tration  of  the  government  for  eight  years,  left  it  in  a  condition  of 
unexampled  prosperity,  teeming  with  the  richest  blessings  of 
liberty,  its  people  rejoicing  at  indications  of  growing  greatness. 
He  came  to  the  presidency  at  a  time  when,  after  the  convulsions 
of  two  wars,  and  the  organization  of  the  government,  the  resistless 
march  of  progress  and  improvement,  had  commenced  under 
favorable  auspices.  A  peaceful,  dignified  course,  toward  all 

«  Pericles. 
(478) 


JAMES  MONROE. 


JAMES    MONROE.  479 

nations  abroad,  an  earnest  watchfulness  and  guardianship  of 
internal  institutions  at  home,  with  a  solicitude  for  the  fostering  of 
manufactures,  the  encouragement  of  learning,  and  the  protection 
of  religion,  arts,  and  sciences,  formed  the  combination,  essential 
for  a  chief  executive ;  at  that  time,  by  no  one,  perhaps,  was  this  com 
bination  more  eminently  possessed,  than  JAMES  MONROE. 

He  was  born  on  the  2d  day  of  April,  in  the  county  of  West 
moreland,  Virginia,  in  the  year  1759,  of  poor,  but  highly  respect 
able  parentage.  While  those  elder  veterans,  therefore,  who,  with 
hearts  of  oak,  were  resisting  the  assumptions  of  the  Stamp  Act, 
and  the  whole  country  was  stirred  into  excitement,  incident  to 
that  measure,  MONROE  was  yet  in  comparative  infancy.  The 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  the  gloomiest  periods  of  the 
war,  found  him  at  the  college  of  William  and  Mary,  completing 
his  education.  His  youth  was  passed  amid  the  high  excitements 
of  the  times,  and  resistance  to  the  crown,  became  ingrained  into 
his  organism  as  part  of  himself.  Schooled  by  the  sternest  men 
of  the  opposition,  with  a  temperament  easily  fired  with  a  love  of 
country  and  liberty,  it  is  not  strange  that  he  should  become  enthusi 
astically  devoted  to  the  cause.  He  had  been  at  college  for  some 
time,  where  he  was  noted  for  amiability,  gentleness  of  manners, 
kindness  of  heart,  and  application  to  his  books.  ISTo  sooner  had 
the  Declaration  been  drawn,  however,  when  the  cause  bore  its 
most  hopeless  aspects,  than  he,  without  remaining  to  complete  his 
course,  threw  aside  his  books,  bade  adieu  to  college  associations, 
and  hurried  to  the  camp  of  Washington.  Though  but  seventeen 
years  of  age,  he  went  there  to  participate  in  the  terrible  scenes 
around  Haerlem  Hights,  and  braved  the  perils  of  1776.  Though 
more  of  a  student  than  a  soldier, — more  a  civilian  than  a  military 
man, — he  forgot  all  academic  honors  that  were  in  reserve  for  him, 
and  which  he  could  soon  successfully  grasp,  to  serve  his  country 
in  her  hour  of  need. 

Such  was  the  temperament  of  this  ardent  youth  at  seventeen 
years  of  age.  During  the  celebrated  retreat  through  the  Jerseys, 
a  retreat,  though  not  in  numbers,  in  objects  more  grand  than  the 
famous  one  made  by  Xenophon  and  the  ten  thousand  Greeks,  he 
stood  by  Washington  with  firmness  and  courage,  notwithstanding 
the  gathering  darkness  of  the  times.  Simultaneous  with  the 
assertion,  that  his  country  should  be  free  and  independent,  MONROE 
commenced  his  career,  not  aware  of  the  glories  that  country  would 


480  JAMES    MONROE. 

heap  upon  him.  "With  patriotic  ardor,  he  had  gone  to  the  field  of 
his  own  accord,  a  mere  boy,  when  older  men,  and  men  of  experi 
ence  were  accepting  Howe's  terms  of  pardon,  and  deserting  their 
cause  as  hopelessly  lost.  At  Haerlem  Hights,  at  Flatbush,  at 
White  Plains,  at  Long  Island,  and  Fort  Washington, — days  of 
misfortune  and  gloom, — the  hearts  of  the  sternest  began  to  grow 
cold,  and  sicken  at  the  prospect  of  speedy  defeat  and  annihilation. 
Not  so  with  MONROE.  True  to  the  cause  he  had  espoused,  ero 
manhood  had  bloomed  upon  him,  he  remained  with  Washington's 
disheartened  band  through  all  its  trying  scenes,  till  the  ever- 
memorable  25th  of  December,  1776,  kindled  a  fresh  beam  of  hope. 
Among  the  lone  band  that  drew  up  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware 
the  night  previous  to  the  battle  of  Trenton,  was  the  youthful 
MONROE.  As  they  pushed  to  the  attack  the  next  morning,  he  led 
the  van.  "  He  wore  the  cheek  of  a  boy,  but  moved  with  the 
tread  of  a  veteran."  In  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  under  the  im 
mediate  eye  of  his  commander,  he  behaved  with  courage  and 
daring,  until  a  musket-ball  from  the  enemy  inflicted  a  painful 
wound  that  checked  his  movements.  He  now  retired  from  active 
service,  until  the  recovery  from  his  wound  enabled  him  to  rejoin  the 
army,  when  he  was  appointed,  as  a  reward  for  his  bravery,  Aid-de 
camp  to  Lord  Sterling.  In  this  capacity,  he  served  through  the 
severe  times,  during  which,  the  battles  of  Brandy  wine,  Gerujan- 
town,  and  Monmouth,  were  fought,  in  each  of  which,  he  partici 
pated  with  bravery  and  coolness.  At  the  instigation  of  the 
commauder-in-chief,  he  next  attempted  to  raise  a  body  of  men  for 
the  service,  of  which  he  was  to  assume  the  command.  Not  suc 
ceeding  in  this,  he  commenced  the  study  of  law,  under  the  tuition 
of  Governor  Jefferson,  in  his  native  State.  Toward  the  close  of 
the  war,  he  was  sent  to  the  south  to  investigate  the  condition  of 
the  army,  with  a  view  of  promoting  its  amelioration.  This  com 
mission  was  faithfully  and  satisfactorily  performed.  These  oper 
ations,  with  a  few  voluntary  acts,  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
war,  constitute  a  brief  summary  of  his  military  career. 

His  first  entrance  into  public  life,  and  a  civic  capacity,  was  in 
171)2,  when  he  was  elected  to  the  Virginia  legislature.  His 
services  in  this  assembly  resulted  in  his  selection  to  the  executive 
council.  Having  thus,  in  a  brief  space  of  time,  served  his  coun 
try  with  credit  and  efficiency,  through  a  portion  of  her  first  great 
struggle,  almost  before  he  had  emerged  from  youth,  he  was,  in  his 


JAMES    MONROE.  481 

twenty-fifth  year,  sent  to  Congress;  in  which  body  he  took  an  honor 
able  position,  and  maintained  it  with  dignity  and  ability.  Among 
those  who  acted  as  the  committee,  at  Annapolis,  on  that  august  and 
sublime  occasion,  when  Washington  repaired  there  to  lay  down 
the  commission  he  had  held  so  long  and  so  faithfully,  was  JAMES 
MONROE.  He  continued  a  member  of  Congress  till  1786,  serv 
ing  his  country,  in  the  national  councils,  with  the  same  zeal  and 
devotion  he  had  exhibited  in  her  war.  Like  Madison,  MONROE  ^, 
early  saw  the  defects  in  the  old  articles  of  confederation.  iDuring  ' 
the  early  pare  01  nis  labors  as  a  member  ol'  Congres,  he  brought 
in  some  resolutions,  conferring  certain  powers  upon  Congress, 
regulative  of  commerce,  revenue,  etc.  He  was  among  the  earliest 
to  urge  a  general  convention  of  delegates,  for  the  purpose  of 
remodeling  the  existent  form  of  government.  In  his  report,  indeed, 
as  chairman  of  the  committee,  to  whom  his  resolutions  were  re 
ferred,  the  changes  obviously  demanded  for  the  public  good,  were 
suggested  with  force  and  earnestness. 

His  resolutions  giving  to  Congress  the  power  to  levy  an  impost 
of  five  per  cent.,  and  sole  jurisdiction  of  commerce,  passed  in  the 
spring  of  1784.  His  suggestions  in  regard  to  a  change  of  govern 
ment,  were  discussed  the  ensuing  July,  and  had  some  effect  in 
the  assemblage  of  delegates  at  Annapolis,  which  met  in  1786,  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  the  matter  into  consideration.  The  succeed 
ing  year  witnessed  the  assembling  of  the  General  Convention 
that  resulted  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Thus,  in 
the  initiatory  steps  that  secured  that  instrument,  JAMES  MONROE, 
though  comparatively  a  young  man,  figured  with  no  inconsiderable 
conspicuity.  Disputes  between  different  States  in  regard  to  their 
boundaries,  were  then  of  frequent  occurrence.  The  older  order 
of  things  gave  Congress  the  power  to  appoint  members  from  the 
house  to  settle  such  disputes  as  might  thus  arise, — both  parties  to 
the  dispute  to  have  a  voice  in  their  selection. 

MONROE,  in  his  twenty-seventh  year  was  selected  one  of  these 
commissioners  to  adjust  a  difficulty  between  the  States  of  Massachu 
setts  and  New  York.  Some  of  the  other  commissioners  appointed 
for  the  same  service  resigning,  the  final  settlement  was  unavoidably 
delated.  MONROE  frequently  wrote  to  Congress,  in  regard  to  the 
matter.  Seeing  no  prospect  of  being  able  to  render  any  real 
advantage  to  the  country,  he  resigned  his  commission,  and  the 
difficulty  was  finally  satisfactorily  arranged  by  a  convention  of 


482  JAMES    MONROE. 

delegates  from  each  of  the  two  States,  which  assembled  at  Hartford, 
in  1786.  The  selection  of  MONROE  to  this  position,  was  no  small 
concession,  on  the  part  of  Congress,  of  his  abilities  and  purity  of 
character. 

Difficulties  growing  out  of  the  controversy  relating  to  the  navi 
gation  of  the  Mississippi,  have  already  been  mentioned.  The 
mouth  of  that  river  being  claimed  by  Spain,  to  be  in  her  domin 
ions,  she  asserted  entire  jurisdiction  from  bank  to  bank,  over  the 
whole  stream,  and  forbade  its  navigation  by  the  United  States. 
The  two  countries,  indeed,  seemed  verging  to  hostilities  upon  this 
subject.  An  American  citizen  had  been  imprisoned  by  the  Span 
iards,  who,  in  their  turn,  had  wrested  from  us  an  important 
government  post.  In  this  predicament,  a  proposition  was 
made  to  compromise  the  matter  with  Spain,  by  giving  in  lieu  of 
the  privilege  of  navigating  that  stream,  equivalent  commercial 
advantages  she  did  not  claim  to  possess.  This  proposition  had 
many  warm  and  able  advocates.  The  Virginia  members  opposed 
it  with  great  unanimity.  MONROE  was  a  champion  in  the  oppo 
sition,  and  met  the  question  squarely  at  every  point.  The  propo 
sition  finally  failed  ;  and  we  became  eventually,  not  only  possessed 
of  the-  right  of  navigating  the  Mississippi,  but  of  all  Louisiana 
and  the  Floridas,  none  contributing  more  to  the  result  than  JAMES 
MONROE. 

In  1786,  he  closed  his  labors  in  Congress,  having  won  high 
civic  renown,  during  his  career  there.  About  this  time,  also,  he 
was  married  to  a  Miss  Kortright,  one  of  the  first  families  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  She  has  been  represented  as  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  and  accomplished  ladies  of  her  day,  possessing  great 
fascination  of  manners,  rare  beauty,  and  high  cultivation.  They 
lived  amicably  and  happily  together,  for  a  period  of  near  fifty 
years, — she  dying  but  a  short  time  before  her  husband.  MONROE, 
relieved  from  public  cares,  now  retired  to  Fredericksburg,  with 
the  sincere  purpose  of  engaging  in  the  practice  of  the  law  ;  but,  his 
reputation  as  a  civilian  was  too  firmly  established,  and  his  name 
too  widely  and  favorably  known,  for  him  to  be  permitted  to  remain 
in  the  obscurity  of  a  law  office,  and  he  was  again  called  to  the 
public  service.  'No  sooner  had  he  settled  himself,  than  he  was 
sent  to  the  legislature,  whence  he  was  immediately  sent  to  the 
Virginia  convention,  that  met  to  take  into  consideration  the 
Federal  Constitution. 


JAMES    MONROE.  483 

MONROE,  we  have  remarked,  was  convinced,  during  his  early 
labors  in  Congress,  of  the  inefficiency  of  the  old  confederation, 
and  its  demand  for  revision  and  amendment.  Yet  after  the  con 
vention  had  met  and  formed  the  Constitution,  he  was  not  in  favor 
of  it,  thinking  that  several  essential  features  of  the  instrument 
were  susceptible  of  much  improvement.  His  opposition,  however, 
was  not  of  the  violent,  relentless  cast  of  Patrick  Henry.  He 
took  his  seat  in  the  Virginia  convention  identified  with  the  oppo 
sition,  and  when  the  final  vote  came  to  be  taken,  we  find  his 
name  recorded  with  the  seventy-nine  who  voted  against  its  adop 
tion,  it  being  secured  by  a  majority  of  only  ten  votes.  The  for 
mation  and  final  adoption  of  the  Constitution  has  been  happily 
pronounced,  by  one  of  its  purest  and  ablest  defenders,  "the 
greatest  triumph  of  pure  and  peaceful  intellect  recorded  in  the 
annals  of  the  human  race."  Though  it  may  seem  strange  to  the 
reader  of  the  present  day,  that  pure  patriots  and  men  of  wisdom, 
talents,  and  virtue  should  have  arrayed  themselves  against  an 
instrument  by  which  our  richest  blessings  have  been  secured  and 
are  perpetuated,  they  acted  from  pure  motives  and  through  a 
spirit  to  serve  their  country.  Differences  of  opinion  upon  this 
vital  question,  partook  not  of  partisan  virulence  or  sectional  jeal 
ousies.  Consequently  those  stern,  tried  men  lost  no  hold  upon 
the  people  for  their  opposition  to  a  measure,  the  beneficial  influence 
of  which,  soon  after  its  adoption,  became  so  obviously  apparent. 
This  is  sufficiently  shown  in  the  fact  that,  in  1T89,  MONKOE  was 
elected  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  to  fill  a  vacancy  occa 
sioned  by  the  death  of  William  Grayson. 

Of  this  body  he  continued  a  member  till  1794,  a  period  during 
which  most  important  national  measures  came  up  for  considera 
tion,  and  political  parties  began  to  form  upon  permanent  bases, 
agitating  deeply  the  public  mind  by  conflicting  views  and  opin 
ions.  His  views  upon  the  great  issues  then  agitating  the  coun 
try,  and  producing  rival  antagonisms  between  our  greatest  minds 
and  noblest  patriots,  can  not  be  said  to  have  been  widely  different 
from  those  entertained  by  Jefferson. 

"When  revolting  from  the  coercive  restraints  of  the  Directory,  and 
flinging  at  their  feet  its  self-arrogated  authority,  the  French  were 
whirling  in  the  delirium  of  a  red  revolution,  as  before  stated,  the  in 
fluence  upon  this  country  was  powerful  and  instantaneous.  Hatred 
to  England  was  excelled  only,  if  excelled  at  all,  by  a  sympathy  for 


484  JAMES    MONROE. 

those  who  desired  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  despotism  and  assert 
their  own  majesty  and  supremacy.  Among  those  who,  in  oppo 
sition  to  the  more  neutrally  inclined,  favored,  with  somewhat  of 
ardor  the  French  revolution,  was  JAMES  MONKOE.  He  was  op 
posed  to  the  neutrality  proclamation,  notwithstanding  the  evident 
utility  and  expediency  of  the  measure.  To  a  friend  of  republic 
anism  it  is  needless  to  reiterate  here  the  causes  that  might  well 
make  men,  even  the  purest,  feel  like  sympathizing  with  France 
at  that  time,  even  though  a  full  and  mature  deliberation  of  the 
whole  matter  might  have  dictated  a  contrary  policy.  A  variety  of 
causes  operated,  particularly  upon  the  minds  of  those  who,  of  an 
ardent,  impetuous  temperament,  were  ready  to  draw  the  blade  for 
freedom,  everywhere,  to  prevent  a  thorough,  impartial,  and  ma 
ture  investigation  of  the  subject  in  all  its  complications. 

Gouverneur  Morris,  our  Minister  to  France,  entertained  views 
just  the  opposite,  and  advocated  the  strictest  neutrality.  His 
course  not  being  agreeable  to  the  French  people,  and,  as  they 
thought,  highly  inimical  to  their  interests,  he  was  recalled  by  our 
Government,  and  was  superseded  by  MONROE,  who  was  appointed 
Minister  to  the  Court  of  Versailles  in  the  spring  of  1794.  Fully 
identified  with  the  anti-federal,  republican  party,  and  having  op 
posed  the  leading  measures  of  the  administration,  this  appoint 
ment  was  a  high  compliment  to  the  talents  and  reputation  of  the 
new  Minister,  and  an  excellent  commentary  upon  the  virtue  and 
patriotism  of  Washington,  which,  rising  above  the  bitterness  of 
party,  sought  to  unite  and  blend  all  discordant  elements  into  one 
unruffled  tide  of  peace  and  happiness,  and  to  allay  all  jealousies, 
making  men's  objects,  aims,  and  interests  center  upon  their  coun 
try's  weal.  Though  aware  of  his  favor  to  the  French  revolu 
tionary  party  and  opposition  to  the  neutrality  proclamation,  the 
power  by  whom  he  was  appointed  was  not  the  least  mistrustful 
of  recreancy  on  his  part  to  the  interests  of  the  nation  whose  em- 
bassador  he  had  been  created.  He  was  instructed  to  express,  on 
the  part  of  his  Government,  a  lively  sense  of  gratitude  for  past 
services  rendered  by  the  French  nation,  a  warm  and  enduring 
friendship,  and  a  desire  to  maintain  uninterrupted  the  existing 
harmonious  relations  between  the  two  countries.  With  these 
instructions  he  set  out  on  his  embassy  to  France.  Reaching  his 
destination,  his  views  of  policy  having  preceded  him  and  made 
him  already  a  favorite,  he  was  received  with  a  pomp  and  splendor 


JAMES    MONROE.  485 

by  the  National  Convention  perhaps  hitherto  never  extended  to 
an  envoy  to  a  foreign  court  from  this  country.  Though  disposed 
to  carry  out  the  spirit  of  his  instructions,  honestly  entertaining 
views  different  from  those  by  whom  they  were  given,  he  found  it 
next  to  impossible ;  and  becoming  complicated  and  embarrassed 
in  his  diplomatic  relations,  he  was,  about  the  close  of  Washing 
ton's  administration,  recalled,  and  was  succeeded  by  Finckhey. 
On  reaching  the  United  States,  no  doubt  somewhat  mortified  at 
the  unpopularity  of  his  mission,  he  published  a  large  volume 
bearing  the  title  of  "  A  Yiew  of  the  Conduct  of  the  Executive  in 
the  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  United  States,  connected  with  the 
Mission  to  the  French  Republic  during  the  years  1794,  '95,  '96." 
The  book  never  reached  any  high  degree  of  popular  favor,  and 
seems  now  to  be  little  regarded,  either  as  an  interesting  detail  of 
facts  or  a  good  specimen  of  literary  success. 

On  his  return,  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  of  his  native 

£5 

State  with  a  cordiality  that  showed  his  reputation  had  undergone 
no  diminution  in  the  public  mind.  Though  opposed  to  the  meas 
ures  of  the  administration  and  the  provisions  of  the  Jay  treaty 
concluded  with  Great  Britain,  he  never  had  denounced  either 
Washington  or  Jay,  but  accorded  to  them  the  highest  merit  as 
statesmen,  patriots,  and  men  of  the  purest  motives.  After  the 
discharge  of  his  duties  in  this  capacity,  he  was  elected  Governor 
of  Virginia,  which  office  he  held  with  dignity  and  credit  till  the 
expiration  of  his  term  of  three  years.  While  an  incumbent  of 
this  office,  he  was  startled,  as  were  most  of  his  countrymen,  by 
indications  of  danger  in  an  unlooked-for  quarter.  In  the  midst 
of  his  success,  Bonaparte  had,  by  secret  treaty  with  Spain,  come 
into  possession  of  the  territory  of  Louisiana.  Everywhere  vic 
torious,  the  occupancy  of  this  territory  brought  the  jurisdiction 
of  his  triumphant  genius  into  immediate  proximity  to  our  borders. 
Though  this  acquisition  to  the  Napoleonic  empire  was  effected  at 
the  treaty  of  St.  Ildefonso,  in  the  year  1800,  it  was  two  years  after 
before  the  United  States  were  made  aware  of  the  fact.  Appear 
ances  then  indicated  a  design  on  the  part  of  France  to  pour  her 
legions  into  the  New  World,  and  wrest  from  us  all  her  original 
possessions,  from  Orleans  to  the  Canadas.  The  smallest  appear 
ance  of  such  a  design  being  attempted,  was  well  calculated  to, 
and  did,  excite  apprehensions  in  the  United  States.  It  was  re 
solved  to  send,  with  due  expedition,  ministers  to  the  Courts  of 
33 


486  JAMES    MONROE. 

France  and  Madrid,  for  the  purpose  of  making  such  arrange 
ments  in  regard  to  the  territory  of  Louisiana  as  would  be  mutu 
ally  satisfactory  and  preventive  of  any  collision  with  European 
powers  and  influences.  Pinckney  was  in  fact  already  Minister 
to  Spain,  but  received  additional  powers  and  instructions.  Early 
in  1803,  MONROE  was  associated  with  Robert  Livingston,  then 
resident  Minister  at  the  Court  of  France,  as  Envoy  Extraordi 
nary,  to  effect  a  purchase  of  New  Orleans  and  the  Spanish  pos 
sessions  on  the  Mississippi  river.  He  was  further  instructed  to 
act  with  Pinckney  at  the  Court  of  Madrid,  in  relation  to  Lou 
isiana.  Livingston  had  Opened  negotiations  in  a  very  able  man 
ner  before  the  arrival  of  MONROE,  and  on  being  joined  by  the  lat 
ter,  prospects  indicated  a  favorable  consummation  of  their  objects. 

Having  elsewhere  said  as  much  of  these  purchases  as  space 
would  allow,  we  pass  to  other  branches  of  the  subject.  The  mis 
sion  to  France  terminated  satisfactorily,  resulting  in  the  acquisi 
tion,  by  purchase,  of  the  entire  province  of  Louisiana  and  New 
Orleans,  immediately  after  MONROE'S  arrival.  lie  now  hastened 
to  London,  whither  he  had  been  commissioned  Minister  in  the 
place  of  Rufus  King,  who  had  resigned.  Our  country's  com 
merce  being  still  interfered  with  by  the  continuance  of  England 
to  impress  our  seamen,  beside  other  restrictions,  he  labored,  while 
in  the  English  metropolis,  to  consummate  such  arrangements  as 
would  protect  the  rights  of  our  flag  against  these  unjustifiable 
assumptions  of  power.  Being  able  to  eifect  but  little  toward  the 
object,  he  proceeded  to  Madrid  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out 
the  remainder  of  his  instructions,  by  acting  in  concert  with 
Pinckney  in  securing  the  final  settlement  of  all  difficulties  apper 
taining  to  the  newly-acquired  territory.  At  Madrid,  obstacles  of 
no  insignificant  nature  presented  themselves  to  the  diplomatists. 
Bonaparte,  in  the  transfer  of  the  territory,  had  confined  himself 
to  the  unsatisfactory  boundaries  affixed  by  Spain  in  her  secret 
transfer  at  the  treaty  of  St.  Ildefonso.  Spain  now  aimed  to  make 
it  appear  that  the  whole  area  contemplated  was  comparatively 
small — not  much  larger  than  the  island  of  New  Orleans.  Con 
siderable  discussion  resulted  from  the  boundary  difficulties.  The 
two  Ministers,  MONROE  and  Pinckney,  after  protracted  but  unsuc 
cessful  efforts  to  settle  the  disputes  amicably,  abandoned  all  hope 
of  speedily  putting  an  end  to  the  quarrel. 

Affairs  with  England,  in  consequence  of  a  stubborn  persistence 


JAMES    MONROE.  437 

in  her  designs,  were  in  the  meantime  daily  becoming  more 
threatening  and  complicated.  In  1805,  MONROE  was  sent  as  Min 
ister  to  that  country.  He  found  Pitt  in  the  zenith  of  his  premier 
ship,  his  policy  fettering  commerce,  and  by  his  mighty  mind 
keeping  in  check  even  the  gigantic  prowess  of  Napoleon.  Soon 
after  his  return  to  London  he  was  joined  by  William  Pinckney, 
who  had  also  been  appointed  Minister  to  the  English  Court. 
They  succeeded  in  effecting  a  treaty,  a  copy  of  which  was  sent  to 
the  United  States.  Without  submitting  it  to  the  consideration  of 
Congress,  Jefferson  returned  it  for  revision  and  modification, 

O  " 

saying  they  never  could  conform  to  some  of  its  requisitions.  A 
change,  however,  unfortunate  for  the  accomplishment  of  negotia 
tions,  had  taken  place  in  the  meantime,  and  on  the  arrival  of  the 
returned  treaty,  MONKOE  received  notification  that  their  mission 
was,  at  least  for  the  present,  at  an  end.  The  attack  upon  the 
Chesapeake  following,  negotiations  abruptly  closed,  and  the  Min 
isters  returned  home.  As  MONROE  closed  with  credit  his  mili 
tary,  so  this  last  ministry  to  England  ended  his  diplomatic  career. 
This  was  in  1807.  Soon  after  his  return  he  was  again  elected 
Governor  of  Virginia,  previous  to  his  entrance  upon  the  duties 
of  which  office  he  enjoyed  an  agreeable  repose  at  home  with  his 
lovely  wife  and  children.  The  rejection  of  the  treaty  concluded 
during  his  mission,  by  Jefferson,  without  so  much  as  senatorial 
submission,  though  it  resulted  in  no  serious  breach  between  the 
two,  alienated  MONROE  from  his  old  friend  for  some  time.  It 
passed  by,  however,  and  was  comparatively  forgotten.  MONROE 
occupied  the  executive  chair  of  his  native  State  till  1811,  when 
he  was  appointed  by  President  Madison,  Secretary  of  State. 

We  have  already  glanced,  in  the  preceding  pages,  at  some 
of  the  perplexities  to  be  encountered  at  this  time.  War  between 
America  and  Great  Britain  was  near  breaking  out.  The  decrees, 
the  orders  in  council,  the  impressment  of  our  seamen,  the  em 
bargo,  non-intercourse  acts,  and  various  measures  of  vast  import 
ance  agitated  the  public  mind,  and  coming  directly  within  the 
purview  of  the  labors  of  our  Secretary  of  State,  some  idea  can  be 
had  of  the  extent  of  his  responsibilities.  Through  the  pressing 
necessities  of  the  times,  he  discharged  the  duties  of  Secretary  of 
State  as  became  a  statesman  and  patriot.  Up  to  the  time  when, 
Genseric-like,  the  British  commander  ordered  the  destruction  of 
Washington  City,  he  attended  only  to  the  duties  of  that  office. 


488  JAMES    MONROE. 

When  the  capitol  was  destroyed,  General  Armstrong,  who  had 
been  Secretary  of  War,  was  forced,  by  the  weight  of  popular 
odium  heaped  upon  him,  to  resign,  and  MONROE,  at  the  urgent 
solicitation  of  the  President,  consented  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
both  offices.  He  was  now  the  occupant  of  two  stations,  the  du 
ties  of  which,  if  faithfully  executed,  were  sufficient  for  the  talents 
and  energies  of  more  than  one  ordinary  mind. 

As  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  War,  he  had  to  fix  upon  plans  of 
operations  and  many  other  duties  incident  to  the  position.  Com 
ing  into  the  office  at  a  time  when  Louisiana  was  threatened  with 
invasion  by  a  large  force  of  England's  victorious,  veteran  legions, 
who  were  flushed  with  the  glory  of  long-contested,  hard-earned 
success,  and  were  turned  upon  our  shores  without  occupation  for 
their  enterprise,  eager  for  new  fields  of  battle  and  new  rewards  of 
achievement,  the  public  emergencies  now  required  that  the  sternest 
and  ablest  men  should  be  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs,  and  that 
the  resources  of  the  country  should  be  developed  as  soon  as  pos 
sible  and  to  the  fullest  extent.  With  such  men  as  Madison  and 
his  double  Secretary,  MONROE,  we  were  sure  to  receive  the  proper 
meed  of  solicitude,  anxiety,  and  effort  toward  the  restoration  of 
peace.  To  meet  the  invader  in  successful  encounter  at  New 
Orleans  was,  to  the  American  cause,  a  matter  of  the  last  import 
ance.  As  Secretary  of  War,  the  task  of  providing  the  army  with 
necessaries  requisite  to  their  condition  devolved  upon  MONROE. 
The  financial  condition  of  the  country  was  perplexed  and  embar 
rassed.  Every  effort,  however,  was  made  by  the  Secretary  to 
procure  what  was  needed.  Failing,  from  the  depressed  condition 
of  affairs,  to  obtain  sufficient  means  from  the  proper  sources,  like 
Morris  and  like  Franklin,  he  stepped  forward,  and  upon  his  own 
private  credit,  was  enabled  to  furnish  large  supplies.  Party  ani 
mosities  and  bickerings  had  resulted  in  a  failure  to  recharter 
the  old  bank,  and  though  not  amid  such  distresses  as  in  the  days 
of  the  old  war,  funds  were  exceedingly  difficult  to  procure.  The 
currency  was  broken  down,  and  revenues  crippled.  u  Banks,, 
with  fictitious  capital,  swarmed  the  land,  and  sponged  the  purse 
of  the  people,  often  for  the  use  of  their  own  money,  with  more 
than  usurious  extortion.  The  solid  banks  were  enabled  to  main 
tain  their  integrity  only  by  contracting  their  operations  to  an  ex 
tent  ruinous  to  their  debtors  and  to  themselves.  A  balance  of 
trade,  operating,  like  a  universal  fraud,  vitiated  the  channels  of 


JAMES    MONROE.  439 

intercourse  between  north  and  south,  and  the  treasury  of  the 
Union  was  replenished  only  with  silken  tatters  and  unavailable 
funds ;  chartered  corporations,  bankrupt  under  the  gentle  name 
of  suspended  specie  payments,  and  without  a  dollar  of  capital 
to  pay  their  debts,  sold  at  enormous  discounts  the  very  evi 
dence  of  those  debts,  and  passed  off  upon  the  Government  of  the 
country  at  par  their  rags,  purchasable  in  the  open  market  at 
depreciations  of  thirty  and  forty  per  cent." 

The  fact  that  MONROE  died  in  extreme  poverty,  has  frequently 
been  mentioned  as  derogatory  to  his  merits.  Aside  from  the 
consideration  that  he  is  not  an  isolated  instance  of  great  men 
being  in  the  same  condition,  it  would  be  well  for  posterity  to 
reflect  that  this  voluntary  offering  of  his  means  and  credit  for  his 
country  was  never,  during  his  life,  properly  appreciated  by  the 
Government,  and  had  much  to  do  in  bringing  about  the  disas 
trous  condition  of  his  private  resources. 

For  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  it  was  resolved  to  raise  sixty 
thousand  men.  MONROE  urged,  though  unsuccessfully,  an  addi 
tion  of  forty  thousand,  which,  had  they  been  raised,  would  doubt 
less  much  sooner  have  terminated  the  struggle.  Of  the  incidents 
and.  measures  connected  with  the  war  of  1812,  we  shall  say  more 
in  the  proper  place. 

It  resulted  in  an  honorable  peace  and  additional  renown  to  the 
whole  country.  MONROE,  during  its  progress,  discharged  the 
heavy  duties  connected  with  the  war  department  till  its  close, 
when,  resigning  that  office,  his  energies  were  exclusively  devoted 
to  the  post  of  Secretary  of  State.  Through  Madison's  adminis 
tration  the  labors  belonging  to  that  office  were  severe  and  oner 
ous.  MONROE  performed  them  with  credit  to  himself  and  honor 
to  the  country,  co-operating  zealously  with  the  President  in  all 
the  great  questions  of  the  day. 

On  the  expiration  of  Madison's  second  official  term,  MONROE 
was  looked  upon  as  his  succcessor.  In  March,  1817,  he  was 
formally  inaugurated  fifth  President  of  the  United  States.  We 
have  thus  followed  him  in  each  gradation  of  rise  and  progress 
from  a  youthful  volunteer,  without  name  or  commission,  at  Haer- 
lem  Rights  and  White  Plains,  till  the  first  honors  of  the  great 
republic  adorn  his  brow.  What  a  commentary  upon  the  bless 
ings  of  republican  institutions !  His  inaugural  was  couched  in 
the  language  of  a  true  patriot,  and  gave  assurances  that  were 


490  JAMES    MONROE. 

redeemed,  of  making  every  effort  to  maintain  the  welfare  of  his 
country  and  promote  her  interests  to  the  best  of  his  ability.  "  It 
is  particularly  gratifying  to  me,"  says  he,  "  to  enter  on  the  dis 
charge  of  these  duties  at  a  time  when  the  United  States  are 
blessed  with  peace.  It  is  a  state  most  consistent  with  their  pros 
perity  and  happiness.  It  will  be  my  sincere  desire  to  preserve  it, 
BO  far  as  depends  on  the  Executive,  on  just  principles  with  all 
nations,  claiming  nothing  unreasonable  of  any,  and  rendering  to 
each  what  is  its  due.  Equally  gratifying  is  it  to  witness  the 
increased  harmony  of  opinion  which  pervades  our  Union.  Dis 
cord  does  not  belong  to  our  system.  Union  is  recommended,  as 
well  by  the  free  and  benign  principles  of  our  Government  extend 
ing  its  blessings  to  every  individual,  as  by  the  other  eminent 
advantages  attending  it.  The  American  people  have  encoun 
tered  together  great  dangers  and  sustained  severe  trials  with  suc 
cess.  They  constitute  one  great  family  with  a  common  interest. 
Experience  has  enlightened  us  on  some  questions  of  essential 
importance  to  the  country.  The  progress  has  been  slow,  dictated 
by  just  reflection  and  a  faithful  regard  to  every  interest  connected 
with  it.  To  promote  this  harmony,  in  accordance  with  the  prin 
ciples  of  our  republican  government,  and  in  a  manner  to  give 
them  the  most  complete  effect,  and  to  advance  in  all  other  respects, 
the  best  interests  of  our  country,  will  be  the  object  of  my  constant 
and  zealous  exertions." 

On  the  conclusion  of  his  inaugural,  the  oath  of  office  was 
administered,  and  he  entered  upon  his  duties  as  President  of  the 
United  States.  For  his  cabinet,  he  selected  John  Quincy  Adams, 
Secretary  of  State;  William  H.  Crawford,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ; 
Isaac  Shelby  (who  did  not  accept),  Secretary  of  War;*  and,  B. 
W.  Crowninshield  to  the  navy  department.  Having  thus  begun 
his  administration  at  a  time  of  peace  and  prosperity,  and  having 
long  been  engrossed  with  deep  public  cares,  in  June,  after  his 
inauguration,  he  commenced  a  general  tour  through  the  different 
States.  He  was  everywhere  received  with  warm  congratulations, 
and  the  recipient  of  grand  ovations.  This  trip  made  a  deep  and 
grateful  impression  upon  his  mind,  and  he  was  often  heard  to 
speak  of  it  as  among  the  happiest  periods  of  his  life.  Soon  after 
his  return  to  Washington,  Congress  convened,  and  organized  by 

*  John.  C.  Calhoun  was  afterward  appointed  to  this  office. 


JAMES    MONROE.  491 

the  re-election  of  Henry  Clay  to  the  speakership.  Acting  from 
the  outset,  as  we  have  seen,  in  harmony  with  the  President,  that 
great  man  gave,  in  his  address,  every  assurance  of  using  his 
utmost  endeavors  to  carry  out  his  pacific  views. 

On  the  2d  of  December,  MONROE  sent  in  his  first  annual  mes 
sage, — a  State  paper,  that  breathed  the  most  elevated  and  patriotic 
sentiments,  and  guaranteed  a  zeal  and  devotion  to  the  service  of 
nis  country,  true  to  the  tenor  of  his  whole  life.  The  most  impor 
tant  part  of  this  message,  is  the  unqualified  assertion  of  his  belief, 
that  Congress  should  possess  the  right  to  make  appropriations  for 
purposes  of  internal  improvements.  This  was  a  leading  idea  of 
MONROE,  in  reference  to  which,  he  said  as  follows : 

"A  difference  of  opinion  has  existed  from  the  first  formation  of 
our  Constitution,  to  the  present  time,  among  our  most  enlightened 
and  virtuous  citizens,  respecting  the  right  of  Congress  to  establish 
such  a  system  of  improvement.  Taking  into  view  the  trust  with 
which  I  am  now  honored,  it  would  be  improper,  after  what  has 
passed,  that  the  discussion,  should  be  revived  with  an  uncertainty 
of  my  opinion  respecting  it.  Disregarding  early  impressions 
I  have  bestowed  on  the  subject,  all  the  deliberation  which  its  im 
portance  and  a  just  sense  of  my  duty  required  ;  and  the  result  is  a 
settled  conviction  in  my  mind,  that  Congress  do  NOT  possess  the 
right.  It  is  not  contained  in  any  of  the  specified  powers  granted 
to  Congress  ;  nor  can  I  consider  it  incidental  to,  or  a  necessary 
mean,  viewed  on  the  most  liberal  scale,  for  carrying  into  effect  any 
of  the  powers  which  are  specifically  granted.  In  communicating 
this  result,  I  can  not  resist  the  obligation  which  I  feel,  to  suggest 
to  Congress,  the  propriety  of  recommending  to  the  States  the 
adoption  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  which  shall  give 
to  Congress  the  right  in  question." 

Immediately  after  the  commencement  of  his  first  term,  Missis 
sippi  having  attained  the  requisite  number  of  inhabitants,  and 
adopted  a  constitution,  applied  for,  and  obtained,  admission  into 
the  Union  as  a  sovereign  State.  A  spirit  of  what,  at  the  present 
time,  would  bo  termed  fillibustering,  began,  in  December,  to  be 
manifest.  Designs  on  the  part  of  adventurers,  against  Texas  and 
the  Florid  as,  were  obvious,  which  the  pacific  temperament 
and  policy  of  the  Executive  promptly  suppressed.  During  the 
First  Congressional  session  of  MONROE'S  administration,  many 
highly  important  measures  were  enacted.  The  pay  of  members 


492  JAMES    MONROE. 

of  Congress  was  fixed  at  eight  dollars  a  day,  at  which,  it  continued 
for  a  long  period  ;  internal  duties  were  done  away  with  ;  pension 
regulations  were  adopted ;  Illinois  was  admitted  into  the  Union 
as  a  State. 

In  1818,  a  treaty  of  peace,  deemed  advantageous  to  the  country, 
was  concluded  with  Switzerland,  and  the  Seminole  war  brought 
to  a  victorious  termination.  Early  in  1819,  arrangements  were 
commenced  with  Great  Britain,  allowing  Americans  the  privileges 
of  the  fisheries  on  the  coasts  of  Newfoundland,  settling  defini- 

'  o 

tively  the  northern  boundaries  of  the  United  States,  and  extending 
certain  commercial  privileges  guaranteed  by  former  stipulations. 
These  were  all  satisfactorily  consummated.  A  mouth  later, 
through  John  Quincy  Adams,  the  purchase  of  the  Floridas  was 
effected  with  the  Spanish  minister,  Luis  de  Onis.  In  March 
following,  the  territorial  organization  of  Arkansas  was  effected. 

At  peace,  at  home  and  abroad, — every  thing  in  a  flourishing 
condition, — we  continued,  under  the  benign  influences  of  this 
administration,  to  expand  and  develop,  far  beyond  all  precedent. 
About  this  time,  MONEOE  took  a  trip  through  the  southern  States. 
He  visited  most  of  the  principal  cities,  where  he  was  hailed  with 
pride  and  admiration  ;  he  returned  to  Washington  in  August,  1819. 

The  admission  of  Missouri  as  a  State,  afforded  fruitful  source 
of  controversy  and  excitement,  during  the  ensuing  session  of 
Congress.  The  restriction  of  slavery  to  its  present  limits,  had 
already  become  a  leading  idea  with  many  politicians  of  talent  and 
note.  It  was  settled  by  compromise  that  she  should  be  admitted, 
upon  the  principle  of  State  sovereignty,  but  that  the  institution  of 
slavery  should  never  extend  to  any  other  territory  north  of  30°  30'. 
The  Missouri  compromise,  projected  by  able  men,  and  sustained 
by  MONROE'S  administrative  advisers,  has  since  held  a  prominent 
place  among  the  national  questions  of  the  day.  Before  its  final 
adoption,  great  perplexities  grew  out  of  the  application  for  ad 
mission.  The  non-introduction  of  slavery  was  urged  as  a  con 
dition  of  acceptance.  Objections  were  immediately  raised  to  the 
imposition  of  this  condition,  and  maintained  with  zeal  and  force. 
Those  in  favor  of  unrestricted  admission,  averred  that  such  a 
requirement  was  not  warranted  by  the  Constitution,  by  the 
treaty  through  whose  provisions  we  Became  possessed  of  the  terri 
tory,  and  that  it  would  be  detrimental  to  the  best  interests  of  the 
country.  Debates  upon  the  subject  waxed  warm,  and  the  whole 


JAMES    MONKOE.  493 

country  became  excited  about  the  matter.  Among  those  who 
were  conspicuous  in  insisting  upon  the  non-introduction  of  slaves 
as  the  condition  of  admission,  were  Rufus  King  and  John 
Sargent.  Henry  Clay  and  Piuckney  led  the  van  of  the  oppo 
sition.  Dissensions,  the  most  bitter  and  intensely  fierce,  grew  out 
of  the  discussion  of  this  measure.  The  compromise  first  origin 
ated  in  the  Senate.  Its  introduction  immediately  divided  that 
body  according  to  the  localities  of  members, — north  or  south, — the 
members  from  each  section  sustaining  and  voting  with  marked 
unanimity,  the  sentiments  of  their  respective  sections.  This,  as 
all  struggles  for  the  balance  of  political  power  growing  out  of  the 
slavery  question  have  done,  threatened,  for  a  time,  the  tranquillity 
of  the  Union.  In  the  House,  the  same  spirit  was  manifest.  The 
northern  men  still  persisted  in  saying  "no  more  slave  States,"  while 
the  south  were  equally  determined  to  maintain  their  political 
equilibrium.  The  compromise,  which  finally  ended  the  Missouri 
controversy,  may  very  justly  be  considered  as  a  southern  measure, 
originating  with,  and  being  carried  through  by,  southern  men.* 

Our  affairs  with  Spain  became  the  next  question  of  importance 
that  occupied  the  deliberations  of  Congress.  In  March,  1820, 
MONROE  sent  that  body  documentary  papers,  received  from  our 
minister  to  Russia,  having  direct  bearing  upon  the  subject,  and 
containing  assurance  of  his  anxiety  to  see  a  final  settlement  of  all 
difficulties  between  the  two  countries.  Earnest  requests  from  both 
Russia  and  France,  were  also  transmitted,  that  no  active  steps 
should  be  taken,  calculated  to  embroil  the  States  in  a  war  with. 
Spain.  With  his  accustomed  prudence,  he  recommended  the 
relinquishment  of  final  action  upon  the  Spanish  affairs,  until  the 
intervention  of  sufficient  time  to  afford  honorable  adjustment. 
Other  documents,  relative  to  the  same  subject,  were  soon  after 
transmitted,  informing  Congress  of  changes  taking  place  in  the 
Spanish  government,  and  still  recommending  the  most  concili 
atory  spirit  on  their  part.  These  things  continued  until  the  next 
session. 

Congress  again  convened,  early  in  November,  1820.  Clay  not 
being  able  to  be  present,  the  speaker's  chair  was  filled,  for  the 
time,  by  Gailla^d.  MONROE  immediately  sent  in  his  annual 
message,  which  was  in  the  same  tone  of  moderation  that  dictated 

*  For  further  particulars  in  regard  to  this  measure,  see  life  "of  Henry  Clay. 


494  JAMES    MONKOE. 

his  former  ones.  During  this  year  MONKOE  was  put  in  nomina 
tion,  by  the  Democratic  or  Republican  party,  for  a  second  term, 
and  was  re-elected  by  the  most  unanimous  vote  ever  cast  for  Pres 
ident  in  this  country,  except  in  the  case  of  Washington. 

The  final  and  permanent  settlement  of  the  Missouri  question 
occupied  the  earlier  attention  of  this  session.  The  subject  finally 
ceased  to  be  one  of  political  discussion,  though  the  same  princi 
ples  have  agitated  the  country  on  several  subsequent  occasions. 

On  the  22d  of  February,  1821,  through  a  congratulatory  pro 
clamation,  the  President  formally  advised  the  country  of  the  full 
and  satisfactory  arrangements  of  all  difficulties  with  Spain. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  MONEOE,  for  the  second  time,  took  the 
oath  of  office  as  President  of  the  United  States,  and  delivered  his 
inaugural.  It  closed  with  the  following  sentiments :  "  If  we  turn 
our  attention,  fellow-citizens,  more  immediately  to  the  internal 
concerns  of-  our  country,  and  more  especially  to  those  upon  which 
our  future  welfare  depends,  we  have  every  reason  to  anticipate 
the  happiest  results.  It  is  now  rather  more  than  forty  years  since 
we  declared  our  independence,  and  thirty-seven  since  it  was  ac 
knowledged.  The  talents  and  virtues  which  were  displayed  in. 
that  great  struggle  were  a  sure  presage  of  all  that  has  since  fol 
lowed.  A  people  who  were  able  to  surmount,  in  their  infant 
state,  such  great  perils,  would  be  more  competent,  as  they  rose 
into  manhood,  to  repel  any  obstacle  which  they  might  meet  in 
their  progress.  Their  physical  strength  would  be  more  adequate 
to  foreign  danger,  and  the  practice  of  self-government,  aided  by 
the  light  of  experience,  could  not  fail  to  produce  an  effect  equally 
salutary  on  all  those  questions  connected  with  internal  organi 
zation.  In  our  whole  system,  national  and  State,  we  have 
shunned  all  the  defects  which  unceasingly  preyed  on  the  vitals 
and  destroyed  the  ancient  republics.  In  them  there  were  distinct 
orders,  a  nobility  and  a  people,  or  the  people  governed  in  one 
assembly.  Thus,  in  one  instance,  there  was  a  perpetual  conflict 
between  the  orders  in  society  for  the  ascendency,  in  which  the 
victory  of  either  terminated  in  the  overthrow  of  the  government 
and  the  ruin  of  the  states.  In  the  other,  in  which  the  people 
governed  in  a  body,  and  whose  dominions  seldom  exceeded  the 
dimensions  of  a  county  in  one  of  our  States,  a  tumultuous  and 
disorderly  movement  permitted  only  a  transitory  existence.  In 
this  great  nation  there  is  but  one  order,  that  of  the  people,  whose 


JAMES    MONKOE.  495 

power,  by  a  peculiarly  happy  improvement  of  the  representative 
principle,  is  transferred  from  them  without  impairing,  in  the 
slightest  degree,  their  sovereignty,  to  bodies  of  their  own  crea 
tion,  and  to  persons  elected  by  themselves,  in  the  full  extent 
necessary  for  all  the  purposes  of  free,  enlightened,  and  efficient 
government.  The  whole  system  is  elective,  the  complete  sover 
eignty  being  in  the  people,  and  every  officer  in  every  department 
deriving  his  authority  from,  and  being  responsible  to,  them  for 
his  conduct.". 

Congress  again  convened,  December  3d.  Philip  Barbour  was 
chosen  Speaker.  The  message  of  the  President  was  a  lengthy 
and  elaborate  exhibit  of  the  prosperous  condition  of  the  country, 
and  contained  wise  and  judicious  remarks  upon  manufactures 
and  every  department  of  home  industry  and  enterprise.  By 
''prosperous  condition,"  we  do  not  wish  to  be  understood  as 
inferring  that  no  difficulties  attended  the  administration  of  MON 
KOE.  The  finances  were,  for  a  time,  at  a  deplorably  low  ebb,  and 
great  distresses  prevailed.  Yet  every  department  of  internal 
enterprise  and  national  policy  bore  unmistakable  marks  of  pro 
gress  and  eventual  emancipation  from  all  embarrassments. 

In  January,  1822,  the  House  went  into  Committee  of  the 
Whole  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  propriety  and  policy  of 
a  general  bankrupt  act.  Many,  Randolph  among  others,  con 
tended  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  annul  the  obligations  of  pri 
vate  contracts. 

About  this  time,  Congress  was  thrown  into  mourning  by  the 
death  of  William  Pinckuey  of  Maryland,  one  of  the  most  elo 
quent  men  and  efficient  members  of  that  body.  Suitable  tributes 
were  paid  to  his  memory,  and  all  felt  the  irreparable  loss  sus 
tained.  Early  in  the  spring  the  subject  of  South  American  inde 
pendence,  a  measure  warmly  recommended  by  MONKOE,  came  up 
before  the  House,  and  elicited  several  speeches  of  great  power 
and  eloquence  in  its  behalf.  The  special  message  of  the  Presi 
dent  on  this  subject  was  referred  to  a  select  committee  that 
reported  unanimously  in  favor  of  acknowledging  their  independ 
ence.  Their  course  invoked  the  denunciation  of  the  Spanish  Min 
ister,  who  averred,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  that  such 
a  procedure  was  an  infringement  upon  the  rights  of  his  country, 
inasmuch  as  it  would  tend  to  prevent  the  recovery  of  certain  ter 
ritory,  sought  to  be  held  by  the  South  Americans.  Adams 


496  JAMES    MONROE. 

replied  in  a  dignified,  manly  tone,  affirming  that  no  infraction 
upon  the  rights  of  Spain  was  aimed  at,  but  that,  as  lovers  of 
liberty,  they  wished  to  sympathize  with  congenial  spirits  every 
where,  the  world  over. 

On  the  reassemblage  of  Congress  in  December,  Barbour  was 
again  elected  to  the  speakership.  The  President's  message  was 
in  keeping  with  those  that  had  preceded  it, — still  the  same  able, 
but  unostentatious  document. 

Of  the  close  of  MONROE'S  administration  little  remains  to  be 
said.  Peaceful  and  quiet,  no  question  of  exciting  interest  in 
which  he  was  an  actor  disturbing  the  public  repose,  it  ended  as 
it  began,  calmly  and  happily.  Business  pertaining  to  revenue, 
unsettled  accounts,  the  regulation  of  the  militia,  the  improvement 
of  the  navy,  the  subjugation  of  pirates  infesting  the  high  seas, 
were  matters  of  some  interest  and  legislative  interference.  The 
second  session  of  the  Eighteenth  Congress,  and  the  last  under 
MONROE'S  administration,  began  December  6th,  1824.  The  Presi 
dent,  as  he  approached  the  close  of  his  executive  career,  was 
happy  to  state,  in  his  last  annual  message,  that  "  our  relations 
with  foreign  powers  are  of  a  friendly  character,  although  certain 
interesting  differences  remain  unsettled.  Our  revenue,  under  the 
mild  system  of  impost  and  tonnage,  continues  to  be  adequate  to 
all  the  purposes  of  government.  Our  agriculture,  commerce, 
manufactures  and  navigation  flourish.  Our  fortifications  are  ad 
vancing,  in  a  degree  authorized  by  existing  appropriations,  to 
maturity,  and  due  progress  is  made  in  the  augmentation  of  the 
navy  to  the  limits  prescribed  by  law."  The  question  upon  the 
occupation  of  Oregon,  and  measures  to  clear  the  sea  of  pirates, 
were  the  leading  objects  before  Congress  during  this  session. 
The  former  was  lost  in  the  Senate,  though  it  received  a  respect 
able  vote.  In  regard  to  the  latter,  the  naval  strength  was 
increased  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  the  pirates  to  punishment. 

On  the  3d  of  March,  1825,  MONROE'S  last  executive  term  was 
brought  to  a  close.  Laden  with  honors,  and  occupying  a  high 
place  in  the  affections  of  his  fellow-countrymen,  he  retired  to  en 
joy  the  rich  and  congenial  repose  of  private  life.  At  his  resi 
dence  in  Loudon  county,  Virginia,  he  found,  with  his  family,  that 
glorious,  serene  enjoyment  which  is  the  reward  of  labor  and 
merit.  From  the  office  of  President  of  a  republic,  he  consented 
to  serve  as  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  which  he  did  for  some  time 


JAMES    MONROE.  497 

for  his  county.  He  was  also  curator  of  the  Virginia  University 
in  the  prosperity  of  which  he  manifested  as  deep  an  interest, 
as  did  Jefferson  or  Madison. 

In  1830  he  was  elected  to  the  Virginia  convention,  to  revise 
the  State  constitution.  Over  that  body  he  was  unanimously 
selected  to  preside,  but  was,  on  account  of  severe  sickness,  com 
pelled  to  resign  the  position.  The  close  of  his  political  career 
left  him  heavily  in  debt,  and  his  last  years  were  pained  by  con 
scious  inability  to  liquidate  just  claims  against  him.  Soon  after 
his  labors  in  the  convention,  he  lost  his  wife,  who  died  of  sudden 
illness  the  ensuing  summer.  He  now  removed  to  the  city  of 
New  York,  where  he  was  the  daily  recipient  of  kindly  greetings 
and  surrounded  by  a  host  of  admiring  and  appreciative  friends. 
He  was  not  destined  long  to  survive  the  partner  of  his  bosom. 
His  life  was  protracted  till  the  4th  of  July,  when,  like  Adams 
and  Jefferson,  he  sank  to  sleep  on  the  anniversary  day  of  his 
country's  independence,  leaving  a  name  imperishable,  as  one  of 
its  purest  defenders.  In  the  language  of  John  Quiucy  Adams, 
his  renowned  successor  and  eulogist,  MONROE,  though  unot  ex 
empt  from  the  errors  and  infirmities  incident  to  all  human  action, 
was  characteristic  of  purposes  always  honest  and  sincere,  of  inten 
tions  always  pure,  of  labors  outlasting  the  daily  circuit  of  the 
sun,  and  outwatching  the  vigils  of  the  night,  and  what  he  said 
none  but  a  faithful  witness  is  bound  to  record ;  of  a  mind  anxious 
and  unwearied  in  the  pursuit  of  truth  and  right;  patient  of  in 
quiry  ;  patient  of  contradiction ;  courteous  even  in  the  collision 
of  sentiment ;  sound  in  its  ultimate  judgments,  and  firm  in  its 
conclusions." 

In  his  personal  appearance,  "  MONROE  was  tall  and  well 
formed,  being  about  six  feet  in  stature,  with  light  complexion 
and  blue  eyes.  His  countenance  had  no  indications  of  superior 
intellect,  but  an  honesty  and  a  firmness  of  purpose  which  com 
manded  respect  and  gained  favor  and  friendship.  He  was  labo 
rious  and  industrious,  and  doubtless  compensated,  in  some  degree, 
by  diligence,  for  slowness  of  thought  and  want  of  imagination. 
His  talents,  however,  were  respectable,  and  he  was  a  fine  speci 
men  of  the  old  school  of  Virginia  gentlemen,  generous,  hospi 
table,  and  devoted  to  his  country,  which  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
serve,  to  the  utmost  of  his  ability,  through  a  long  life,  and  his 
career  was  highly  honorable,  useful,  and  worthy  of  admiration.' 


ANDREW  JACKSON. 


IT  is  said  of  the  Athenian,  Themistocles,  that  his  preceptor,  on 
witnessing  early  indications  of  talent  and  determination,  told 
him  that  he  was  born  to  be  either  a  blessing  or  a  curse  to  his 
country.  He  soon  after  became  so  ambitious  to  excel  in  heroic 
deeds,  that  he  declared  the  trophies  of  Miltiades,  the  hero  of 
Marathon,  would  not  suffer  him  to  sleep.  ANDREW  JACKSON, 
very  early  in  life,  gave  evidences  of  a  military  fire  and  iron  will, 
self-reliance  and  determined  spirit,  which  showed  that  he  was 
destined  to  enroll  his  name  among  the  world's  great  men,  either 
as  a  benefactor  of  his  country  or  a  destroyer  of  her  liberties. 
Combining,  with  the  highest  courage  and  military  genius,  the 
deepest  penetration  and  sagacity  as  a  civilian,  he  proved  himself 
calculated  to  lead  our  armies  to  victorious  battle  or  to  direct  suc 
cessfully  the  legislative  councils.  Had  he  been  less  patriotic  and 
more  selfish,  he  might  have  been  the  Csesar  of  modern  times,  bap 
tized  his  country  in  blood,  destroyed  a  commonwealth,  and, 
assuming  the  imperial  robe,  ascended  the  throne  of  a  despot. 
This,  however,  was  not  his  ambition.  "Whatever  of  detraction  and 
abuse  may  have  been  heaped  upon  him  during  times  of  politi 
cal  excitement,  the  whisperings  of  envy  have  been  long  since 
silenced,  while  upon  the  pages  of  his  country's  history,  and  occu 
pying  wider  space  in  the  public  eye  than  most  men  of  his  time, 
are  the  name  and  figure  of  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

He  was  born  in  the  Waxhaw  settlements  of  South  Carolina,  on 
the  15th  day  of  March,  1767.  His  parents  were  of  Scotch  de 
scent.  They  removed  from  Scotland  to  Ulster,  Ireland,  long 
before  the  birth  of  our  subject,  or  policy  had  dictated  emigration  to 
(498) 


ANDEEW  JACKSON. 


ANDKEW    JACKSON.  499 

this  country.  His  grandfather,  Hugh  Jackson,  followed  the  busi 
ness  of  a  draper  while  in  Ireland.  He  had  four  sons,  the  youngest 
of  whom,  named  Andrew,  was  the  father  of  our  ANDREW  JACK 
SON.  The  two  eldest  were  born  before  he  came  to  America.  On 
resolving  to  cross  the  water,  immediate  steps  were  taken  to  put 
the  design  into  execution.  The  vessel  in  which  they  sailed  came 
into  the  harbor  at  Charleston  in  1765.  They  immediately  settled 
amid  the  wild,  though  somewhat  romantic,  scenery  on  the  banks, 
of  Waxhaw  creek,  where  ANDKEW  was  born  two  years  after. 
Upon  the  birth  of  ANDREW,  Mrs.  Jackson  lost  her  husband,  and 
was,  though  not  in  utter  destitution,  left  with  a  very  small  prop 
erty.  With  but  little  means,  and  four  young  boys,  far  from  former 
friends  and  associations,  and  in  a  comparative  wilderness,  she 
had  to  make  provision  for  rearing  her  family  and  their  edu 
cation.  With  a  fixedness  of  purpose  and  stern  energy,  she  de 
voted  herself  to  the  task  as  but  few  have  ever  done.  She  was,  in 
every  respect,  a  model  woman.  With  great  energy,  a  hopeful, 
buoyant  temperament,  and  strong  intellect,  she  combined  strict 
religious  principles,  and  enjoined  the  same  upon  her  offspring. 
What  imperishable  monuments  to  their  mothers'  memory  are  the 
illustrious  men  of  America  !  When  spire,  and  dome,  and  gilded 
portal  shall,  in  a  heap  of  smoldering  ruins,  form  the  tomb  of 
buried  greatness,  our  maternal  ancestry,  in  the  examples  and 
careers  of  their  distinguished  sons,  will  have  representatives  of 
their  sterling  worth  lasting  as  time  itself.  ANDREW  JACKSON, 
whose  dauntless,  unbending  spirit  and  hatred  of  oppression  be 
came  so  early  manifest,  derived  the  attributes  of  his  great  nature 
principally  from  his  mother.  His  antipathy  to  England  was,  in 
a  great  measure,  a  maternal  inheritance.  The  oppressions  of  that 
country  had  been  felt  over  Europe,  and  upon  Scotland  and  Ire 
land  were  particularly  severe.  Both  the  land  of  her  fathers  and 
that  of  her  adoption  had  felt  the  bitterness  of  its  persecution. 
Driven  from  each  to  a  remote  wilderness,  which,  soon  as  it  began 
to  blossom  as  the  rose,  was  to  be  overrun  by  the  same  legions,  it 
was  but  natural  that  she  should  feel  all  the  indignity  of  a  true 
woman,  and  that  her  son  should  partake  of  the  same  feeling. 

Detecting  with  a  mother's  solicitude  and  penetration,  the  early 
dawnings  of  an  intellect  that,  with  some  cultivation  and  develop 
ment,  would  make  itself  felt  and  known,  she  determined,  as  far 
as  her  straitened  circumstances  would  permit,  to  give  her  youngest 
34 


500  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

son  an  education.  She  designed  him  for  the  ministry, — and 
imagined  that,  at  no  distant  day,  he  would  fulfill  her  expecta 
tions  ;  but  the  future  hero  of  New  Orleans  early  felt  that  he  was 
not  made  for  a  preacher,  and  that  he  could  use  a  sword  to  more 
purpose  than  he  could  a  Bible. 

Young  ANDREW  was  sent  to  school,  in  accordance  with  his 
mother's  resolution,  at  Waxhaw  academy,  a  common,  though 
among  the  best  institutions  of  learning  in  that  part  of  the  country. 
He  was  engaged  in  studying  his  books  at  Waxhaw,  when  the 
Revolution  began.  Soon  as  the  tide  of  war  rolled  southward,  the 
brave  Carolinians  shouldered  their  muskets  and  prepared  to  defend 
their  homes  and  altars.  Among  those  who  first  fell,  after  the 
invasion  of  Carolina,  was  Hugh  Jackson,  ANDREW'S  elder  brother  ; 
he  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Stono.  After  the  fall  of  Savannah, 
and  the  destruction  of  Beaufort's  command  by  Tarleton's  dragoons, 
fearful  scenes  were  enacted  in  that  part  of  Carolina.  JACKSON 
visited  the  field  of  carnage,  strewn  with  the  bodies  of  Beaufort's 
butchered  men,  and  though  but  twelve  years  of  age,  felt  the  hot 
blood  of  revenge  mounting  to  his  temples.  He  is  said  to  have 
looked  upon  the  bodies  of  the  dead  as  they  lay  in  heaps,  right  in 
the  vicinity  of  his  mother's  home,  with  intensest  interest.  From 
that  hour,  England  had  a  foe,  than  whom,  in  Hannibal,  Kome  had 
not  one  more  deadly.  "Weymiss  and  Rawdon  now  poured  their 
hordes  over  the  Carolinas,  carrying  desolation  wherever  they 
went.  Mrs.  Jackson,  as  they  approached  the  Waxhaw,  fled  with 
her  family  to  North  Carolina,  to  avoid  their  outrages.  As  the 
system  of  plunder,  rapine,  and  cruelty,  practiced  by  the  British  in 
that  part  of  the  country,  began  to  increase,  and  the  clouds  to 
gather  thicker  and  darker,  young  JACKSON  took  his  resolution. 
Though  but  thirteen  years  of  age,  and  scarce  able  to  carry  a 
musket,  when  the  beat  for  volunteers  was  made,  he  seized  his  gun, 
and  fell  into  the  lines.  Straining  him  to  her  bosom  with  deepest 
affection,  thinking  of  her  eldest  son,  already  fallen  in  battle,  with 
a  heroic  virtue,  worthy  the  mother  of  olden  time,  who  giving  to 
her  son  his  shield  as  he  went  to  battle,  bade  him  return  to  her 
with  it  or  on  it;  Mrs.  Jackson  resigning  him  to  the  chances  of 
war,  and  invoking  Heaven's  blessings  upon  him,  saw  her  young 
boy  depart  for  the  scene  of  action. 

His  first  engagement  was  in  the  attack  made  by  Surnpter 
against  the  British  at  Hanging  Rock.     His  brother  Robert  was 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  5Q1 

also  in  this  engagement.  The  Americans  did  not  gain  a  victory, 
but  behaved  with  great  coolness  and  daring.  Young  JACKSON,  in 
company  with  his  brother,  now  returned  home,  where  they  re 
mained  for  some  time  in  inactivity,  though  ready  to  take  the  field 
at  a  moment's  warning.  ANDREW  was  brave  from  his  boyhood, 
and  while  in  his  teens,  possessed  a  fortitude  that  might  have  been 
the  pride  of  a  veteran.  An  incident  illustrative  of  this,  is  sufficient. 
The  Tories,  or  the  more  honorable  name,  Loyalists,  which  they 
were  frequently  called  during  these  times,  proved  as  troublous  in 
that  part  of  the  country,  as  did  the  British.  Their  midnight 
incursions,  and  secret  plunders,  kept  the  country  in  continual 
alarm.  An  American  captain  came  into  the  neighborhood  to 
spend  the  night.  Fearing  a  surprise  from  the  Tories,  a  guard  of 
eight  men  was  deemed  necessary ; — the  two  young  Jacksons  con 
sented  to  be  of  the  party.  Watching  for  hours,  without  seeing 
any  signs  of  danger  they  went  to  sleep.  Not  long  afterward,  a 
body  of  Tories  were  seen  in  the  darkness,  stealing  toward  the 
house.  Frightened  out  of  his  wits,  a  British  deserter,  who 
was  first  to  perceive  them,  hastened  to  JACKSON  and  roused  him 
from  his  sleep  with,  "  The  Tories  are  upon  us, — the  Tories  are  upon 
us."  Not  the  least  disconcerted,  he  snatched  his  musket  and  went 
to  meet  the  approaching  party.  Soon  as  he  got  close  enough,  he 
rested  his  gun  in  the  fork  of  a  small  fruit  tree,  and  called  out  to 
them.  No  answer  was  made.  Repeating  it  the  second  time  with 
the  same  result,  he  fired  upon  them.  The  party  returned  the  fire, 
a  shot  hitting  his  companion,  the  deserter,  and  leaving  him  dead 
on  the  spot.  JACKSON  now  ran  into  the  house  to  dispute  its 
entrance  by  the  enemy,  whose  movements  around  the  building, 
showed  a  design  to  get  in  by  the  opposite  side.  Being  joined  by 
his  companions,  he  recommenced  firing  upon  the  enemy,  who 
returned  it  with  effect.  Young  JACKSON  remained  firm  till  each 
of  his  companions  had  fallen,  and  then  he  continued  alone  to  de 
fend  the  house.  A  timely  bugle-blast  that  rang  upon  the  night 
air,  was,  perhaps,  all  that  saved  the  seventh  President  of  the 
United  States.  Major  Isbel,  who  heard  the  firing,  and  suspecting 
the  cause,  blew  the  blast  in  the  hope  of  alarming  the  Tories.  It 
had  the  desired  effect.  They  broke  and  fled,  thinking  a  troop  of 
cavalry  was  full  upon  them.  JACKSON  and  his  brother  now  kept 
watch  over  the  dead  bodies  of  their  comrades  until  morning. 
Shortly  after  this,  Tarleton's  dashing  dragoons  made  a  bold 


502  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

incursion  into  the  Waxhaw  settlements,  and  took  many  prison 
ers,  among  whom  were  young  ANDKEW  JACKSON  and  his  brother 
Robert.  In  endeavoring  to  escape  from  the  enemy,  they  hid 
themselves  in  a  dense  thicket,  where  they  passed  the  night  in 
great  anxiety  and  pain.  Leaving  their  concealment  to  procure 
some  food,  they  were  surprised  by  a  body  of  tories  and  captured. 
This  was  at  the  house  of  Lieut.  Crawford.  After  pillaging  the 
house  of  its  valuable  contents,  and  various  other  exhibitions  of 
ruffianism,  the  British  officer  in  command  presented  his  foot, 
and  ordered  young  ANDKEW  to  black  his  boots.  Meeting  an  in 
dignant  refusal  from  the  proud  youth,  he  aimed  a  blow  at  him 
with  his  sword,  which,  being  warded  off  with  his  hand,  left  a  cut, 
the  scar  of  which  lasted  him  through  life.  Requiring,  then,  the 
same  service  of  his  brother  Robert,  and  meeting  the  same  kind 
of  a  refusal,  he  drew  his  sword  and  inflicted  a  wound  on  his 
head,  from  which  he  never  fully  recovered.  ANDREW  was  now 
ordered  to  show  the  troop  the  way  to  Major  Thompson's,  a 
noted  Whig,  devoted  to  the  cause,  who  was  personally  known  to 
him.  The  youthful  prisoner  was  told  that  a  failure  to  conduct 
them  directly  to  the  plantation  would  result  in  his  immediate 
death.  Though  his  hand  was  bleeding  freely,  nothing  daunted 
by  the  threats  of  taking  his  life,  JACKSON  thought  only  upon  some 
method  by  which  he  could  save  his  friend.  Instead  of  taking  the 
direct  course  for  his  house,  which  would  soon  have  brought  them 
to  it,  he  took  a  long,  circuitous  track  through  woods  and  old 
fields.  They  at  length  came  up  to  the  gate.  JACKSON'S  heart 
beat  heavily  as  he  saw  his  friend's  saddle-horse  hitched  in  front 
of  the  house.  Its  owner  was  in.  The  dragoons  made  rapidly 
for  the  house.  Thompson,  seeing  the  danger,  sprang  to  his 
horse,  plunged  into  a  stream  near  by,  and  gained  the  opposite 
shore,  to  the  great  delight  of  our  hero.  JACKSON  was  now  sent 
to  Camden,  where,  with  quite  a  number  of  others,  he  was  thrown 
into  prison,  and  most  inhumanly  treated.  While  thus  confined, 
to  his  great  joy  he  learned  the  accession  of  Greene  to  the  south 
ern  command,  and  that  an  attack  would  be  made  on  Camden. 
Burning  with  revenge,  his  young  heart  beat  high  with  hope. 
From  the  top  of  the  hill  where  the  jail  stood,  Greene's  camp  could 
be  easily  seen.  From  this  he  expected  to  witness  the  battle  soon 
to  take  place.  Not  so,  however.  The  whole  area  was  suddenly 
and  unexpectedly  closed  with  a  high  plank  fence,  that  prevented 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  503 

any  view  beyond.  He  was  not  to  be  thus  disappointed.  With 
an  old  razor  blade,  he  worked  on  the  fence  at  night  till  an  aper 
ture  had  been  made  sufficiently  large  to  afford  a  good  view  of  the 
movements  of  the  army.  Next  morning  Eawdon  drew  out  his 
forces  for  battle.  JACKSON  nimbly  climbed  to  the  hole  in  the 
fence,  and  applied  his  eye.  The  whole  scene  was  before  him. 
Thus  the  boy-patriot,  the  future  hero  of  New  Orleans,  remained 
with  dilated  eye  and  throbbing  heart,  watching  the  military  evo 
lutions  going  on  around  Camden.  Thus  perched  upon  the  fence, 
his  worn  companions  eagerly  gathered  around  to  hear  the  prog 
ress  of  the  battle  of  Hobkirk  Hill ;  how  the  brave  boy's  heart 
beat  with  joy  or  sickened  with  sorrow  as  the  prospects  of  de 
feat  and  victory  alternated,  till  the  last  remnant  of  the  American 
forces  were  drawn  from  the  field,  over  which  streamed  in  triumph 
the  flag  of  the  same  country  that  had  oppressed  the  lands  of  his 
fathers  and  desolated  the  homes  of  his  ancestry.  He  watched 
the  retreating  army  till  it  disappeared  over  the  brow  of  the  hill, 
then  turned  sadly  away. 

JACKSON'S  mother,  of  course,  felt  all  the  pain  a  mother  could 
at  the  condition  of  her  boys.  She  had  followed  them  with 
prayers  and  solicitude  in  all  their  sufferings,  and  had  tried  every 
way  to  secure  their  release.  Unknown  to  them,  she  had  made 
her  way  to  the  British  camp,  and  was  then  in  Camden.  She  at 
length  succeeded  in  procuring  their  exchange.  They  did  not  look 
like  the  same  boys  that  left  her  some  time  before.  The  wound  on 
Robert's  head  had  never  been  dressed,  and  they  both  looked  pale, 
haggard,  and  ill.  Their  mother  could  scarcely  control  her  feel 
ings  as  she  beheld  her  emaciated  sons.  They  immediately  started 
for  their  home  on  the  W-axhaw.  Never,  perhaps,  was  a  journey 
pursued  under  more  disadvantageous  circumstances.  They  had 
means  only  sufficient  to  procure  two  horses,  one  of  which  was 
given  to  Mrs.  Jackson,  while  Eobert  was  placed  on  the  other, 
supported  by  his  fellow-prisoners.  Young  ANDREW  trudged 
along  on  foot,  with  every  vein  in  him  swelling  with  disease,  the 
boys  having  become  infected  with  small-pox.  This  sad,  sick 
group  presented  a  sorrowful  aspect  as,  past  desolated  and  de 
serted  hamlets  they  slowly  traveled  back  to  their  homes.  The 
second  day,  when  within  a  few  miles  of  the  settlement  a  sudden 
shower  of  rain  overtook  them  before  they  could  reach  shelter, 
that  drenched  the  party  to  the  skin,  and  drove  the  eruption  in 


504  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

on  each  of  the  boys.  They  were  immediately  taken  dangerously  ill, 
and  the  disease,  combining  with  the  putrid,  undressed  wound, 
brought  on  inflammation  of  the  brain  in  Robert,  and  in  two  days 
he  was  dead.  ANDKEW  became  delirious,  and  nothing  but  the 
constant  nursing  and  care  of  his  affectionate  mother  kept  him 
from  sharing  the  same  fate. 

Scarcely  awaiting  his  recovery,  Mrs.  Jackson,  in  company  with 
other  noble  spirits  like  herself,  set  out  for  Charleston  for  the  pur 
pose  of  alleviating  the  distresses  of  the  prisoners,  who,  crowded 
together  in  the  holds  of  wretched  ships,  at  that  place,  were  suffer 
ing  every  conceivable  torture.  They  arrived  there  safely,  and, 
notwithstanding  the  forbidding  aspect  of  the  place  where  the  mis 
erable  unfortunates  were  confined,  for  no  other  offense  than  fight 
ing  for  their  country,  she  entered  the  gloomy  precincts  of  pesti 
lence  and  death  to  administer  to  their  wants.  The  task  was  too 
severe  for  her.  She  early  fell  a  victim  to  the  infectious  disease 
of  the  place,  and  died,  engaged  in  this  errand  of  mercy.  No  one 
knows  where  rest  the  remains  of  this  noble  woman.  JACKSON 
himself  was  denied  the  mournful  solace  of  sighing  over  her 
grave  or  erecting  a  monument  to  her  memory,  though  he  never 
ceased  to  honor,  esteem,  and  venerate  her  name,  or  encourage 
those  virtues  that,  to  so  great  an  extent  with  him,  were  the  im 
plantation  of  her  own.  The  mothers  of  America  can  not  study 
too  well  or  imitate  too  closely  the  examples  of  those  estimable 
women  whose  offspring  founded  States  and  ruled  Senates  by 
their  power  and  wisdom.  Instances  are  so  very  rare  of  a  truly 
great  man  who  had  not  an  excellent  mother,  that  the  fact  is 
certainly  worthy  of  remark. 

Of  the  Jackson  family  who  had  fled  persecution,  and  fled  in 
vain,  ANDREW  was  now  the  sole  representative.  In  almost  pen 
niless  orphanage,  he  had  to  work  his  way  through  every  obstacle, 
till  from  the  delta  of  the  Mississippi  arose  the  obelisk  that  told 
he  was  honorably  avenged.  He  had  some  little  means,  but  falling 
into  acquaintance  with  some  dashing  spirits,  who  had  taken  refuge 
in  the  Waxhaw  settlements,  when  the  city  of  Charleston  surren 
dered,  and  being  of  a  generous,  unsuspecting  nature,  he  was  led 
into  habits  of  dissipation,  and  squandered  what  he  had.  On  his 
arrival  in  Charleston,  whither  he  followed  his  new  associates,  a 
splendid  horse,  for  which  he  always  had  a  fondness,  was  all  that 
remained  of  his  patrimony.  This  horse  he  staked  upon  a  game 


ANDEEW    JACKSON.  5Q5 

of  dice,  against  its  equivalent  in  money,  and  won.  His  course 
was  now  resolved  on,  and  when  once  resolved,  nothing  could  turn 
him  aside.  Pocketing  his  money,  he  left  the  room,  mounted  his 
horse  and  returned  home  a  better,  if  not  a  wiser  man.  Many  a 
reflection,  during  that  ride  to  the  old  home,  now  desolate,  must 
have  agitated  his  bosom  as  along  the  retrospect  so  much  of  sad 
ness  and  sorrow  appeared  in  review  before  him. 

It  is  said  that  the  reformation  was  so  thorough  and  radical,  that 
he  had  serious  thoughts  of  studying  for  the  ministry,  and  did 
make  preliminary  preparation.  Be  that  as  it  may,  he  was,  soon 
after,  pursuing  the  stucty  of  the  law  with  a  high  degree  of  pleasure 
and  profit.  He  acquired  a  knowledge  of  law  quite  readily,  and 
in  1786,  began  the  practice  in  the  town  of  Salisbury,  South  Caro 
lina.  In  1788,  then  twenty-one  years  of  age,  he  was  appointed 
Governor-solicitor  for  that  portion  of  territory  forming  the  now 
thriving  State  of  Tennessee,  which  afterward  became  the  State  of 
his  adoption.  While  engaged  in  this  business,  he  was  subjected 
to  rather  an  unpleasant  mode  of  life,  but  one  well  calculated  to 
develop  his  character  for  scenes  in  which  he  was  destined  to  act  a 
conspicuous  part.  He  first  visited  Jonesboro',  next  the  people 
living  along  the  Cumberland.  Civilization  had  made  no  great 
progress  in  that  country,  and  social  order  was  little  known ; 
creditors,  JACKSON  found  indisposed  to  liquidate.  They  had  pro 
cured  the  only  legal  services  in  the  country,  and  consequently 
those  on  the  opposite  side  of  interests  found  it  very  difficult  to  get 
any  process  served.  The  arrival  of  JACKSON,  changed  the  face  of 
affairs  very  materially.  He  issued  writs  almost  by  the  hundred. 
The  people  now  combined  to  get  rid  of  him.  But  how  was  that 
to  be  done?  They  concluded  to  bully 'him  from  the  country.  In 
this  they  were  mistaken  in  the  man.  While  in  Nashville,  these 
attempts  were  made.  Men  noted  for  their  pugilistic  propensities 
and  great  strength,  were  set  upon  him  for  the  purpose  of  so 
intimidating  him  that  he  would  return  home.  Several  encounters 
in  which  JACKSON  came  off  victorious,  convinced  them  of  the  folly 
of  repeating  such  attempts,  and  wonderfully  elevated  the  young 
solicitor  in  the  estimation  of  the  pugnacious  pioneers.  In  these 
personal  encounters,  JACKSON'S  eyes  seemed  to  flash  fire  that  made 
his  antagonists  quail  before  him.  An  instance  is  given  of  this. 
During  the  business  of  his  collectorship,  a  very  large  muscular 
man,  gave  him  an  intentional  affront,  for  the  purpose  of  raising 


506  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

a  quarrel.  JACKSON,  quick  as  thought,  seized  a  piece  of  timber, 
and  hitting  him  furiously  in  the  breast,  felled  him  to  the  ground. 
The  enraged  bully  sprang  to  his  feet,  and  with  a  stake  from  a 
fence,  near  by,  rushed  toward  his  antagonist.  Several  gentlemen 
who  were  present  interfered,  when  JACKSON  told  them  to  stand 
aside  and  let  him  come  on.  Then  seizing  his  timber,  he  sprang  to 
meet  his  enemy  with  the  fierceness  of  a  tiger.  Such  a  look,  such 
a  gesture,  it  is  said,  were  never  seen  from  another.  The  bully 
stopped  short, — dropped  his  weapon, — -jumped  the  fence,  and  fled 
to  the  woods.  Being  asked,  afterward,  why  he  did  so,  he  said  he 
was  not  afraid  of  JACKSON'S  physical  strength,  but  that  he  could 
not  meet  the  flashes  of  his  eye.  After  several  other  exhibitions 
of  this  kind,  efforts  to  bully  him  ceased.  His  excellent  qualities, 
and  high-toned  manly  attributes  of  character,  began  to  endear  him 
to  the  people,  and  he  was  fast  becoming  domesticated  in  their 
midst.  During  his  travels  from  Nashville  to  Jonesboro'  and 
other  points,  he  made  many  narrow  escapes  from  the  Indians, 
who  were  in  no  sort  of  subjection  to  the  whites.  Of  an  ardent, 
aspiring  nature,  active,  healthy,  and  robust,  and  accustomed  to 
tasks  of  clanger,  peril,  and  hardship,  he  sought  every  possible 
method  of  doing  good  to  those  who  needed  his  services.  Many 
incidents  are  recorded  of  his  encounters  with  the  Indians,  and  of 
timely  advice  brought  to  different  parties,  that  enabled  them  to 
escape  their  savage  brutality. 

His  reputation  for  daring  and  coolness  became  known  through 
out  the  territory.  An  incident  is  given  of  him,  that  illustrates  his 
character  in  this  particular.  A  lady  was  placed  in  charge  of  some 
travelers  going  from  Nashville  to  Lexington, — she  wishing  to  stop 
at  the  latter  place.  After  traveling  some  two  or  three  days,  the 
lady  became  sick,  and  was  unable  to  proceed.  Surprising  as  it 
may  seem,  the  party  prepared  to  continue  their  journey,  leaving 
her  alone  in  the  wilderness.  JACKSON  came  up  and  begged  them 
not  to  leave  her  thus  exposed  and  unprotected.  The  men  were 
no  adepts  in  chivalry,  and  paid  little  attention  to  his  remarks. 
JACKSON  watched  them  till  they  were  preparing  to  mount  their 
horses;  his  whole  soul  convulsed, — seizing  a  rifle,  he  deliber 
ately  leveled  it  at  the  foremost  of  the  party,  and  said :  "I  will 
shoot  the  first  man  dead  on  the  spot  who  attempts  to  put  his  foot 
in  the  stirrup."  One  look  at  JACKSON,  convinced  them  that  he 
meant  what  he  said.  Neither  of  them  wishing  to  test  the  truth 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  5Q7 

of  his  threat,  they  consented  to  remain  until  the  convalescence  of 
the  lady  enabled  her  to  proceed  on  the  journey. 

These  characteristics  became  widely  known,  and  his  narn^  a 
terror  to  the  Indians.  He. re  occurred  an  event  in  the  life  of 
JACKSON  upon  which  much  comment  has  been  made,  and  some 
rather  severe  animadversions  indulged  in.  When  he  took  up  his 
residence  in  Nashville,  he  boarded  with  a  Mrs.  Donaldson.  She 
had  a  daughter  who  possessed  great  personal  beauty,  refinement 
of  manners,  a  vigorous  and  highly  cultivated  mind,  and  who 
was  married  to  a  Mr.  Robards.  This  man  was  unfit,  not  only  for 
a  husband,  but  the  duties  of  a  private  citizen.  The  union  was 
every  way  infelicitous,  and  at  length,  on  the  part  of  the  wife, 
became  insupportable,  and  she  returned  to  her  mother's.  JACKSON 
and  she  were,  consequently,  thrown  into  daily  association,  and 
were  pleased  with  each  other's  company,  and  qualities.  Matters 
were  in  this  way  when  her  husband  arrived  at  Nashville,  with  a 
view  of  settling  the  domestic  quarrel,  for  the  purpose  of  keeping 
house.  Finding  out  the  friendship  between  JACKSON  and  his  wife, 
he  became  inflamed  with  rage,  and  in  a  fit  of  jealousy  took  his 
departure,  which  he  declared  should  be  final.  His  wife  now 
determined  to  have  no  more  to  do  with  him,  and  in  company  with 
some  acquaintances,  concluded  to  go  to  the  south  to  keep  from 
being  annoyed  by  his  presence,  as  she  learned  that  he  designed 
returning.  JACKSON  was  solicited,  and  consented  to  escort  the 
party  on  this  trip,  as  traveling  through  the  country,  to  those  not 
familiar  with  the  route,  was  extremely  perilous.  It  must  be 
remarked  that  this  was  no  new  service  to  JACKSON,  he  having,  on 
various  occasions,  performed  the  same  for  different  parties.  On 
his  return,  Robards,  indignant  beyond  measure,  applied  to  the 
Virginia  Assembly  for  a  divorce,  which  was  granted.  JACKSON 
now  hastened  to  Natchez,  Mississippi,  where  the  lady  was,  offered 
her  his  hand  which  was  accepted,  and  they  were  married.  Learn 
ing  after  marriage,  that  the  Virginia  act  did  not  amount  to  a  full 
divorce,  after  Robards  had  been  successful  in  his  application  to  a 
Kentucky  court,  he  procured  license,  and  was  again  married. 
The  affair,  though  regarded  as  unfortunate  at  the  time,  was  fraught 
with  no  unhappy  results  to  JACKSON.  The  public  ceased  to  talk 
about  it, — they  lived  together  in  conjugal  felicity,  were  adapted  in 
disposition  to  each  other,  honored,  esteemed,  and  respected. 

JACKSON,  having  laid  the  basis,  broad  and  deep  in  his  boyhood, 


508  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

was  soon  on  the  high-road  to  fame,  every  obstruction  to  which, 
he  was  destined  to  overcome  at  a  bound.  He  was  created 
Attorney-General  for  the  territory  of  Tennessee,  which  post  he 
held  till  1796 ;  when  it  becoming  a  State,  he  was  chosen  a  member 
of  the  convention  that  formed  her  constitution.  He  served  in  this 
capacity  with  credit,  and  in  1797,  was  sent  to  Congress,  and  the 
year  following,  to  the  United  States  Senate.  Nothing  occurred 
during  his  services  in  these  several  spheres,  that  gave  opportunity 
for  the  acquisition  of  additional  distinction.  Resigning  his  seat 
in  the  Senate,  he  was  appointed  to  a  position  for  which,  in  view  of 
the  singular  phases  of  society  at  the  time,  he  was  far  more 
eminently  fitted.  This  was  the  supreme  judgeship  of  the  State. 
For  this  position,  at  that  time,  he  was  the  very  man.  His  spotless 
integrity,  immovable  decision  of  character,  and  legal  attainments, 
would  insure  his  bringing  to  the  bench  most  essential  prerequis 
ites  to  the  rigorous  enforcement  of  justice,  without  favor,  partiality, 
or  personal  motive.  The  first  exercise  of  his  judicial  functions, 
was  at  Jonesboro',  the  first  point  in  Tennessee  where  he  became 
acquainted.  The  first  cause  to  be  heard  was  rather  a  novel  one. 
Russell  Bean,  a  drunken  desperado,  was  to  be  tried  for  cutting 
his  child's  ears  off.  He  was  a  powerful  man,  with  the  courage 
and  muscle  of  a  Rob  Roy,  and  swore  no  one  should  lay  hands  on 
him.  The  sheriff,  intimidated  by  the  imposing  display  of  deadly 
weapons  in  his  hands,  reported  to  the  court,  that  "Russell  Bean 
would  not  be  taken."  JACKSON  could  scarcely  contain  himself,  as 
he-  ordered  the  sheriff  to  make  the  arrest,  even  though  it  were 
necessary  to  order  assistance.  The  sheriff,  after  the  adjournment 
of  court,  summoned  a  posse  comitatus,  and  proceeded  to  his 
business.  To  form  his  posse,  the  judges  had  been  summoned. 
"  Yery  well,  sir,  I  will  attend  you  and  see  that  you  do  your  duty ;" 
exclaimed  JACKSON  sarcastically,  as  he  heard  his  name  called  on 
the  list.  Accompanying  his  actions  to  his  word,  he  seized  a 
loaded  pistol  and  ordered  the  sheriff  to  proceed.  They  reached 
the  court  yard  where  Bean  was,  when  the  sheriff  was  again  over 
come  with  fear,  inspired  by  the  attitude  of  Bean.  "  Advance  and 
arrest  him  ; — I  will  protect  you," — thundered  JACKSON.  The 
sheriff,  half  frightened  to  death,  would  not  stir.  JACKSON,  biting 
his  lips  at  such  cowardly  exhibitions  on  the  part  of  an 
official,  boldly  advanced,  in  person,  Upon  the  desperado.  Bean 
began  to  fall  back,  designing  to  escape.  "Stop,  sir,  and  submit 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  509 

to  the  law,"  said  JACKSON.  Bean  eyed  his  approaching  form  for 
a  moment,  threw  down  his  arms  and  gave  himself  up,  saying  as 
he  did  so,  u  I  will  surrender  to  you,  sir,  but  to  no  one  else." 
There  was  something  terribly  imposing  about  JACKSON,  when, 
wrought  up  by  high  excitement,  he  gave  vent  to  his  stormy  pas 
sions  in  a  manner  that  overawed  and  made  men  quail  before 
him. 

No  man  ever  possessed  quicker  or  firmer  decision  of  character 
than  he,  or  carried  out  resolves  more  surely.  During  his  judge- 
ship  he  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  one  Sevier.  The 
friends  of  the  latter  took  it  up,  and  made  quite  a  sensation  of  the 
affair.  On  JACKSON'S  arrival  at  Jonesboro',  he  found  a  large 
mob,  headed  by  a  Colonel  Harrison,  prepared  to  give  him  a 
coat  of  tar  and  feathers.  When  the  Judge  got  to  his  room,  he 
was  informed  of  the  matter.  Springing  to  his  feet,  and  opening 
the  door  of  his  room,  he  said  to  the  messenger,  "  Give  my  com 
pliments  to  Colonel  Harrison,  and  tell  him  my  door  is  open  to 
receive  him  and  his  regiment  whenever  they  may  choose  to  wait 
upon  me ;  and  I  hope  the  Colonel's  chivalry  will  induce  him  to 
lead  his  men,  not  follow  them."  Overawed  by  his  boldness,  the 
mob  abandoned  the  idea  of  carrying  their  designs  into  execution. 
The  quarrel  grew  out  of  something  connected  with  the  canvass 
for  Governor,  Sevier  being  one  of  the  candidates  for  that  office. 
Not  long  after,  while  making  a  speech  at  Knoxville,  Sevier  used 
harsh  laaguage  toward  JACKSON,  that  resulted  in  a  challenge  from 
the  latter.  It  was  accepted ;  but  the  meeting  being  deferred  from 
time  to  time  by  Sevier,  without  any  apparent  cause,  JACKSON 
posted  him  as  a  coward.  Agreeing  to  meet  him  afterward,  Jack 
son  went  to  the  ground,  and  remained  for  some  days.  The  Gov 
ernor  did  not  make  his  appearance.  Jackson  started  for  Knox 
ville,  determined  to  chastise  his  insolence.  He  had  not  gone  a 
great  way  when  he  learned  that  his  antagonist  was  hastening  to 
meet  him  with  twenty  horsemen.  Not  caring  for  numbers,  he 
sent  him  a  letter  of  bitter  denunciation,  which,  the  former  refus 
ing  to  receive,  was  returned.  The  wrath  of  Jackson,  at  this  in 
dignity,  knew  no  bounds.  Without  waiting  to  get  out  his  pis 
tols,  he  poised  his  cane,  plunged  the  spurs  into  the  sides  of  his 
steed,  and,  with  face  flushed  with  anger,  he  dashed  forward 
upon  the  party  like  a  thunderbolt.  Springing  into  their  midst, 
the  Governor  was  immediately  unhorsed,  when  JACKSON  leaped 


510  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

upon  him,  and  would  have  torn  him  to  pieces  but  for  the  inter 
position  of  his  friends.  The  party  stood  looking  upon  JACKSON 
impressed  more  with  feelings  of  awe  than  of  hostility.  This  was 
the  last  of  the  Sevier  duel. 

JACKSON,  not  long  after  this  affair,  resigned  his  judgeship.  These 
personal  rencounters,  however,  did  not  end  with  the  expiration  of 
his  judicial  term.  Soon  after  his  resignation,  he  got  into  a  quar 
rel  with  Charles  Dickenson  in  regard  to  a  horse-race.  JACKSON, 
it  seems,  had  pitted  his  favorite  steed  against  one  owned  by 
Dickenson's  father-in-law,  Mr.  Erwin.  On  the  day  of  the  race, 
Erwin  withdrew  the  wager,  and  paid  the  forfeit.  Aiming  to  put 
some  bank  notes  on  JACKSON  that  were  not  fully  current,  the  latter 
insisted  that  he  had  the  right  to  select  the  bills  from  the  stake, 
which  was  granted.  Though  settled,  the  affair  did  not  end  here. 
A  rumor  was  put  in  circulation  to  the  effect  that  JACKSON  had 
charged  Erwin  with  disreputable  conduct  at  the  race-course. 
JACKSON  gave  it  the  lie  squarely,  and  a  hard  fist-fight  ensued. 
The  quarrel  was  now  kept  up  with  great  bitterness,  till  finally 
JACKSON,  learning  that  an  editor  of  one  of  the  public  prints  had 
a  letter  in  his  hands  branding  him  with  cowardice,  galloped  to 
town  in  a  perfect  fury,  and  demanded  the  paper,  which  was 
promptly  furnished.  He  immediately  sent  Dickenson  a  chal 
lenge,  which  was  accepted.  Dickenson  was  a  desperate  char 
acter,  and,  though  the  best  shot  in  the  country,  he  sketched  JACK 
SON  with  chalk-marks  on  a  board,  and  practiced  on  it  for  days 
before  the  meeting.  Dickenson.  being  the  challenged  party, 
selected  the  best  method  to  secure  the  advantages  of  his 
skill.  The  day  of  meeting  came  on,  and  JACKSON,  though  not  in 
the  least  intimidated,  had  made  up  his  mind  to  die.  The  mode 
selected  by  Dickenson  was,  that  the  parties  should  stand  with  their 
backs  to  each  other,  walk  forward  a  given  distance,  then  sud 
denly  wheel  and  fire.  With  these  specifications  they  met,  and 
the  word  being  given,  they  stepped  suddenly  forward  from  each 
other,  then  turned  face  to  face,  Dickenson  firing  on  the  instant. 
His  ball  hit  his  antagonist  in  the  breast,  broke  two  of  his  ribs, 
and  penetrated  his  side,  where  it  remained  a  number  of  years. 
JACKSON  was  stunned  a  little  by  the  shot,  but,  without  being  the 
least  disconcerted  or  unnerved,  he  drew  his  coat  tightly  around 
him.  and,  walking  up  to  Dickenson,  shot  him  dead  on  the  spot. 
JACKSON  now  left  the  field  with  his  second,  who  was  not  aware 


ANDREW    JACKSON. 

that  he  had  been  hit  till  they  had  gone  several  miles,  when  the 
blood  began  to  drip  from  his  clothes.  During  this  time  he  was 
in  a  state  of  moody  silence. 

JACKSON'S  course  in  this  affair  is  certainly  subject  to  censure. 
To  say  nothing  of  the  horrible  practice  of  dueling,  which  is,  in 
our  day,  properly  looked  upon  with  peculiar  reprobation,  it  was 
beneath  his  position  and  character  to  place  himself  upon  terms 
of  equality  with  a  man  of  Dickenson's  desperate  nature  and 
fortunes. 

During  this  time  JACKSON  had  been  engaged  in  agricultural 
pursuits,  and  devoted  much  time  and  attention  to  the  breeding  of 
fine  horses.  His  farming  operations  thus  far  had  resulted  in  no 
very  great  accession  to  his  purse.  About  this  time,  without 
abandoning  his  farm,  as  a  partner  he  engaged  in  a  mercantile 
business  in  the  city  of  Nashville.  This  proved  an  entire  failure. 
The  firm  became  involved  in  heavy  debts,  and  was  finally  pro 
nounced  utterly  insolvent.  The  debts  had  to  be  paid  by  JACKSON, 
who  was  forced  to  sell  his  farm,  stock,  and  every  thing  else. 
Again  he  was  thrown  penniless  upon  the  world,  to  hew  his  own 
way.  By  diligence  and  energy,  he  soon  began  to  rise  again,  and 
assumed  the  position  of  a  thriving,  prosperous  farmer.  Engaged 
in  these  avocations,  and  administering  acts  of  kindness  and  just 
ice  to  his  friends  and  neighbors,  he  continued  to  prosper  till  the 
breaking  out  of  the  war  of  1812.  After  the  surrender  of  Hull  at 
Detroit  and  the  disastrous  affair  at  Raisin,  by  his  influence  and 
exertions,  JACKSON  raised  a  body  of  two  thousand  five  hundred 
troops.  The  services  of  these  and  himself  he  offered  for  the 
emergency.  They  were  accepted,  and  immediately  ordered  to 
the  southern  frontier.  He  started  for  Natchez  on  the  7th  of  Jan 
uary.  No  sooner  had  he  reached  that  place,  all  signs  of  attack 
having  vanished,  than  he  was  directed  to  give  up  his  supplies 
and  disband  his  troops.  Caring  as  little  for  the  orders  of  Govern 
ment  as  for  the  orders  of  one  man,  when  obedience  was  a  mani 
fest  violation  of  principle  and  right,  JACKSON  refused  to  comply, 
and  gave  notice  that  he  should,  in  person,  lead  his  men  back  to 
their  homes.  This  decision  elicited  quite  a  lengthy  letter  from 
General  Wilkinson,  begging  him  to  desist  from  his  design. 
JACKSON  characteristically  replied,  ."I  know  what  I  am  about,  and 
will  take  the  responsibility."  Giving  his  officers  to  understand 
that  no  power  on  earth  could  change  his  determination  to  see 


512  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

them  safely  at  home,  he  ordered  the  quartermaster  to  prepare  the 
wagons  for  marching.  These  orders  not  being  promptly  obeyed, 
that  officer  was  ordered  from  his  presence  with  a  severe  repri 
mand,  and  JACKSON  in  person  superintended  the  preparations. 
He  then  saw  that  the  sick,  of  whom  there  was  quite  a  number, 
were  comfortably  cared  for.  Just  as  this  humane  duty  was  about 
being  concluded, -the  surgeon  reported  that  one  man  was  dying, 
indicating  that  his  removal  being  unnecessary,  it  would  be  a  use 
less  incumbrance  to  take  him  along.  "  Not  a  man  shall  be  left 
who  has  a  breath  of  life  in  him,  sir,"  said  the  General ;  "  bring 
him  carefully  out." 

They  now  directed  their  steps  homeward.  JACKSON,  during 
this  march,  gave  up  his  own  horse  to  a  sick  soldier,  and  traveled 
himself  afoot.  In  this  situation,  walking  first  from  rear  to  front, 
encouraging  each  with  words  of  hope  and  comfort,  they  pro 
ceeded  to  Tennessee.  Most  of  them  arrived  safely.  Even  the 
youth  who  was  reported  dying  was  restored  to  health  and  friends. 

JACKSON  now  remained  inactive  till  the  spring  of  1813,  when 
signs  of  the  times  began  to  look  threatening  and  ominous.  Tri 
umphant  from  Detroit  and  the  Kaisin,  the  British  made  prepara 
tions  to  sweep  the  northern  coasts,  while  the  semi-civilized  and 
brave  Tecumseh  visited  the  south  with  a  view  of  uniting  all  the 
Indian  tribes  into  one  league,  to  join  in  a  war  against  the  whites. 
Tecumseh  was  very  successful  in  these  designs.  Brave,  fiery,  and 
persuasive,  he  induced  most  of  the  tribes  with  whom  he  came  in 
contact,  to  lift  the  tomahawk  and  draw  the  seal  ping-knife. 
Among  those  who  joined  in  his  schemes,  the  Creeks  and  Senii- 
noles  were  the  most  powerful  and  influential.  The  alarm  spread 
ing  among  the  whites,  they  gathered,  with  great  consternation,  at 
Fort  Mimms,  a  poor  species  of  block-house  on  the  Alabama 
River,  in  charge  of  Major  Beasly,  with  a  garrison  of  about  a 
hundred  and  forty  men.  Alarmed  by  the  rise  of  the  savages, 
whole  families  from  the  adjacent  country,  men,  women,  and  chil 
dren,  had  flocked  for  safety  to  this  rude  fort.  With  a  negligence 
unpardonable,  Beasly  adopted  no  measures  of  precaution  which 
might  prevent  a  surprise,  nor  made  any  preparations  to  meet  his 
foe.  The  consequence  was,  they  were  surprised  by  a  body  of 
seven  hundred  Indicins  in  broad  daylight.  The  savages,  rushing 
upon  the  little  fort,  with  yells  that  echoed  far  and  near,  one  of  the 
bloodiest  massacres  ensued  ever  record-ed  in  the  annals  of  border 


ANDKEW    JACKSON.  513 

war.  The  fort  was  set  on  fire,  and  every  one  butchered  who  at 
tempted  to  escape.  Seeing  their  inevitable  doom,  the  little  garri 
son  fought  with  desperation,  and  slew  some  threescore  of  the 
assailants.  As  the  flames  spread,  making  the  entire  abandon 
ment  o.f  the  place  imperatively  necessary,  the  indiscriminate 
slaughter  that  followed  was  terrible.  "Women,  despite  their  im- 
plorings  for  mercy,  were  most  brutally  murdered.  Babes  were 
made  missiles  with  which  to  strike  their  mothers  dead ;  very  few 
of  the  inmates  escaped  a  terrible  death.  Not  satisfied  with  slay 
ing  their  foes,  the  Indians  would  hack  their  dead  bodies  to  pieces 
with  hyena-like  ferocity.  Such  was  the  massacre  of  Fort  Mimms. 
News  of  this  dreadful  day  flew  over  the  south  like  a  storm  of  fire. 
The  Carolinas,  Tennessee,  and  Georgia  were  thoroughly  aroused. 
A  large  public  meeting  was  held  at  Nashville  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  means  of  defense.  Their  action  resulted  in  the  ap 
pointment  of  JACKSON  to  the  command  of  the  State  forces.  The 
Legislature  immediately  made  an  appropriation  of  two  hundred 
thousand  dollars  to  meet  the  emergency.  JACKSON  being  thus 
duly  authorized  to  take  steps  to  prepare  the  country  for  defense, 
issued  an  appeal  to  the  people,  of  which  the  following  is  a  part : 
"  Already  are  large  bodies  of  hostile  Creeks  marching  to  your 
borders,  with  their  scalping-knives  unsheathed  to  butcher  your 
women  and  children.  Time  is  not  to  be  lost.  We  must  hasten 
to  the  frontier,  or  we  shall  find  it  drenched  in  the  blood  of  our 
citizens." 

Prior  to  this,  he  had  had  an  encounter  with  Thomas  H.  Ben- 
ton,  in  which  one  of  his  arms  was  severely  injured,  and  from 
its  effects  he  was  still  suffering.  They  subsequently  became 
the  warmest  personal  and  political  friends.  About  the  21st  of 
September,  1813,  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  men,  pre 
pared  for  active  service.  He  was  just  in  time.  Word  was  im 
mediately  brought  him  that  the  Indians,  in  large  numbers,  had 
made  preparations  for  the  formal  invasion  of  Georgia,  which 
they  designed  laying  waste.  JACKSON,  on  receiving  this  intelli 
gence,  pushed  forward  with  his  army,  twenty-five  hundred  strong, 
toward  Huntsville,  Alabama,  which  place  he  reached  on  the  same 
day.  At  a  point  called  Ditto's  Landing,  he  made  a  junction  with 
the  forces  under  Colonel  Coffee ;  he  now  halted  and  examined 
his  position.  An  estimate  of  his  forces  showed  that  nearly  five 
thousand  troops,  embracing  the  commands  of  the  several  subor- 


514  ANDKEW    JACKSON. 

dinate  officers,  could  be  placed  under  his  immediate  direction. 
With  these  he  did  not  doubt  a  successful  issue  in  the  contest. 
His  first  step  was  to  send  Colonel  Coffee,  with  six  hundred  men, 
against  Blackwarrior,  a  town  of  no  inconsiderable  importance  to 
the  foe.  On  the  19th,  he  put  his  army  in  motion,  and  marched 
toward  Thompson's  Creek.  Arriving  at  his  place  of  destination, 
after  a  toilful  march  of  two  days,  instead  of  finding  supplies  that 
were  so  much  needed,  a  letter  was  brought  him,  informing  him 
that  no  flour  could  be  spared.  He  was  now  in  the  midst  of  a 
dense  wilderness  and  an  enemy's  country,  surrounded  by  a  foe 
the  most  resentful  and  cruel.  He  called  on  the  people  in  a 
most  stirring  appeal,  giving  every  assurance  that  the  "  order  to 
charge  would  be  the  signal  for  victory."  Entreating  them  not  to 
be  remiss  in  coming  to  the  rescue  of  the  country,  he  uses  the  fol 
lowing  language : 

"Your  General  laments  that  he  has  been  compelled,  even  inci 
dentally,  to  hint  at  a  retreat,  when  speaking  to  freemen  and  to 
soldiers.  Never  till  you  forget  all  that  is  due  to  yourselves  and 
to  your  country,  will  you  have  any  practical  understanding  of  that 
word.  Shall  an  enemy  wholly  unacquainted  with  military  evo 
lutions,  and  who  rely  more  for  victory  on  their  grim  visages  and 
hideous  yells  than  upon  their  bravery  or  their  weapons,— shall 
such  an  enemy  ever  drive  before  them  the  well-trained  youths  of 
our  country,  whose  bosoms  pant  for  glory  ?  Your  General  will 
not  live  to  behold  such  a  spectacle  ;  rather  would  he  rush  into  the 
thickest  of  the  enemy  and  submit  himself  to  their  scalpiug- 
knives.  But  he  has  no  fear  of  such  a  result.  He  knows  the 
valor  of  the  men  he  commands,  and  how  certainly  that  valor, 
regulated  as  it  will  be,  will  lead  to  victory." 

Soon  as  this  appeal  was  made,  showing  his  confident  reliance 
on  the  bravery  of  his  men,  he  gave  orders  for  the  troops  to  begin 
their  march.  With  scarcely  any  provisions,  and  menaced  by 
numbers  largely  superior  to  his  own,  he  penetrated  the  wilder 
ness  and  constructed  a  rude  fort,  which  was  to  serve  as  a  kind  of 
storehouse  for  his  provisions.  To  this  he  gave  the  name  of  Fort 
Strother.  Having  made  this  hasty  preparation,  he  thus  wrote  to 
Governor  Blount : 

u  Indeed,  sir,  we  have  been  wretchedly  supplied.  Scarcely  two 
rations  in  succession  have  been  drawn  ;  yet  we  are  not  despond 
ent.  While  we  can  procure  an  ear  of  corn  apiece,  or  any  thing 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  515 

that  will  answer  as  a  substitute  for  it,  we  shall  continue  our  exer 
tions  to  accomplish  the  object  for  which  we  are  sent." 

A  dispatch  was  now  sent  to  General  White,  urging  his  hasty 
advance  toward  the  Fort.  Colonel  Coffee,  who  had  been  success 
ful  in  his  operations  in  the  south,  was  sent  against  the  Indians  at 
a  place  called  Tallushatchee.  This  expedition  was  successful, 
resulting  in  the  almost  total  destruction  of  the  Indians,  against 
whom  it  was  directed.  Here  an  incident  occurred  illustrative  of 
JACKSON'S  humane  nature,  notwithstanding  his  passionate  dispo 
sition.  Among  the  slain  was  an  Indian  mother.  She  was  found 
dead,  with  her  babe  trying  to  draw  nutriment  from  her  pulseless 
bosom.  JACKSON  requested  some  of  the  Indian  females  to  take 
care  of  the  infant.  They  each  refused,  saying,  "  His  relations 
are  all  dead ;  kill  him,  too."  JACKSON  then  took  the  infant  in 
charge  till  it  grew  to  be  a  sprightly  boy.  He  then  gave  him  an 
education,  and  had  him  taught  a  good  trade,  and  always  mani 
fested  for  him  the  deepest  solicitude.* 

The  next  expedition  was  against  Fort  Talledega,  which  was 
threatened  by  the  Red  Stick  Indians.  Soon  as  information  was 
received  of  its  condition,  marching  orders  were  issued.  In  a 
short  time  they  were  upon  the  foe,  whom  they  discomfited  with 
the  loss  of  five  hundred  warriors.  The  Americans  lost  ninety- 
five  of  their  number. 

General  White,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  ordered  to 
Fort  Strother  with  his  command.  The  order  was  not  complied 
with,  and  the  garrison  at  that  place  was  left  in  an  unpleasant  sit 
uation  in  consequence.  The  condition  of  the  fort  prevented 
JACKSON  from  following  up  his  successes.  He  was  compelled  to 
return  to  its  protection.  He  found  the  men  almost  starving, 
without  regulation,  and  completely  disheartened.  Their  hard 
ships  were  for  a  time  intensely  severe.  A  half-famished  soldier, 
perceiving  the  General  eating,  as  he  leaned  against  a  tree,  begged 
for  a  portion  of  his  food.  JACKSON  good-humoredly  replied,  u  I 
will  most  cheerfully  divide  with  you  what  I  have,"  and  handed 
the  soldier  some  acorns  from  his  pocket.  These  hardships  re 
sulted  in  a  mutinous  spirit  not  easily  quelled.  The  militia,  re 
fusing  longer  to  fight  for  a  country  that  failed  to  supply  them 
with  the  absolute  necessities  of  life,  notified  their  commander  of 


*  Headley. 
35 


516  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

their  intention  to  return  homo.  The  General  begged  them  to 
remain  at  their  posts,  which  they  positively  refused  to  do,  and 
fixed  upon  a  day  for  their  march.  Seeing  persuasion  in  vain, 
JACKSON  determined  to  try  what  virtue  there  was  in  coercion. 
As  the  militia  paraded  under  arms,  to  put  their  design  into  exe 
cution,  they  were  much  surprised  to  find  JACKSON  at  the  head  of 
the  volunteers,  drawn  up  in  battle  order  to  dispute  their  passage. 
They  were  thus  forced  back  to  duty.  The  volunteers  now  caught 
the  infection  and  resolved  also  upon  desertion.  They  were  still 
more  surprised  next  morning,  to  find  the  militia  drawn  up  in  pre 
cisely  the  same  order  they  were  the  day  before,  with  the  general 
in  front  to  compel  them  to  duty.  JACKSON  commiserated  the  con 
dition  of  his  men,  and  shared  with  them  every  toil  and  privation, 
but  was  resolved  to  maintain  military  discipline  and  order,  with 
rigid  strictness.  He  now  made  a  speech  to  his  soldiers,  urging 
them  to  duty,  assuring  them  that  provisions  would  yet  arrive,  and 
if  they  did  not,  he  would,  in  person,  return  with  them  to  their 
native  State  within  two  days.  The  time  having  expired,  and  no 
supplies  coming  in,  the  men  prepared  to  require  the  fulfillment  of 
his  promise.  He  now  gave  the  discontented  leave  to  do  as  they 
pleased,  when  to  his  bitter  regret,  he  saw  large  numbers  turn  their 
backs  to  the  fort,  and  their  faces  homeward.  He  now  consented 
to  redeem  his  promise,  and  broke  up  his  camp  preparatory  to  his 
return  home.  Mortified  beyond  measure  at  the  failure  of  a  cam 
paign,  begun,  and  pushed  forward  under  such  favorable  auspices, 
he  sat  down  in  the  midst  of  the  discouraging  scenes  and  wrote  a 
lengthy  letter  to  the  contractor  for  supplies,  of  which  the  following 
is  the  close : 

"  I  can  not  express  the  torture  of  my  feelings,  when  I  reflect 
that  a  campaign  so  auspiciously  begun,  and  which  might  be  so 
soon  and  so  gloriously  terminated,  is  likely  to  be  rendered  abortive 
for  want  of  supplies." 

Seeing  that  his  men  were  determined  to  leave,  and  that  prepar 
ations  were  nearly  complete,  for  the  abandonment  of  the  fort  and 
camp,  all  the  lion  of  his  nature  became  aroused,  and  he"  exclaimed 
with  an  emphatic  gesture:  "If  only  two  men  will  remain  with 
me  I  will  never  abandon  the  post."  "  You  have  one,  general," 
exclaimed  a  voice  by  his  side.  It  was  the  brave  Captain  Gordon 
who  spoke.  Efforts  were  now  made  to  see  how  many  would 
imitate  his  example,  Something  over  a  hundred  gathered  around 


ANDREW    JACKSON. 


517 


the  general  with  a  willingness  that  indicated  they  would  triumph 
with  him  or  die  with  him.  As  the  main  body  prepared  to  depart, 
he  told  them  that,  in  case  of  the  arrival  of  the  long  promised 
supplies,  he  should  require  their  return  to  the  post.  After  march 
ing  a  distance  of  four  leagues,  they  met  a  lot  of  beef  cattle, 
designed  to  supply  the  army  with  food.  They  halted  and  de 
voured  several  of  these  in  quick  time, — many  of  the  half-starved 
troops  not  waiting  for  the  meat  to  be  cooked.  This  timely  arrival 
induced  most  of  the  men  to  return  and  remain  with  their  general. 
One  company,  however,  determined  to  proceed  home.  Learning 
this,  JACKSON  ordered  his  horse,  and  dashing  ahead,  drew  up  the 
troops  under  Coffee,  to  intercept  the  refractory  company.  Intimi 
dated  by  so  formidable  a  barrier,  the  men  turned  about  to  retrace 
their  steps.  The  general  now  mingled  among  his  men,  in  hopes 
to  satisfy  them  with  their  condition.  These  hopes,  however,  began 
speedily  to  diminish.  He  was  told  that  the  whole  army  had 
altered  their  intentions,  and  were  bent  on  returning.  JACKSON 
stepping  up  before  them,  leveled  a  musket  at  the  foremost  of  the 
number  and  said  he  would  shoot  down  the  first  man  who  attempted 
to  advance.  There  he  stood,  like  a  Titan, — his  eyes  flashing  fire 
upon  the  soldiers  who  dared  to  disobey. 

Affairs  continued  in  this  mutinous  state,  until  the  9th  of 
December,  when  it  was  ascertained  that  a  whole  brigade  deter 
mined  no  longer  to  respect  the  orders  of  the  commander.  Matters 
had  now  reached  a  crisis.  He  planted  his  cannon,  so  as  to 
sweep  the  advancing  columns  of  the  refractory  brigade,  and  placed 
men  at  them  with  their  matches.  As  the  brigade  came  on,  JACK 
SON  went  to  meet  them ;  he  appealed  to  them  in  the  name  of  their 
country  and  patriotism,  not  to  be  guilty  of  such  a  breach  of  faith, 
and  wound  up  by  telling  them  that  if  they  would  not  submit,  he 
would  direct  his  guns  upon  them,  and  at  the  word  fire, 
they  would  be  riddled  with  shot.  He  gave  them  a  few  minutes 
to  consider  the  matter : — awful  suspense !  No  answer  came. 
He  directed  the  men  at  the  guns  to  make  ready.  Another 
moment,  and  the  blood  of  brothers  in  arms  would  have  drenched 
that  southern  field.  The  men  knowing,  full  well,  that  he  always 
kept  his  word,  looked  at  the  raising  matches,  then  at  the  majestic 
form  of  their  general,  stern  as  a  mountain-crag,  and  began  to 
whisper.  "  Let  us  go  back."  The  officers,  at  this  critical  juncture, 


518  ANDKEW    JACKSON. 

stepped  from  the  ranks  and  pledged  fidelity  for  the  future,  on  the 
part  of  the  respective  commands.     Thus  ended  this  affair. 

Notwithstanding  his  unexampled  distresses,  supplies  were  not 
yet  furnished  for  his  relief.  Anxious  to  penetrate  the  heart  of  the 
Creek  country  and  terminate  the  war,  which  could  speedily  have 
been  done  with  the  necessaries  for  the  enterprise.  His  army  in  a 
state  of  mutiny,  and  tied  down  because  the  country  would  not  come 
to  his  assistance,  to  a  nature  like  his,  his  situation  was  extremely 
perplexing  and  delicate.  Crippled  as  he  was,  he  resolved  on 
active  operations,  and  marched  forward  against  a  large  body  of 
Indians  stationed  on  Emuckfaw  Creek;  he  reached  their  camp  on 
the  21st  of  January.  Pitching  his  tents,  he  encircled  them  with 
large  fires  that  threw  .their  glaring  light  into  the  dark  woods 
beyond,  and  stationed  men  to  keep  a  vigilant  watch  to  prevent 
surprise.  This  prudence  was  of  the  last  importance.  Late  in  the 
night,  sounding  the  fierce  war- whoop,  the  Indians  rushed  upon  the 
camp ;  the  men  were  quickly  under  arms,  and  the  savages  being 
exposed  by  the  light  of  the  fires,  they  were  enabled  to  pour  upon 
them  a  deadly  fire  that  made  them  recoil  to  the  shelter  and  dark 
ness  of  the  woods,  leaving  a  large  number  dead  on  the  field.  The 
next  morning  a  general  attack  was  made  upon  the  camps  of  the 
Indians,  which  resulted  in  their  entire  defeat.  In  this  action  the 
heroic  Coffee  behaved  with  signal  courage  and  daring.  JACKSON 
now  resolved  to  fall  back  and  recruit  his  troops  and  horses,  the 
latter  being  in  extreme  need  of  rest  and  attention,  not  having 
been  well  fed  for  days.  With  his  usual  caution,  well  ac 
quainted  with  his  foe,  he  was  careful  to  send  scouts  ahead,  to 
prevent  surprises  and  ambuscade.  He  proceeded  without  moles 
tation,  till  he  reached  a  creek  running  between  him  and  his  desti 
nation.  While  passing  the  stream,  the  savages  from  their  lurk 
ing-places  made  a  fierce  onslaught  upon  his  troops,  and  threw  them 
into  considerable  confusion,  notwithstanding  his  caution  in  pre 
paring  for  such  a  contingency.  While  many  of  his  men,  greatly 
to  his  chagrin,  were  running  from  the  foe,  JACKSON,  with  what 
brave  men  would  stand  by  him,  used  every  effort  to  drive  them 
back.  The  Indians  continued  their  desperate  efforts,  with  wild 
shouts  and  yells,  and  a  final  rout  seemed  inevitable.  At  this 
juncture,  the  gallant  Coffee,  who  had  been  carried  in  a  litter 
in  consequence  of  his  wounds,  ever  since  the  previous  engage 
ment,  though  worn  and  emaciated,  glanced  over  the  confusion, 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  519 

jumped  from  Ms  litter,  leaped  upon  his  horse,  and  rushed  like  a 
Mameluke  into  the  battle.  Charging  over  the  field,  and  encour* 
aging  his  men  by  his  words  and  example,  the  whole  face  of  things 
began  to  change.  Seeing  his  intrepidity,  and  the  flash  of  his 
eagle  eye  gleaming  from  Coffee's  paleface, — u  We  shall  whip  them 
yet,  my  boys — the  dead  has  risen  and  come  to  aid  us !"  thun 
dered  JACKSON.  Inspirited  by  such  bravery,  the  men  rushed  into 
the  fight,  confident  of  victory.  After  a  desperate  struggle,  which 
was  kept  up  for  some  time,  and  the  loss  of  many  lives,  the  sav 
ages  precipitately  fled.  He  now  proceeded  to  Fort  Strother, 
which  he  reached  without  further  annoyance.  He  now  dismissed 
those  of  his  soldiers  whose  terms  of  service  had  expired,  and  sus 
pended  active  hostilities  till  the  arrival  of  reinforcements.  His 
fame  began  to  spread  over  the  country,  and  men  and  supplies 
poured  in  from  all  directions.  Early  in  the  spring  he  was  able 
to  muster  for  battle  near  six  thousand  troops,  beside  valuable 
Indian  auxiliaries.  With  these  forces,  he  determined  to  pene 
trate  the  heart  of  the  Creek  country,  and  end  the  war  by  a  decis 
ive  and  final  stroke. 

He  began  his  march  on  the  5th  of  March,  1814.  Passing  the 
Coosa  River,  where  he  built  Fort  Williams  and  left  a  small  garri 
son,  he  proceeded  by  the  way  of  his  old  battle-field,  Emuckfaw, 
toward  the  Tallapoosa  River.  In  a  large  semicircular  bend  of 
this  river,  near  two  leagues  below  Emuckfaw,  the  Indians  had 
encamped  in  heavy  force. 

From  this  section  of  country  ANDREW  JACKSON  derived  the 
name  of  "  Old  Hickory,"  which,  in  after  years,  became  the  rally 
ing  shout  of  one  of  the  greatest  parties  that  ever  existed  in  a 
republic.  That  country  had  long  borne  the  name  of  the  "  hick 
ory  ground."  The  Indians  had  been  taught  to  believe  that, 
through  the  influence  of  the  Great  Spirit,  it  was  cons-ecrated  to 
the  braves,  and  forever  unconquerable  by  the  white  man.  Under 
the  infatuation  of  this  prophecy,  the  deluded  wretches  had  se 
lected  this  sacred  ground  for  their  encampment,  resolved  to  await 
the  approach  of  the  enemy.  It  fell  to  JACKSON  to  dispel  the  illu 
sion,  and  gain  a  complete  victory,  in  the  very  midst  of  the  sacred 
precincts  of  the  "  hickory  ground."  Hence,  "  Old  Hickory  "  be 
came,  and  is  yet,  familiar  in  the  country,  in  Presidential  contests, 
and  the  time  when  the  party  that  loved  him  so  well  and  whom 
he  so  faithfully  served,  shall  cease  to  pierce  the  skies  with  the 


520  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

hickory  pole,  and  fling  to  the  breeze  the  flag  he  defended  so  hero 
ically,  is  yet  hidden  in  the  future. 

The  curve  in  the  river,  where  the  Indians  were  encamped,  was 
large,  and  gradually  assumed  the  shape  of  a  horse-shoe,  and  em 
braced  an  area  of  about  a  hundred  acres  of  ground.  The  Indians 
had  fallen  back  deep  into  the  curve,  and  from  heel  to  heel,  so  to 
speak,  of  the  horse-shoe  bend,  or  across  the  neck  had  constructed 
a  log  breastwork,  leaving  apertures  to  render  defense  more  feasi 
ble.  This  breastwork  was  eight  feet  high,  and,  though  con 
structed  without  science  or  skill,  presented  quite  a  barrier  to  the 
progress  of  the  American  force.  The  warriors  were  stationed  on 
the  elevated  ground  rising  from  the  neck,  while  upon  the  margin 
of  the  stream  were  the  huts  that  sheltered  the  squaws  and  their 
offspring.  On  the  25th,  JACKSON  prepared  for  the  attack.  His 
first  care  was  to  make  such  disposition  of  his  forces  in  the  ene 
my's  rear  as  would  effectually  cut  off  their  retreat,  and  prevent 
them  from  crossing  the  river  anywhere  along  the  curve.  These 
directions  were  promptly  carried  out.  JACKSON,  then,  in  person, 
heading  his  men,  approached  the  neck  in  front,  for  the  purpose 
of  destroying  the  breastwork,  against  which  he  directed  a  brisk 
fire  from  his  artillery.  The  heavy  logs  did  not  give  way,  but 
seemed  almost  impervious  to  the  effects  of  cannon-shot.  In  some 
canoes,  which  were  brought  from  the  opposite  shore  by  a  party 
of  friendly  Indians,  who  swam  across  and  untied  them,  a  portion 
of  Coffee's  men,  stationed  in  the  rear,  crossed  over  and  fired  the 
houses.  Not  discouraged  by  the  flames  that  curled  from  their 
dwellings,  and  made  courageous  by  the  delusive  prophecy  that 
they  were  fighting  on  holy  ground,  the  Indians  shouted  defiance 
in  the  teeth  of  their  assailants,  and  vigorously  disputed  every 
inch  of  ground  over  which  they  had  to  pass.  JACKSON  now  gave 
orders  to  charge  through  the  neck  upon  the  breastwork.  Loud 
shouts  followed  the  order,  and  the  men  swept  through  the  neck 
with  an  enthusiasm  that  indicated  sure  victory.  On  they  rushed, 
till  a  well-directed  fire  through  the  apertures  of  the  breastwork 
thinned  their  ranks,  and  laid  many  a  brave  man  to  the  earth. 
The  breastwork  was  nobly  defended,  and  had  it  been  of  suffi 
cient  hight,  would  have  proved  a  strong  protection.  Pressing 
on  through  the  first  two  or  three  rounds  from  the  enemy,  the 
Americans  reached  the  works.  Leaping  upon  the  breastwork 
first,  Montgomery  unrolled  the  stars  and  stripes,  and  boldly  called 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  521 

on  his  comrades  to  follow.  Soon  the  works  were  lined  with  men. 
Montgomery  was  a  sacrifice  to  his  daring.  Amid  his  shouts  of 
encouragement,  a  ball  pierced  him  in  a  vital  part,  and  he  fell 
back  dead.  The  Americans  now  poured,  like  an  irresistible  tor 
nado,  over  the  breastwork,  and  engaged  the  savages  in  a  desper 
ate  hand-to-hand  struggle.  "Wildly  terrible  was  the  scene  that 
followed.  In  front,  the  swarthy  savage  flashed  his  knife  and  tom 
ahawk,  reeking  with  the  blood  of  the  assailants,  before  whom 
they  only  fell  back  inch  by  inch,  and  then  when  forced  to  do  so. 
Over  the  fierce  din  rang  the  clear  voice  of  JACKSON,  who  directed 
the  onset,  here  and  there,  with  commanding  voice.  In  the  rear 
were  the  burning  houses,  round  which  danced  the  Indian  proph 
ets,  still  assuring  the  warriors  that  it  was  sacred  ground,  and 
could  not  be  conquered.  One  of  these  prophets,  the  most  vehe 
ment  in  proclaiming  victory,  it  is  said,  was  shot  in  the  mouth  in 
the  midst  of  his  incantations,  and  it  was  construed  into  a  mes 
sage  from  the  Great  Spirit,  contradicting  his  words. 

The  Indians  now  began  to  give  way,  and  endeavored  to  swim 
the  stream.  JACKSON,  with  the  unerring  sagacity  of  military  ge 
nius,  early  foresaw  this,  and  therefore  had  placed  Coffee,  as  be 
fore  stated,  in  the  rear,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  to  pre 
vent  their  escape.  To  swim  that  stream  in  the  face  of  Coffee's 
men,  was  a  fearful  undertaking.  The  poor  creatures  seldom 
reached  midway  in  the  stream  before  a  musket-ball  sent  them  to 
the  bottom,  darkening  the  wave  with  their  life-blood.  No  In 
dian  demanded  quarter  on  that  day.  Every  one  fought  like  a 
madman,  reckless  of  danger  and  careless  of  life.  They  were 
now  in  great  confusion.  Giving  way  changed  to  open  retreat, 
then  to  entire  disorder,  and  finally  to  indiscriminate  slaughter. 
Never  was  victory  more  complete.  Proudly  rejecting  JACKSON'S 
offer  of  pardon,  the  Indians  fought  like  lions  till  night  closed 
over  the  combatants.  Near  a  thousand  warriors  fell  in  this  en 
gagement.  The  American  loss  was  not  one-fourth  that  number. 
Such  was  the  battle  of  the  Horse-Shoe,  which  was  virtually  the 
close  of  the  Creek  war. 

Laden  with  honors,  after  making  suitable  arrangements  to  pre 
vent  further  outbreaks  from  the  subjugated  foe,  JACKSON  returned 
to  Tennessee,  where  he  was  everywhere  greeted  with  the  highest 
applause  and  evidences  of  popular  esteem.  Thus  ended  the 
Creek  war, — a  war,  in  many  respects,  without  a  parallel.  Noth- 


522  ANDEEW    JACKSON. 

ing  but  the  firmness  and  bravery  of  JACKSON  could,  through  all 
the  difficulties  that  surrounded  him,  have  pushed  it  to  such  a  ter 
mination.  A  boy,  he  had  drawn  his  maiden  sword,  nor  sheathed 
it  till  gleaming  in  triumph  over  the  hostile  aborigines  of  the 
south,  he  could  return  it  to  the  scabbard,  and  turn  his  steps  to  his 
beloved  State,  ready  to  embark  in  whatever  services  of  peril  or 
usefulness  his  country  might  deem  him  fitted.  These  struggles 
had  developed  characteristics  that  could  not  fail  of  being  called 
into  requisition,  as  they  soon  were  in  a  capacity  of  higher  posi 
tion  and  responsibility. 

In  May,  1814,  he  was  appointed  to  supersede  Harrison  as 
Major-General  in  the  army,  and  intrusted  with  the  defense  of  the 
south.  The  war  of  1812  was  then  just  beginning  to  rage  with 
its  greatest  fury.  The  continued  efforts  of  the  British  to  excite 
hostile  feelings  among  the  Indians  against  the  United  States, 
formed  a  matter  of  deep  interest,  and  JACKSON  determined,  as  far 
as  possible,  to  suppress  them.  He  had  fought  the  Indians,  and 
forced  them  into  submission.  To  avoid  further  annoyance  from 
them  was  a  consideration  of  the  highest  importance.  As  the  first 
preventive  measures  to  effect  this  end,  it  was  deemed  advisable 
to  cut  off  all  intercourse  between  them  and  the  English.  Though 
conquered,  and,  for  the  time  being,  forced  to  submit  to  the  re 
strictions  imposed  after  their  defeat  at  the  battle  of  Horse-Shoe, 
they  might,  influenced  by  British  art  and  diplomacy,  throw  off  all 
restraint,  and  again  renew  the  contest.  In  view  of  this  state  of 
things,  it  was  proposed  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  Indians, 
settling  definitively  the  territorial  boundary  between  them  and  the 
United  States.  To  accomplish  this,  JACKSON,  in  conjunction  with 
Colonel  Hawkins,  who  had  long  been  the  Commissioner  to  the 
Creek  Indians,  was  selected  in  the  summer  of  1814.  He  reached 
Alabama,  on  this  mission,  July  10th,  and  succeeded  in  procuring 
a  satisfactory  treaty,  the  leading  features  of  which  were,  that  they 
would  engage  with  no  foreign  power  in  a  quarrel  with  this  coun 
try, — that  they  would  consent  to  the  establishment  of  fortifications 
in  their  territory  and  the  uninterrupted  navigation  of  their 
streams, — and  that  their  trading  operations  should  be  exclusively 
with  the  people  of  the  United  States,  unless  by  authority  of  our 
Chief  Executive.* 

»  Eaton. 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  523 

This  treaty  virtually  completed  a  dismemberment  of  the  vari 
ous  Indian  tribes,  and  secured,  by  territorial  acquisition,  the 
frontiers  of  Alabama  and  Georgia.  The  Indians  in  Florida  now 
afforded  the  greatest  source  of  apprehension.  They  were  in  a 
position  where  arms,  ammunition,  and  all  necessary  warlike  ac- 
couterments  could  be  easily  furnished  through  the  emissaries  of 
the  British.  The  latter  had  long  been  suspected  of  secretly  con 
veying  these  to  their  savage  assistants,  particularly  those  in  the 
vicinity  of  Pensacola,  and  JACKSON  had  more  than  once  called 
attention  to  the  matter.  Pensacola  being  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  Spain,  that  country  was  also  implicated  in  the  transaction. 
During  the  pendency  of  the  Indian  treaty,  JACKSON  learned  that 
the  British  had  thrown  up  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Apalachi- 
cola,  with  a  view  of  exciting  the  Indians  against  us.  To  prevent 
movements  of  this  sort,  he  urged  with  cogency  the  speedy  cap 
ture  of  Pensacola.  The  United  States  government,  not  wishing 
embroilment  with  Spain  as  long  as  she  adhered  to  the  position  of 
neutrality  assumed,  did  not  give  the  permission  to  make  an  attack 
upon  that  place.  JACKSON,  however,  on  his  own  responsibility, 
made  several  movements  in  that  quarter,  that  operated  as  a 
check  upon  the  British  government  in  offering  open  induce 
ments  to  incite  the  Indians  to  war  against  the  frontier.  This  was 
while  Armstrong  was  acting  as  Secretary  of  War.  Soon  as  JACK 
SON  had  called  attention  to  the  subject,  Armstrong  wrote  him  to 
this  effect : 

"If  the  Spanish  authorities  admit,  feed,  arm  and  co-operate 
with  the  British  and  hostile  Indians,  we  must  strike  on  the  broad 
principle  of  self-preservation ;  under  other  and  different  circum 
stances  we  must  forbear." 

The  letter  from  which  this  extract  is  taken,  though  written  on 
the  18th  of  July,  1814,  did  not  reach  the  General  till  late  in  Jan 
uary  of  the  ensuing  year.  Otherwise  things  would  have  been 
different ;  for  JACKSON  afterward  wrote  in  regard  to  the  matter  as 
follows : 

"If  this  letter,  or  any  hint  that  such  a  course  would  have  been 
winked  at  by  the  government,  had  been  received,  it  would  have 
been  in  my  power  to  have  captured  the  British  shipping  in  the 
bay.  But,  acting  on  my  own  responsibility  against  a  neutral 
power,  it  became  essential  for  me  to  proceed  with  more  caution 
than  my  judgment  or  wishes  approved,  and,  consequently,  im- 


524  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

portant  advantages  were  lost,  which  might  have  been  secured." 
Frequent  letters  passed  between  JACKSON  and  the  English  gov 
ernor  of  Pensacola  in  regard  to  the  matter,  the  former  affirming, 
and  the  latter  denying,  the  agency  of  Great  Britain  and  Spain  in 
furnishing  arms  to  the  Indians,  and  encouraging  their  hostile 
feelings  toward  our  country.  The  governor  admitted,  however, 
that  when  the  necessities  of  the  Indians  appealed  to  them  for  aid, 
it  was  not  withheld.  Upon  the  basis  of  existing  treaty  relations 
between  the  Creek  Indians  and  Spain,  he  also  affirmed  that  they 
had  a  right  to  deal  thus  toward  them.  He  also  assured  our  gov 
ernment  of  having  protected  deserters  from  them,  and  encouraged 
depredations  upon  their  commerce  on  the  high  seas.  JACKSON 
replied  to  these  assertions  in  a  manner  characteristic  of  him. 
"  Your  excellency,"  says  he  to  the  governor,  "  has  been  candid 
enough  to  admit  your  having  supplied  the  Indians  with  arms. 
In  addition  to  this,  I  have  learned  that  a  British  flag  has  been 
seen  flying  on  one  of  your  forts.  All  this  is  done  while  you  are 
pretending  to  be  neutral.  You  can  not  be  surprised,  then,  but 
on  the  contrary,  will  provide  a  fort  in  your  town  for  my  soldiers 
and  Indians,  should  I  take  it  into  my  head  to  pay  you  a  visit. 
In  future,  I  beg  you  to  withhold  your  insulting  charges  against  my 
government,  for  one  more  inclined  to  listen  to  slander  than  I  am ; 
nor  consider  me  any  more  a  diplomatic  character,  unless  so  pro 
claimed  to  you  from  the  mouths  of  of  my  cannon." 

Shortly  after  this,  information  was  received  that  the  British  had 
paraded  a  large  number  of  Indians,  under  arms,  in  Pensacola, 
and  were  actually  drilling  them  in  military  tactics.  These  facts 
were  immediately  brought  before  the  government  for  consideration, 
and  urgent  appeals  were  made  by  JACKSON  to  march  upon  the 
place.  He  insisted  upon  the  immediate  muster,  for  active  ser 
vice,  of  all  the  troops  to  be  engaged  in  the  service,  and  bringing 
the  friendly  Indians  into  government  pay.  While  Butler  was 
recruiting  in  Tennessee,  JACKSON  took  his  departure  for  Mobile, 
Alabama,  where  he  was  soon  after  joined  by  General  Coffee  with 
a  force  of  two  thousand  strong,  well-armed  men,  mostly  Te'n- 
nesseeans.  The  destination  of  this  force  was  at  the  instigation  of 
JACKSON,  who  assumed  the  responsibility  of  the  whole  matter, 
against  Pensacola.  Britain  and  Spain  had  already  united  at  that 
place  in  secret  combination,  to  rouse  the  Indians  of  the  north-west 
against  the  United  States.  JACKSON  was  determined  to  counteract 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  525 

these  machinations.  Nicholas,  of  the  British  squadron,  recently 
arrived,  endeavored  to  force  his  way  into  Mobile  bay  by  effecting 
the  destruction  of  Fort  Bowyer.  In  this  attempt  he  was  com 
pletely  foiled,  being  repulsed  with  the  loss  of  one  of  his  ships  and 
several  men. 

JACKSON,  after  conference  with  Coffee,  resolved  upon  the  im 
mediate  invasion  of  Florida  and  the  capture  of  Pensacola.  His 
army,  counting  Indian  auxiliaries  and  all,  amounted  to  over  three 
thousand  men, — Coffee  and  his  brigade,  forming  the  most  efficient 
force.  JACKSON  made  pacific  overtures  to  the  governor,  before 
commencing  his  march.  He  demanded  the  surrender  of  certain 
important  posts  on  her  borders,  until  Spain  would  conform  to 
the  existent  neutral  relationships.  It  was  all  in  vain ;  the  mes 
senger  was  fired  upon  from  the  fort,  over  which  waved  the 
Spanish  flag.  All  hopes  of  accommodation  being  thus  cut  off, 
JACKSON  gave  immediate  marching  orders.  On  the  7th  of  Novem 
ber,  the  army  began  its  advance  upon  Pensacola.  Soon  the 
armies  of  JACKSON  were  thundering  into  the  city, — soon,  too,  the 
hitherto  arrogant  governor  was  hunting  up  the  general,  with  a 
flag  of  peace,  expressing  himself  willing  to  submit  to  any  terms 
they  might  think  proper  to  impose.  This  was  just  what  the 
American  commander  desired.  Complying  with  his  demand  to 
surrender  the  posts,  an  agreement  was  soon  consummated.  Thus 
Pensacola  and  the  adjacent  fortifications,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
United  States,  as  a  guarantee  that  neutrality  should  be  respected. 

As  if  to  vent  their  spite  on  the  conquerors,  the  British,  as  they 
departed  from  the  place,  carried  with  them  a  large  number  of 
slaves,  without  leaving  any  remuneration.  The  capture  of  this 
place  and  the  forts  around  the  country,  was  effected  by  the  Ameri 
cans  without  the  loss  of  more  than  twenty  men.  Remaining  in 
the  place  but  a  short  time,  he  turned  his  thoughts  to  higher  pro 
jects.  While  at  Pensacola,  however,  he  wrote  the  following 
laconic  message  to  the  governor : 

"  The  enemy  has  retreated  ;  the  hostile  Creeks  have  fled  to  the 
forest ;  and  I  now  retire  from  your  town,  leaving  you  to  occupy 
your  forts  and  protect  the  rights  of  your  citizens." 

It  had,  for  some  time,  been  apparent  that  the  British  had 
designs  upon  New  Orleans ;  had  they,  in  fact,  made  an  attack 
upon  that  place  some  months  sooner  than  they  did,  the  city  must 
inevitably  have  fallen  into  their  hands.  Anxious  to  be  at  the  point 


526  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

where  danger  was  most  threatening,  JACKSON  made  early  arrange* 
ments  to  quit  his  present  position  and  hasten  to  the  defense  of 
the  Crescent  City.  After  leaving  Mobile  in  a  state  of  comparative 
security,  though  in  feeble  health,  he  prepared  for  the  expedition. 
Having  left  Mobile  in  charge  of  General  Winchester,  and  dis 
patched  Coffee  and  Hinds  to  New  Orleans,  he  departed  late  in 
November,  in  person,  for  the  latter  place,  which  he  reached  on 
the  first  of  the  ensuing  month.  He  was  now  thrown  in  direct 
contact  with  the  regular  forces  of  the  British  army, — successful 
veterans  of  many  a  hard-fought  field.  He  had  now  to  contend 
with  the  same  enemy  whose  oppressive  exactions  his  ancestors 
had  been  compelled  to  endure,  and  against  whom  he  first  drew 
his  maiden  sword  at  Hanging  Rock.  His  men  were  not  well 
equipped,  he  was  himself  unwell,  his  forces  were  inferior  to  those 
against  whom  he  was  to  contend,  and  many  other  circumstances 
tended  to  render  his  position  not  the  most  agreeable.  Louisiana 
was  comparatively  a  new  country,  and  settled  with  a  heterogenous 
population,  possessing  different  manners,  feelings,  and  habits,  and 
in  many  instances,  speaking  different  languages. 

Amid  all  the  difficulties  that  surrounded  him,  he  did  not  give 
way  to  gloomy  forebodings,  but  with  the  coolness  and  constancy 
of  purpose  characteristic  of  him,  he  appeared  among  his  men, 
drilled  them  to  discipline,  and  inspired  them  with  confidence. 
Active  efforts  were  made  to  present  formidable  defense.  The 
governors  of  Louisiana,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee  were  appealed 
to,  to  furnish  their  respective  quotas  of  men.  They  responded  in 
the  proper  spirit,  and  soon  additional  forces  were  on  the  way  to 
New  Orleans.  While  these  recruits  were  being  raised,  JACKSON 
was  preparing  for  active  operations  at  the  city.  The  soldiers 
were  strictly  disciplined.  New  fortifications  were  thrown  up  and 
old  ones  repaired.  One  of  the  greatest  difficulties  he  had  to  en 
counter  originated  from  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  JACKSON 
endeavored  in  vain  to  secure  a  suspension  of  its  operations 
through  the  Legislature.  That  body  refused  assent  to  the  propo 
sition.  Not  to  be  outdone,  and  always  ready  to  take  responsibil 
ities,  the  General  declared  the  city  and  vicinity  under  martial 
law.  On  the  14th  of  December,  five  gun-boats,  belonging  to  the 
American  service,  were  attacked  and  captured  by  the  British  on 
Lake  Borgne. 

The  approach  of  a  British  fleet  toward  New  Orleans  threw  the 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  527 

whole  city  into  great  excitement.  JACKSON,  with  the  cool  courage 
of  an  accomplished  martinet,  made  preparations  to  receive  them. 
Never  were  exertions  more  active  or  efficient.  Day  and  night 
the  city,  then  numbering  but  thirty  thousand  inhabitants,  re 
sounded  with  the  sounds  of  martial  music.  JACKSON  in  a  little 
time  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs.  Inspired  by  his  indom 
itable  energy,  the  citizens,  without  distinction  of  race  or  tongue, 
rallied  to  his  standard.  A  regiment  of  St.  Domingo  negroes 
was  enrolled  for  the  service.  The  enemy's  fleet,  numbering 
eighty  sail,  under  Admiral  Cochrane,  and  filled  with  the  flower 
of  the  English  soldiery,  approached  nearer  the  coast  every  hour. 
The  people  of  New  Orleans,  while  they  had  unbounded  confi 
dence  in  the  invincibility  of  JACKSON,  looked  upon  this  powerful 
armament  with  no  little  alarm  and  anxiety.  Careful  to  keep  up 
a  buoyancy  of  hope  and  reliance  in  themselves,  JACKSON  labored 
with  heroic  zeal  among  his  men,  and  had  soon  so  increased  the 
defenses  of  the  city,  that  a  stout,  if  not  a  successful,  resistance 
might  be  reasonably  expected.  With  a  strong  navy,  a  large  reg 
ular  army,  and  abundantly  supplied,  England  came  against  a 
country  possessing  none  of  these  advantages,  and  was  repulsed. 
As  the  large  and  handsome  fleet  neared  the  city,  the  consterna 
tion  began  considerably  to  increase.  The  women  walked  through 
the  streets  with  wan  features  and  cries  of  distress.  JACKSON  said 
to  them,  "  Be  calm ;  the  enemy  shall  never  reach  the  city" 
Thus  assured,  and  encouraged  by  the  bravery  and  energy  he  ex 
hibited  in  preparing  for  the  defense  of  the  place,  their  fears  at 
once  subsided,  and  all  expressed  the  utmost  confidence  in  his 
ability  to  repulse  the  enemy  in  the  engagement.  JACKSON,  not 
withstanding  his  manful  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  people  of  New 
Orleans,  had  many  difficulties  to  combat.  The  press  of  the  city 
did  not  second  his  efforts ;  the  Legislature  regarded  him  with 
feelings  not  the  most  liberal  and  generous  ;  the  enforcement  of 
martial  law,  under  which  he  had  placed  the  city,  involved  him  in 
perplexities  with  public  officials.  Judge  Hall  released  a  prisoner 
whom  JACKSON  had  imprisoned,  and  was  for  this  disregard  of  the 
General's  authority  himself  ordered  into  confinement.  These 
things  did  not  in  the  least  prevent  JACKSON  from  doing  his  duty 
and  making  every  effort  in  behalf  of  the  city.  Owing  to  its  geo 
graphical  position,  New  Orleans  wa's  a  city  exceedingly  difficult 
to  put  in  a  good  condition  of  defense.  Lakes  Borgne  and  Pont- 


528  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

chartrain,  beside  the  months  of  the  river,  afforded  easy  ingress  to 
the  enemy's  vessels.  This  was  a  source  of  great  perplexity  to 
JACKSON.  His  force,  weak  as  it  was,  he  was  compelled  to  sepa 
rate  into  several  detachments  for  the  purpose  of  guarding  each 
of  these  avenues,  and  redeeming  his  promise  that  the  enemy 
should  not  reach  the  city.  On  the  9th  of  December  the  British 
fleet  appeared  in  full  force  upon  the  coast.  The  defeat  of  Lieu 
tenant  Jones,  who  was  sent  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  en 
emy,  gave  the  British  complete  mastery  of  Lake  Pontchartrain. 
In  passing  Lake  Borgne,  his  vessels  could  not  proceed  in  conse 
quence  of  a  dead  calm,  and  in  this  condition  he  was  attacked  by 
superior  vessels,  and  compelled,  after  a  brave  resistance,  to  yield. 
Sailing  up  Lake  Borgne  without  opposition,  the  British  vessels 
came  to  anchorage  within  a  few  miles  of  the  city,  and  landed  their 
soldiers.  As  soon  as  he  was  aware  of  their  proximity,  JACKSON 
immediately  resolved  upon  an  attack  before  they  could  unite  their 
forces.  Commodore  Patterson,  with  his  schooner,  was  ordered 
down  the  river  to  take  a  position  in  front  of  the  British  vessels. 
This  order  was  executed  quietly  and  effectually,  the  rattle  of  shot 
hurled  from  her  decks  being  the  first  intimation  given  the 
enemy  of  her  approach.  Coffee,  with  his  gallant  brigade,  was 
sent  to  the  enemy's  rear,  while  JACKSON,  with  near  fourteen  hun 
dred  men,  prepared  to  attack  them  in  front.  Coffee  attacked 
the  rear  with  great  ardor,  and  drove  the  enemy,  after  they  had 
rallied  several  times,  before  him  at  every  point.  The  shot  from 
Patterson's  schooner  made  the  British  retire  beyond  the  range  of 
his  guns.  It  was  this,  indeed,  that  accelerated  the  collision 
between  Coffee's  advance  and  the  British.  They  continued  to 
retreat  from  the  steady  advance  of  Coffee  till  a  breastwrok  afforded 
protection.  He  could  hot  drive  them  from  this  post.  These 
operations  were  during  the  night  of  the  9th  of  December. 
JACKSON  pushed  ahead  through  the  darkness  to  the  front,  the 
light  flashing  from  the  schooner,  and  the  enemy  forming  his  only 
beacon.  He  arrived  at  the  enemy's  lines,  whom  he  found  pro 
tected  by  a  deep  ditch.  The  men  poured  upon  them  one  heavy 
discharge,  then  leaped  the  ditch,  driving  the  British  before  them. 
This  operation  was  the  third  time  performed,  the  enemy  having 
formed  three  ditches  for  their  security ;  they  were  each  time 
driven  back.  The  increasing  darkness  put  a  stop  to  further 
efforts.  The  schooner  had  slackened  her  fire,  while  Coffee's  bri- 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  529 

gade  had  been  thrown  into  considerable  disorder  before  JACKSON 
could  effect  a  junction  with  him.  His  own  men,  too,  were  be 
ginning  to  be  confused,  in  consequence  of  the  impenetrable 
gloom.  JACKSON,  therefore,  satisfied  with  the  result,  resolved  to 
withdraw  with  his  troops  and  renew  the  contest  at  early  dawn. 
By  morning,  however,  the  enemy's  forces  had  swelled  to  six 
thousand  strong,  and  not  deeming  it  prudent  to  hazard  the  sue*- 
cess  of  the  campaign  in  an  engagement  with  such  disparity  of 
numbers,  he  fell  back  behind  a  ditch  stretching  from  the  Missis 
sippi  Eiver  across  the  levee  to  the  swamp.  Here  he  determined 
to  make  a  bold  stand.  In  the  night  engagement  just  mentioned, 
he  lost  over  two  hundred  men ;  the  loss  of  the  British  exceeded 
five  hundred. 

He  now  resolved  to  concentrate  his  forces  for  a  general  bat 
tle,  hoping  that  decisive  results  would  ensue.  The  British,  in 
securing  a  landing  at  an  unexpected  and  advantageous  position, 
had  evidently  gained  advantage,  availing  themselves  of  which, 
they  could,  unless  prevented  by  some  decisive  stroke,  fortify 
themselves  and  advance  upon  the  city  at  their  leisure. 

Having  resolved  on  risking  all  upon  the  result  of  a  general 
battle,  JACKSON  made  every  exertion  to  make  his  position  as 
impregnable  as  possible.  The  ditch  was  widened  and  deepened. 
Trees  were  felled  at  its  terminus  in  the  swamp.  At  this  extremity 
of  the  ditch,  Coffee  was  stationed.  The  fortitude  of  that  general 
and  his  men,  for  a  number  of  days,  during  their  occupancy  of 
this  station,  has  never  been  excelled.  They  were  in  mud,  through 
the  day,  up  to  their  knees,  while  at  night  their  only  couch  was  the 
boughs  of  trees  piled  upon  it  to  keep  them  from  being  engulfed. 
Trenches  were  cut  through  the  levee,  letting  the  waters  of  the 
Mississippi  overflow  the  swamp,  so  as  to  afford  additional  security. 
Beside  these  precautions,  a  large  number  of  cotton  bales  were 
procured,  and  piled  along  to  increase  the  hight  and  strength  of 
the  breastwork.  Preparations  were  carried  on  most  vigorously. 
Day  and  night  the  sound  of  tools,  the  rattle  of  cart-wheels,  the 
ring  of  the  spade,  the  voices  of  command  were  heard.  The  city, 
menaced  by  a  dreaded  foe,  presented  a  scene  of  busy  mournful- 
ness.  The  army,  eager  for  its  rescue  and  victory,  toiled  with  an 
unsubdued  spirit  to  accomplish  the  object.  JACKSON,  the  vigilant 
commander, — the  hope  of  all, — was  here,  and  there  and  every 
where,  not  only  encouraging  his  men,  but  participating  in  their 


530  ANDREW    JACKSON, 

toils.  Four  days  and  nights  are  said  to  have  passed  without  bring 
ing  the  slightest  repose.  It  has  been  stated  by  reliable  authorities, 
that  during  these  preparations,  midnight  and  midday,  found  JACK 
SON  at  his  labors. 

Morgan  was  now  sent  with  directions  to  fortify  himself  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  river,  while  another  officer  was  directed  to  pre 
vent,  if  possible,  the  approach  of  vessels  of  war  through  Barra- 
taria  pass. 

Every  thing  now  indicated  an  early  engagement.  The  Kentucky 
troops  had  not  yet  arrived,  which  was  a  great  source  of  annoyance 
to  the  commander.  Several  messengers  had  been  sent  to  hurry 
them  to  the  scene  of  action. 

The  British,  from  a  newly-erected  battery,  opened  an  attack 
upon  the  Caroline;  the  schooner  commanded  by  Patterson,  before 
mentioned.  Owing  to  the  prevailing  calm,  all  efforts  to  bring  the 
vessel  beyond  the  range  of  the  guns  were  abortive.  Her  men, 
therefore,  set  fire  to  and  abandoned  her,  and  took  refuge  on  the 
shore.  She  was,  soon  after,  entirely  consumed.  On  the  28th  of 
December,  the  British  made  an  attack  upon  the  American  works. 
They  opened  a  well-directed,  but  not  very  effective  fire  at  the  dis 
tance  of  half  a  mile,  which  was  actively  returned  by  the  Ameri 
cans.  The  Louisiana  war  sloop  opened  upon  the  British  a  galling 
and  destructive  fire.  Their  ranks  being  thus  thinned  before  they 
had  approached  near  enough  to  the  fort  to  do  much  execution, 
they  were  forced  to  give  up  the  attack  and  take  shelter  in  their 
camp.  In  this  attempt,  the  enemy  lost  about  a  hundred  men ; 
the  American  loss  was  some  seven  or  eight.  The  gallant  Colonel 
Henderson  of  Tennessee,  fell  in  this  engagement.  It  became 
evident  now,  that  a  decisive  battle  must  soon  follow,  and  the 
people  in  the  city  became  more  alarmed  as  the  crisis  approached. 
Some  of  the  more  fearful  were  greatly  intimidated,  and  walked 
the  streets  with  a  downcast  mien,  whispering  mentally  that  all 
was  lost.  JACKSON,  himself,  was  filled  with  the  deepest  anxiety 
in  regard  to  the  fate  of  the  city.  Stern  and  brave,  he  knew  that 
the  place  and  its  fortifications  were  capable  of  presenting  formi 
dable  defense;  but  his  troops  were,  many  of  them,  raw  recruits, 
unused  to  scenes  of  war.  Would  they  stand  the  approach  of 
British  regulars?  Would  they  return  fire  for  fire,  until  the  foe 
were  swept  from  the  field  ?  To  insure  success,  as  far  as  possible, 
he  mingled  among  his  men  and  cheered  them  with  hopeful  words 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  531 

and  a  brave  example.  To  increase  his  solicitude,  the  Legislature 
did  not  second  his  efforts,  but  were  absolutely  debating  the  pro 
priety  of  surrendering  the  city.  Claiborne  was  then  governor, 
and  a  warm  friend  of  JACKSON'S.  Learning  the  proceedings  of 
the  Legislature,  the  general  sent  word  to  the  governor  to  shut  that 
body  in,  and  stop  their  deliberations,  or  at  least,  keep  the  results 
of  them  from  being  noised  abroad.  Claiborne  was  brave  himself, 
and  looked  upon  the  surrender  of  the  city  in  the  same  light  that 
JACKSON  did.  Indignant  that  such  a  measure  should  be  sanctioned 
by  the  State  officials,  and  zealous  in  the  cause  of  defense,  he  con 
cluded  that  the  more  effective  mode  of  preventing  such  legislation, 
would  be  to  turn  the  members  out  of  doors,  which  he  accordingly 
did.  A  legislative  committee,  just  before  the  governor  assumed 
this  heavy  responsibility,  waited  on  JACKSON,  for  the  purpose  of 
conferring  with  him  upon  the  subject.  One  of  the  number,  who, 
doubtless,  fancied  he  already  heard  the  representative  hall  tum 
bling  about  his  ears,  timidly  asked  JACKSON  what  he  should  do  if 
driven  from  his  works.  A  dark  frown  gathered  over  the  hero's 
brow,  as  he  fastened  upon  his  interrogator  the  most  withering  look, 
and  replied :  "  If  I  thought  the  hair  of  my  head  could  devise 
what  I  should  do,  I  would  cut  it  off  forthwith.  Go  back  with  this 
answer :  say  to  your  honorable  body  that  if  disaster  does  overtake 
us,  and  the  fate  of  war  drives  me  from  my  lines  to  the  city,  that 
they  may  expect  to  have  a  warm  session." 

After  the  battle,  he  was  asked  what  he  should  have  done  had 
he  been  driven  from  his  works?  "  I  would  have  retreated  to  the 
city,"  replied  he,  u fired  it,  and  fought  the  enemy  amid  the  sur 
rounding  flames."  Headley  very  pertinently  remarks  of  this  reply, 
that,  "  New  Orleans  in  flames,  and  JACKSON  charging  down  its  blaz 
ing  streets,  would  have  presented  one  of  the  most  frightful  exhi 
bitions  furnished  in  the  annals  of  war."  Had  such  been  the  re 
sult,  there  is  no  doubt  but  JACKSON  and  Coffee,  with  their  brave 
regulars,  would  have  fought  amid  the  conflagration,  nor  yielded 
an  inch  till  buried  in  its  ashes. 

Failing  in  the  attack  on  the  28th,  the  British  landed  their  can 
non  and  concentrated  their  forces  for  a  general  assault  upon  the 
American  lines.  By  the  1st  of  January,  1815,  they  had  mar 
shaled  their  forces  upon  the  banks  of  the  river  for  that  purpose. 
One  of  those  dense  fogs  peculiar  to  that  climate  overhung  the 
city  and  environs,  on  the  morning  of  the  1st.  Soon  as  the  sun 
36 


532  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

had  risen  sufficiently  to  disperse  the  fog,  the  British  opened  a 
tremendous  fire  upon  the  American  breastwork.  The  scene  was 
sublimely  terrible.  Bombs,  shot,  and  rockets  filled  the  air,  and 
fell  like  streams  of  fire  upon  the  works.  Housed  by  the  roar  of 
the  guns,  every  energy  strained  to  its  utmost  for  the  crisis,  JACK 
SON  hurried  to  the  scene,  and  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
men.  No  sooner  had  he  vacated  his  quarters  than  a  tremendous 
discharge  of  balls,  directed  against  the  house  he  occupied,  tore  it 
to  splinters.  The  Americans  now  returned  the  fire  with  remark 
able  precision  and  rapidity.  For  several  hours  the  boom  of  can 
non  shook  the  city  to  its  foundation,  while  the  smoke  curled  heav 
ily  over  its  buildings.  Yaried  and  painful  must  have  been  the 
feelings  of  the  citizens  when,  right  at  their  threshold,  the  con 
quering  veterans  of  the  Peninsula  were  aiming  their  destruc 
tion,  and  the  sacred  precincts  of  their  homes  were  rocked  by  the 
roar  of  artillery.  An  awful  destiny  seemed  wrapped  up  in  the 
moment.  So  skillfully  did  the  Americans  direct  their  fire,  that, 
after  a  bombardment  of  about  four  hours,  the  guns  of  the  British 
were  silenced,  and  they  were  forced  to  take  refuge  in  their  camp. 
The  loss  of  the  enemy  in  this  affair  was  not  estimated.  It  could 
not  have  been  heavy  on  either  side.  Had  the  British  made  these 
attacks  earlier,  before  JACKSON  had  time  to  fortify  himself  and  in 
spirit  the  people,  they  might  have  succeeded.  The  British  were 
now  becoming  daily  more  discouraged,  and  the  Americans  more 
buoyant. 

Satisfied  of  the  futility  of  further  attempts  in  their  present  con 
dition,  the  British  determined  to  await  reinforcements.  The 
Americans  were  also  in  continual  expectation  of  aid.  JACKSON 
spared  no  pains  or  toil  to  strengthen  his  position  during  this 
interval.  It  is  related  of  JACKSON  that  a  wealthy  Frenchman 
coming  to  him  to  request  remuneration  for  damages  sustained 
by  his  property  during  the  attack  on  the  city,  he  replied  to  him, 
"  Men  who  have  property  should  defend  it."  He  then  presented 
him  with  a  musket,  and  ordered  him  into  the  ranks. 

Six  or  eight  days  now  intervened  before  the  resumption  of  act 
ive  hostilities.  During  this  time  the  city  of  New  Orleans  pre 
sented  a  singular  aspect.  In  the  river  lay,  with  snowy  sails,  the 
British  fleet  in  full  trim,  while  the  tents  of  the  soldiers  begirt  the 
city,  presenting  an  imposing  appearance.  The  drum-beat  and 
fife-note,  the  cannon-boom,  the  musket-shot,  the  march,  the  coun- 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  533 

termarch,  the  sentry-challenge  and  reply,  all  mingling  with  the 
buzz  and  commotion  incident  to  the  occasion,  conspired  to  make 
the  scene  one  of  thrilling  interest.  Behind  the  breastwork  of 
cotton-bales  and  other  material  lay  the  defenders  of  the  country, 
those  in  whose  hands  were  the  destinies  of  home,  family,  friends 
and  even  freedom  itself.  Like  the  maidens  of  old  Carthage,  who 
parted  with  their  jewels  to  aid  in  the  defense  of  their  famed  city, 
against  Scipio  Africanus,  the  noble  ladies  of  New  Orleans  were 
busy  in  preparing  clothing  and  other  articles  needed  by  the  sol 
diers.  Before  another  attempt  was  made  upon  the  American 
works,  the  troops  from  Kentucky  arrived  and  fell  into  ranks. 
This  was  a  source  of  joy  to  all,  and  tended  to  elevate  the  spirits 
of  the  army.  They  were  badly  equipped,  many  of  them  bring 
ing  nothing  but  their  old  hunting-guns.  The  British  had  now 
received  a  large  accession  to  their  number,  and  both  parties 
seemed  ready  for  battle.  JACKSON,  ever  vigilant,  on  the  night 
of  the  7th  of  January,  made  a  close  reconnoissance  of  the  grounds 
and  defenses.  His  quick  eye  soon  perceived  that  the  enemy 
was  preparing  to  attack  the  works.  Immediate  preparations 
were  made  on  his  part  for  fight.  Coffee  retained  his  old  position 
at  the  swamp  on  the  left.  Carroll,  with  the  Tennesseeans,  was 
posted  in  the  center, — while  JACKSON  in  person  commanded  on 
the  extreme  right,  next  to  the  river.  The  Kentucky  troops  were 
stationed  in  the  center  also,  behind  Carroll's  brigade. 

Affairs  were  in  this  condition  when  the  sun  rose  over  the  Cres 
cent  City,  on  Sunday  morning,  January  8th,  1815.  At  early 
morning  the  roar  of  artillery  announced  the  commencement  of 
the  battle.  From  high-  batteries,  reared  the  preceding  night,  a 
heavy  fire  was  opened  upon  the  Americans.  A  solitary  shot, 
curving  high  into  the  heavens,  like  a  red  meteor,  told  that  all 
was  ready. 

A  body  of  nine  thousand  British  regulars  now  issued  from 
their  quarters,  and  converging  in  two  divisions,  proceeded  in 
good  order  to  attack  the  American  center  and  right.  On  they 
came,  with  steady  tread  and  cheering  shouts.  On  they  came, 
like  a  dense,  variegated  cloud,  moving  up  to  the  works  with 
streaming  colors ;  in  the  highest  state  of  discipline,  trained 
on  fields  of  victory  in  Europe,  never  did  soldiers  present  a 
grander  spectacle.  Now  perceive  them  as  the  levee  narrows 
toward  the  fort,  they  are  compelled  to  crowd  themselves  very 


534 


ANDREW    JACKSON. 


compactly.  In  this  condition  they  approach  the  breastwork. 
Stepping  with  the  utmost  regularity  and  decision,  not  a  sign  of 
fear  or  disorder,  they  approach  within  a  short  distance  of  the 
American  lines.  In  the  meantime,  with  compressed  lip  and 
hushed  breath,  the  Americans  crouch  behind  their  works,  await 
ing  orders.  That  red  cloud  of  British  soldiers  is  near  the  lines, 
and  victory,  as  they  think,  is  already  achieved.  But  now  the 
earth  seems  to  upheave  under  their  feet ;  fire  seems  to  rain  from 
heaven.  The  American  guns  had  opened  their  fire,  and  so  tremen 
dous  was  its  effect,  that  all  the  thunderbolts  of  heaven  seemed  let 
loose  upon  them.  A  perfect  storm  of  shot  and  ball  cut  long, 
wide  lanes  through  the  British  ranks,  and  hewed  them  down  by 
hundreds.  Quickly  the  gaps  are  filled  up,  and  over  the  dead 
bodies  of  their  comrades  another  essay  is  made  to  capture  the 
works.  Again  the  death-shots  hiss  through  their  columns,  re 
opening  lanes  wider  than  the  first.  Again  the  gaps  were  filled, 
and  again  the  sturdy  veterans  pressed  to  the  assault  with  loud 
cheers.  Their  shot  went  over  the  American  works,  and  fell  be 
yond,  without  doing  the  least  execution.  The  Americans  had 
hitherto  reserved  the  fire  of  their  small  arms  till  the  enemy 
made  nearer  approaches  to  the  works.  On  they  came,  till  they 
Approached  the  ditch,  passing  over  the  lifeless  bodies  of  their 
fallen  comrades  at  every  step.  As  they  reached  the  ditch, ';  Fire !" 
was  sounded,  along  the  American  lines,  and  the  reports  of  a  thou 
sand  muskets  responded  to  the  command.  Never,  perhaps,  did 
such  a  sheet  of  death  pierce  an  advancing  column.  Instead  of 
leaving  gaps  through  their  columns,  as  the  guns  had  done,  whole 
ranks  of  the  foe  sank  down  like  grain  before  the  scythe,  many  of 
them  pierced  with  a  dozen  balls.  So  tremendous  was  the  dis 
charge,  that  many  who,  before  the  fire,  stood  in  compact  ranks, 
found  themselves  afterward  standing  alone  in  the  blood  of  their 
comrades,  who  lay  piled  around.  Bereft  of  their  senses,  those 
who  survived  the  discharge  knew  not  what  to  do,  till  the  word 
of  command,  through  the  din  and  clash  of  the  combatants,  came 
ringing  over  the  field,  again  urging  them  to  face  the  stream  of 
death.  It  seemed  downright  murder  to  witness  those  brave  men, 
to  whom  fear  was  an  utter  stranger,  torn  from  home,  friends,  and 
associations  beyond  the  wide  Atlantic,  thus  driven  to  the  slaugh 
ter,  without  being  able  to  do  the  least  execution  upon  those 
against  whom  they  were  contending.  Again  they  pressed  on  to 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  535 

the  edge  of  the  ditch,  dug,  it  seemed,  for  the  grave  of  British  vet 
erans.  No  sooner  was  it  reached,  than  a  repetition  of  the  mur 
derous  discharge  sent  hissing  upon  them  the  same  messengers 
of  death.  Again  they  fell  in  heaps,  as  on  the  first  volley.  At 
this  time,  in  harmony  with  the  scene  around  him,  glancing  down 
at  the  awful  havoc  made  upon  the  foe,  then  encouraging  his  men, 
who  sent  up  loud  huzzas  as  he  rode  along,  JACKSON'S  countenance 
beamed  with  confident  hopes  of  victory.  Every  bullet  fired  took 
effect.  There  was  no  waste  of  ammunition  there.  The  Kentucky 
troops,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  were  stationed  behind  Car 
roll's  brigade,  in  the  center,  reloaded  the  guns  of  those  before 
them,  and  prevented  any  pause  in  the  firing.  No  troops  under 
heaven  could  have  withstood  such  a  fire.  The  whole  British  col 
umns  began  at  last  to  waver  and  fall  into  disorder.  At  this  junc 
ture,  General  Packenharn,  who  had  more  courage  than  prudence, 
more  bravery  than  generalship,  spurred  his  horse  straight  through 
the  confused  ranks  toward  the  breastwork.  Endeavoring  to  imi 
tate  his  example,  the  troops  for  a  few  moments  seemed  to  recover 
their  courage,  and  were  willing  to  make  another  charge  ;  but  the 
death  of  Packenham,  who  fell  pierced  with  several  balls,  cooled 
their  ardor.  Other  generals  took  his  place,  but  shared  the  same 
fate.  The  troops  now  broke,  and  fled  in  every  direction.  They 
at  length  reached  a  ditch  where,  being  met  by  Lambert  with 
reinforcements,  they  were  again  rallied  and  led  to  the  slaughter. 
As  they  advanced,  the  men  fell  in  heaps,  literally  covering  the 
ground  with  their  dead  bodies.  Kinnie,  who  led  this  last  and 
final  charge,  fell  dead  among  the  bodies  of  most  of  his  men. 
The  failure  of  this  last  effort  resulted  in  the  indiscriminate  flight 
of  the  British.  Driven  from  the  field  at  all  points,  they  sought 
shelter  in  a  ditch,  where  they  remained  till  night  set  in,  when 
they  retreated  through  the  darkness  to  their  ships  and  camp. 
Never  were  the  ravages  of  war  more  visibly  manifest  than  on 
the  ground  in  front  of  the  American  breastwork.  Bodies  heaped 
on  bodies,  torn  to  pieces  by  cannon-shot,  lay  there  within  the 
entire  range  of  the  American  guns.  News  of  the  defeat  flew  to 
the  city.  Shouts,  loud  and  prolonged,  rent  the  air,  and  general 
rejoicing  prevailed. 

The  morning  of  that  Sabbath  saw  British  warriors,  urged  on  by 
the  cry  of  "  beauty  and  booty,"  march  gallantly  to  the  contest. 
Evening  closed  over  the  scene,  and  found  the  very  men  in  whose 


536  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

homes  they  expected  to  feast  and  riot,  engaged  in  burying  them 
upon  the  field.  Such  are  the  fortunes  of  war.  The  British  came 
into  the  action  with  more  than  double  the  number  of  troops 
engaged,  than  those  on  the  side  of  the  Americans ;  yet,  the  loss 
of  the  former  was  near  two  thousand,  while  the  latter  lost  thirteen 
mon? — an  told !  Search  the  annals  of  the  world,  and  you  will 
never  find  such  an  instance.  Among  all  the  battle-fields  of  the 
world,  great  in  importance  though  they  may  have  been,  we  can 
not  find  one  where  better  generalship  was  displayed,  than  on  this 
occasion,  by  JACKSON.  On  the  other  hand,  the  British  generals, 
though  they  did  not  lack  bravery,  behaved  more  like  madmen  than 
men  versed  in  military  science.  Had  the  British,  instead  of  attack 
ing  JACKSON'S  stronghold,  taken  time  and  availed  themselves  of 
such  advantages  as  circumstances  may  have  developed,  they 
would  have  been  able,  at  least,  to  prevent  such  a  wholesale 
slaughter  of  their  troops,  if  not,  to  take  the  city.  The  victory  at 
New  Orleans  was,  in  one  sense,  the  close  of  the  war.  An  armis 
tice  was  immediately  entered  into,  and  the  British  went  on  board 
their  ships. 

JACKSON  now  made  his  triumphal  entry  into  the  city.  Never 
was  hero  received  with  higher  demonstrations  of  joy  and  regard. 
Bells  pealed  a  merry  welcome ;  smiling  maidens  dressed  in  robes 
of  white,  strewed  his  way  with  wreaths  and  flowers.  The  shouts 
of  the  people  rent  the  skies,  and  echoed  away  along  the  Missis 
sippi. 

Discontents  still  prevailed  among  some  narrow-minded  men,  in 
regard  to  the  city  being  placed  under  martial  law.  A  member 
of  the  Legislature,  named  Louallier,  had,  by  the  publication  of 
inflammatory  articles  in  the  Louisiana  Gazette,  endeavored  to 
excite  the  troops  to  insubordination.  This  elicited  the  just  dis 
pleasure  of  JACKSON,  who  had  him  arrested.  Louallier  im 
mediately  applied  to  Judge  Hall  for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  which 
was  issued.  Not  caring  for  his  writs,  JACKSON  had  the  judge 
arrested  also,  and  sent  from  the  city.  Hall,  soon  after,  being 
restored  to  his  official  capacity,  had  JACKSON  brought  before  him 
to  answer  the  charge  of  disobeying  the  writ.  Dressed  as  a  plain 
citizen,  the  general  promptly  appeared.  He  was  fined  a  thousand 
dollars,  which  the  people  determined  to  pay  themselves.  JACKSON 
would  not  accept  the  offer.  The  whole  sum,  with  interest,  was 
refunded  by  Congressional  enactment,  in  1844. 


ANDKEW    JACKSON.  537 

On  the  13th  of  February,  after  the  battle  of  New  Orleans, 
tidings  of  a  formal  peace,  concluded  with  Great  Britain  by  our 
ministers,  reached  JACKSON'S  head -quarters.  Again  war  had  ceased 
its  ravages  upon  our  young  and  growing  confederacy.  Again 
could  the  soldier  return  to  his  peaceful  avocation,  without  being 
disturbed  by  the  hostile  armies  and  fleets  of  foreign  power.  The 
troops  were  discharged,  and  with  victory  perched  upon  their  ban 
ners,  returned  to  their  respective  homes.  JACKSON  also  proceeded 
to  Nashville,  which  place  he  reached  in  May.  The  fame  of  the 
hero  of  New  Orleans  had  reached  every  extremity  of  the  country. 
He  was  everywhere  regarded  as  the  truest  representative  of  Ameri 
can  military  genius  and  skill.  The  reception  given  to  him  by 
the  warm-hearted  Tennesseeans,  was  a  spontaneous  exhibition  of 
the  high  esteem  in  which  he  Was  held  by  his  fellow-citizens. 
Addresses  of  welcome  were  delivered  in  the  city  of  Nashville, 
on  his  arrival  there,  and  other  demonstrations  of  popular  regard 
extended  to  him.  Receiving  these  with  heartfelt  gratitude,  he 
retired  to  his  home,  where,  surrounded  by  his  friends  and  uninter 
rupted  domestic  quiet,  he  enjoyed  that  repose  essential  to  his 
shattered  health. 

Legislatures  of  most  of  the  States  accorded  to  him  votes  of 
thanks  for  his  services,  while  the  National  Congress  appropriated 
a  gold  medal  as  a  token  of  public  respect  and  admiration.  In 
1815,  he  was  appointed,  in  the  place  of  Pinckney,  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  all  the  southern  forces  in  the  United  States.  After  re 
cruiting  his  health,  he  visited  the  city  of  Washington,  and  was 
everywhere,  on  his  route,  the  recipient  of  marked  esteem  and 
public  favor.  It  was  now  that  his  name  began  to  be  first  spoken 
of,  in  connection  with  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 
Combining  with  the  true  pre-requisites  of  an  able  military  man, 
executive  talents  of  the  highest  order,  he  was  urged  forward  for 
the  position.  Whatever  of  interest  he  may  afterward  have 
felt  in  regard  to  this,  it  is  perfectly  evident  that  he  was  quite 
indifferent  upon  the  subject  at  this  time.  Many  prominent 
politicians,  conspicuous  among  whom  was  Aaron  Burr,  urged  his 
claims  to  the  office.  This  wily  politician  was  anxious  to  have 
JACKSON  placed  before  the  people,  in  place  of  Monroe,  and  wrote 
thus  to  an  influential  man  of  South  Carolina r  "Nothing  is 
wanting  but  a  respectable  nomination  before  the  proclamation  of 
the  Virginia  caucus  and  JACKSON'S  success  is  inevitable.  JACKSON 


538  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

is  on  his  way  to  Washington.  If  you  should  have  any  confidential 
friend  among  the  members  of  Congress,  from  your  State,  charge 
him  to  caution  JACKSON  against  the  perfidious  caresses  with  which 
he  will  be  overwhelmed  at  Washington."  A  few  days  afterward, 
he  thus  wrote : 

"Things  are  wonderfully  advanced.  These  will  require  a  letter 
from  yourself  and  others,  advising  JACKSON  what  is  doing.  That 
communications  have  been  had  from  the  northern  States,  requiring 
him  only  to  be  passive,  and  asking  from  him  a  list  of  persons 
to  whom  you  may  address  your  letters."  These  letters  did  not 
reach  Governor  Alston,  the  person  to  whom  they  were  directed, 
until  too  late  to  secure  the  nomination  of  JACKSON  by  his  native 
State.  Alston,  therefore,  replied,  that  it  was  "too  late,  of  course, 
had  circumstances  been  ever  so  favorable  to  be  acted  upon  in  the 
manner  proposed.  I  fully  coincide  with  you  in  sentiment ;  but  the 
spirit,  the  energy,  the  health  necessary  to  give  practical  effect  to 
sentiment,  are  all  gone.  I  feel  too  much  alone,  too  entirely 
unconnected  with  the  world  to  take  much  interest  in  any  thing." 

Thus  it  appears,  that  the  tardy  action  of  his  friends  in  relation 
to  the  matter,  was  all  that  prevented  JACKSON  from  receiving  the 
State  nomination  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 
Matters  had  taken  quite  a  turn.  Fortune  was  evidently  smiling 
propitiously  upon  him.  Here  we  see  the  first  honors  of  a  great 
nation  being  heaped  upon  one  who,  on  his  first  introduction  to  the 
reader,  was  a  friendless  boy,  ordered  by  a  British  subordinate 
officer  to  black  his  boots. 

In  the  spring  of  1816,  JACKSON  visited  New  Orleans, — the 
scene  of  his  great  exploit,  and  was  received  with  every  demon 
stration  of  joy  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  city.  He,  soon  after, 
effected  a  treaty  with  the  Indians,  on  terms  highly  advantageous 
to  the  United  States.  In  these  transactions,  JACKSON  looked  into 
the  future,  when  teeming  with  a  numerous  population,  and  the 
varied  productions  of  a  prolific  soil,  the  United  States  would  re 
quire  considerable  territorial  expansion. 

He  was  not  destined  much  longer  to  enjoy  the  desired  repose 
of  domestic  life.  So  high  was  the  military  character  developed 
by  him,  both  in  the  Indian  and  the  British  wars,  that  whenever 
hostilities  were  manifest  from  any  quarter,  the  eye  of  the  nation 
was  sure  to  be  turned  to  him  as  the  person  best  fitted  to  lead  her 
armies  to  battle.  In  1818,  the  Seminole  Indians,  a  powerful  tribe, 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  539 

roaming  the  forests  of  Florida,  disregarding  treaty  regulations, 
began  to  perpetrate  many  annoyances  upon  the  southern  frontier. 
General  Gaines,  acting  under  instructions  of  the  government,  had 
erected  forts  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier,  and  succeeded  in 
partially  quelling  the  war-spirit  of  the  Indians.  The  benefits  of 
his  expedition,  however,  were  but  temporary.  The  command  of 
Lieutenant  Scott,  consisting  of  some  forty  men,  was  attacked  by 
the  Indians  at  Flint  Kiver,  and  almost  the  entire  party  butchered. 

Having  proper  authority  as  general-in-chief  of  all  the  southern 
forces,  JACKSON,  immediately  after  this  engagement,  mustered 
together  an  army  of  five  thousand  men,  and  marched  with  charac 
teristic  rapidity  toward  the  Seminole  villages  at  Mickisucky.  The 
Indians  fled  before  him,  leaving  their  houses.  These  he  burned 
to  the  ground,  and  pursued  his  course  toward  the  Spanish  post  of 
St.  Marks,  on  the  Appalache  bay,  in  Florida.  Here  he  captured 
some  British  and  Scotch  traders,  whom  he  suspected  of  having 
incited  the  Indians  to  open  hostilities,  and  had  them  placed  in 
close  confinement.  They  were  subjected  to  a  trial  by  court- 
martial,  condemned,  sentenced,  and  executed.  Learning  that  a 
large  body  of  Indian  warriors  had  assembled  at  Escumbia,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Pensacola,  he  pushed  rapidly  for  that  point, — took 
possession  of  the  latter  place,  and  posted  some  of  his  men  at  Fort 
Barrancas.  After  these  operations,  he  thus  wrote  the  Secretary  of 
War,  in  June,  1818:  "The  Seminole  war  may  now  be  con 
sidered  at  a  close.  Tranquillity  is  again  restored  to  the  southern 
frontier  of  the  United  States,  and  as  long  as  a  cordon  of  military 
posts  is  maintained  along  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  America  has 
nothing  to  apprehend,  either  from  foreign  or  Indian  hostilities. 
The  immutable  principles  of  self-defense  justified  the  occupancy 
of  the  Floridas,  and  the  same  principles  will  warrant  the  Ameri 
can  government  in  holding  it  till  such  time  as  Spain  can  guar 
antee,  by  an  adequate  military  force,  the  maintaining  of  her 
authority  within  the  colony." 

JACKSON  now,  having  brought  the  Seminole  war  to  a  successful 
close,  returned  to  Nashville,  Tennessee,  where  he  received  the 
renewed  congratulations  of  his  fellow-citizens.  The  resignation 
of  his  commission  in  the  army  immediately  followed.  During 
the  session  of  Congress  in  January,  1819,  he  revisited  Washing 
ton,  being  greeted  everywhere  in  his  route  by  the  same  demon 
strations  of  popular  appreciation.  The  manner  in  which  the  war 


540  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

in  Florida  was  prosecuted  became  a  matter  of  censorious  Con 
gressional  investigation.  His  having  wrested  from  Spain  some 
of  her  posts  and  fortifications,  was  construed  by  some  into  a  tran 
scendent  exercise  of  his  authority.  Resolutions  of  censure  were 
introduced  into  Congress,  but  failed  in  eliciting  sufficient  support 
to  effect  their  passage.  Though  this  debate  resulted  in  the  resto 
ration  to  Spain  of  her  conquered  posts,  the  conduct  of  JACKSON 
was  sustained  ?nd  vindicated  by  the  President  and  his  cabinet. 
JACKSON  was  subsequently  censured,  during  times  of  high  politi 
cal  excitement,  in  which  his  friends  largely  participated,  while  he 
was  before  the  country  for  the  suffrages  of  the  people  for  the 
highest  office  in  their  power  to  bestow.  The  employment  of 
bloodhounds  to  assist  in  finding  out  the  hiding-places  of  the  Indi 
ans  was  denounced  in  unmeasured  terms,  as  a  resort  worthy  only 
the  spirit  of  vandalism  practiced  upon  civilization  in  olden  times. 
These  accusations  never  resulted  to  the  permanent  injury  of  the 
fame  of  the  great  military  leader. 

When  he  was  commissioned,  as  the  commander  of  the  south 
ern  forces,  to  put  a  stop  to  the  ravages  of  frontier  warfare,  as 
such,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  official  capacity,  he  consulted  no  one 
as  to  the  best  method  of  procuring  the  desirable  result.  Proud 
and  self-reliant  as  a  military  leader,  he  saw,  almost  by  intuition, 
what  was  the  proper  course  to  pursue,  and,  though  a  rigid  discip 
linarian,  decisive  in  his  resolves  and  operations,  and,  to  some  ex 
tent,  careless  of  the  means  employed  to  insure  the  speedy  success 
of  his  campaigns,  the  accusation  that  he  was  inhuman,  either  to 
friend  or  foe,  is  contrary  to  the  tenor  of  his  whole  life,  in  direct 
conflict  with  his  highest  characteristics,  and  can  not  be  sustained 
from  the  record  of  his  acts  or  the  exhibitions  of  his  nature. 

Having  vindicated  himself  of  the  charges  preferred  against  him 
in  the  national  councils,  he  visited  Philadelphia,  New  York>  Bal 
timore,  and  other  great  commercial  cities  of  the  Union.  The  en 
thusiasm  with  which  he  was  everywhere  greeted,  attested  full 
well  his  great  worth  and  the  high  place  he  had  attained  in  the 
esteem  of  the  people. 

Accepting  the  governorship  of  Florida,  tendered  him  by  the 
President  in  June,  1821,  he  immediately  hastened  to  the  territory 
and  entered  upon  his  official  duties.  The  first  duty  he  had  to 
perform  was  the  imprisonment  of  the  Spanish  Governor  Callava, 
who,  refusing  to  deliver  the  papers  and  documents  pertaining  to 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  541 

the  office  to  JACKSON,  was  arrested  and  forced  to  submit  to  the 
demand.  Soon  as  the  papers  in  question  were  obtained,  he  was 
released  from  custody.  Four  months  embraced  the  entire  period 
of  his  incumbency  of  this  office.  The  situation  being  neither 
congenial  to  his  feelings  nor  affording  opportunity  of  doing  any 
great  service  for  his  country,  he  resigned  and  returned  to  Ten 
nessee.  In  1823  he  received  notification  of  his  appointment  by 
President  Monroe  as  Minister  to  Mexico.  This  not  being  the 
sphere  of  action  suited  to  his  bold,  imperious  nature,  he  peremp 
torily  declined.  Previous  to  this,  when  a  successor  to  James 
Monroe  to  the  Presidency  became  the  topic  of  exciting  considera 
tion,  JACKSON  was  put  forward  by  the  Tennessee  Legislature  as  a 
candidate.  This  was  in  1822.  Several  other  States  also  nomi 
nated  him  for  that  office.  In  the  fall  of  1823  he  was  elected  to 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  by  the  Legislature  of  Tennessee, 
and  took  his  seat  in  that  body  in  December  following.  Intensely 
democratic  as  he  was  in  national  measures,  JACKSON  had  never 
for  mere  partisan  purposes  acted  contrary  to  his  convictions  of 
right.  During  his  term  in  the  Senate,  the  tariff  of  1824  was  a 
question  of  considerable  moment.  JACKSON  was  friendly  to  the 
measure,  and  on  its  final  submission,  cast  his  vote  in  favor  of  it. 

The  contest  for  the  Presidency  in  1824  was  one  of  the  most 
exciting  ever  witnessed  in  the  country.  Adams,  JACKSON,  Clay 
and  Crawford  were  the  candidates.  JACKSON  received  ninety-nine 
electoral  votes,  Adams  eighty-four,  Crawford  forty-one,  and  Clay 
thirty-seven.  This  threw  the  election  into  the  House,  and  resulted 
in  the  bitterest  personal  and  political  animosities.  The  course 
pursued  by  Clay,  who  preferred  to  vote  for  Adams,  was  the  cause 
of  his  being  assailed  by  the  opposition  throughout  the  entire 
country  with  a  bitterness  unsurpassed  in  the  annals  of  political 
warfare.  By  a  long  life  of  usefulness  and  honor  to  his  country, 
Clay  triumphantly  vindicated  himself  from  the  charge  of  corrup 
tion  made  against  him  in  consequence  of  having  cast  his  vote 
for  Adams. 

JACKSON  now  retired  to  the  Hermitage  in  Tennessee,  where  he 
enjoyed  the  seclusion  of  his  quiet  homestead,  in  a  manner  that 
became  the  soldier,  the  civilian,  and  the  statesman.  Among  the 
pleasiDg  occurrences  of  this  retiracy  to  the  Hermitage,  was  the 
reception  of  Lafayette,  who  visited  the  United  States  in  1824. 
He  remained  at  the  home  of  JACKSON  for  some  time,  and  waa 


542  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

entertained  with  the  true  hospitality  of  a  noble  and  generous 
nature. 

At  the  succeeding  presidential  canvass,  JACKSON  was  again  put 
forward  as  a  candidate;  John  Quincy  Adams  being  the  oppo 
sition  candidate  for  re-election.  This  canvass  was  also  exciting. 
JACKSON  beat  his  competitor  by  a  very  large  popular  majority,— 
near  two  to  one.  About  this  period  he  lost  his  wife,  to  whom  he 
had  been  attached  by  the  strongest  conjugal  ties. 

Here  begins  a  new  era  in  the  life  of  ANDREW  JACKSON, — the 
eight  years  of  his  administration, — embracing  one  of  the  most  im 
portant  epochs  in  our  whole  political  history.  Though,  in  a 
work  like  this,  it  can  not  be  expected  that  we  should  give  in  detail, 
all  the  incidents  connected  with  his  administration,  we  shall 
endeavor  to  notice  its  leading  and  most  important  features.  That 
administration  has  become  history, — valuable,  instructive  political 
history  ;  worthy  the  careful  study  of  the  student  and  the  statesman. 
On  the  4th  of  March,  1829,  he  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office. 
He  was  conducted  to  the  Capitol  by  a  band  of  old  revolutionary 
soldiers.  He  made  the  following  brief  reply  to  an  address 
delivered  on  the  occasion  : 

"RESPECTED  FRIENDS: — Your  affectionate  addresses  awaken 
sentiments  and  recollections  which  I  feel  with  sincerity  and  cherish 
with  pride.  To  have  around  my  person  at  the  moment  of  under 
taking  the  most  solemn  of  all  duties  to  my  country,  the  companions 
of  the  immortal  Washington,  will  afford  me  satisfaction  and  grate 
ful  encouragement.  That  by  my  best  exertions  1  shall  be  able  to 
exhibit  more  than  an  imitation  of  his  labors,  a  sense  of  my  own 
imperfections  and  the  reverence  I  entertain  for  his  virtues,  forbid 
me  to  hope.  To  you,  respected  friends,  the  survivors  of  that 
heroic  band,  who  followed  him  so  long  and  so  valiantly  in  the 
path  of  glory,  I  offer  my  sincere  thanks,  and  to  Heaven  my 
prayers,  that  your  remaining  years  may  be  as  happy  as  your  toil 
and  your  lives  have  been  illustrious." 

He  now  retired  to  the  eastern  portico  of  the  Capitol,  where,  in 
the  presence  of  the  members  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  foreign 
ministers,  and  members  of  the  House,  he  delivered  his  inaugural 
address,  which  closed  in  the  following  language:  "It  will  be  my 
sincere  and  constant  desire  to  observe  toward  the  Indian  tribes 
within  our  limits,  a  just  and  liberal  policy,  and  to  give  that 
humane,  considerate  attention  to  their  rights  and  wants,  which  is 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  543 

consistent  with  the  habits  of  our  government  and  the  feelings  of 
our  people. 

"  The  recent  demonstrations  inscribe  on  the  list  of  executive 
duty,  in  characters  too  legible  to  be  overlooked,  the  task  of 'reform  ; 
which  will  require  particularly,  the  correction  of  those  abuses  that 
havejbrought  the  patronage  of  the  Federal  government  into  con 
flict  with  the  freedom  of  elections,  and  the  counteraction  of  those 
causes  which  have  distorted  the  rightful  course  of  appointment, 
and  have  placed,  or  continued  power  in  unfaithful  or  incompetent 
hands: 

"In  the  performance  of  a  task,  thus  generally  delineated,  I 
shall  endeavor  to  select  men  whose  diligence  and  talent  will 
insure  in  their  respective  stations,  able  and  faithful  co-operation, 
depending  for  the  advancement  of  the  public  service,  more  on  the 
integrity  and  zeal  of  the  public  officers  than  on  their  numbers. 

"  A  diffidence,  perhaps  too  just,  in  my  own  qualifications,  will 
teach  me  to  look  with  reverence  to  the  examples  of  public  virtue 
left  by  my  illustrious  predecessors,  and  with  veneration  to  the 
lights  that  flow  from  the  mind  that  founded,  and  the  mind  that 
reformed,  our  system.  The  same  diffidence  induces  me  to  hope 
for  instruction  and  aid  from  the  co-ordinate  branches  of  the  govern 
ment,  and  for  the  indulgence  and  support  of  my  fellow-citizens 
generally ;  and  a  firm  reliance  on  the  greatness  of  that  Power, 
whose  providence  mercifully  protected  our  national  infancy,  and 
has  since  upheld  our  liberties  in  various  vicissitudes,  encourages 
me  to  offer  up  my  ardent  supplications  that  he  will  continue  to 
make  our  beloved  country  the  object  of  his  divine  care  and 
gracious  benediction." 

On  the  conclusion  of  the  inaugural,  the  oath  of  office  was 
administered  by  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  and  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  administrations  of  this  or  any  other  government,  was 
ushered  in.  After  receiving  the  congratulations  of  friends  and 
citizens,  upon  his  accession  to  the  Presidency,  and  the  auspicious 
circumstances  that  surrounded  him  at  the  commencement  of  his 
executive  labors,  he  formed  his  cabinet. 

For  Secretary  of  State,  he  selected  Martin  Yan  Buren  of  New 
York  ;  for  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Samuel  Ingham  of  Pennsyl 
vania  ;  for  Secretary  of  War,  John  H.  Eaton  of  Tennessee ;  for 
Attorney-General,  John  McPherson  Berrien  of  Georgia;  for 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  John  Branch  of  North  Carolina.  The 


544  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

office  of  Postmaster-General,  was  now  created  a  cabinet  office, 
and  William  T.  Barry  of  Kentucky, — a  name  which  that  noble 
State  will  ever  love  to  cherish  and  venerate,  was  appointed  to  that 
position.     John  C.  Calhoun  presided  as  Yice-president  over  the 
Senate.     JACKSON,  in  the  selection  of  his  cabinet,  showed,  at  least, 
that  he  harbored  in  his  breast  no  feelings  of  bitterness  against  his 
opponents, — Yan   Buren,   the   Secretary  of  State,   and  Branch, 
Secretary  of  the  Navy, — both  having  been  warm  supporters  of 
Crawford  in  the  presidential  contest.     The  principle  however, 
indicated  in  the   selection   of  these  gentlemen  from  those  who 
opposed  his  election,  was  not  carried  out.     No  sooner  had  his 
cabinet  been  formed,  and  the  adjournment  of  the  Senate  taken 
place,  than  he  began  a  system  of  executive  proscription,  ruthless 
and  intolerant;     The  Capitol  swarmed  with  applicants  for  official 
station,  whose  claims  were  based  upon  no  other  consideration  than 
electioneering  services  rendered   during  the   campaign.     These 
were  quite  successful  in  their  designs.     Old  incumbents  were 
turned  adrift, — the  heads  of  departments  were  removed,  and  new 
office  seekers  substituted  in  their  stead.     Congress  had  adjourned, 
and   sustaining  himself  behind   the  broad   power   of  executive 
privilege,  he  managed  the  business  of  removal  and  appointment 
pretty  much    at   will.     Treasury   officers,   collectors,    attorneys, 
marshals,  diplomatists,  registers,  all  shared  alike  the  same  fate. 
Qualification  for  a  post  weighed  little  in  the  balance, — political 
proclivities,  controlled   the  whole  business.     During  the  Adams 
administration,  previous,  there  had  been  but  two  removals  from 
office;  during  the  entire  six  precedent  administrations,  there  had 
been  in  all  but  seventy -four  removals  from  office  ;  yet  JACKSON,  in 
the  exercise   of  his  executive  functions,  during   the  first  Con 
gressional  recess  found  occasion  to  make  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
six  new  appointments, — more  than  half  of  which  was  made  neces 
sary  by  his  removal  of  old  incumbents  !     Many  of  these,  too,  were 
conferred  upon  members  of  Congress,  against  the  appointment  of 
whom  to  office,  during  their  Congressional  terms,  JACKSON    had 
formerly  been  vehement   in   urging  a   constitutional   provision. 
This  prescriptive  policy  elicited  the  denunciation  of  the  people, — 
particularly  of  the  opposite  party.     He  was  defended  by  his  friends 
upon  the  ground  that  things  needed  change  and  amendment.    This, 
to  some  extent,  was  true.    There  had  been  frauds  and  defalcations 
detected  against  the  government  to  a  considerable  amount,  on  the 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  545 

part  of  high  officials;  but  still,  those  that  were  discovered,  were 
not  sufficient  to  justify  the  wholesale  removal  of  officers  who  had 
proved  faithful  in  the  discharge  of  every  duty,  merely  for  the 
purpose  of  making  room  for  political  favorites.  The  course  of 
our  executives  has  ever  been  subject  to  censorious  criticism, 
frequently  profusely  and  unjustly  heaped  upon  them.  The  bitter 
ness  of  partisan  faction,  has  had  much  to  do  with  loading  our 
chief  magistrates  with  undeserved  opprobrium.  At  the  same  time, 
however,  the  indiscriminate  removal  from  office  of  faithful  public 
servants,  because  they  may  chance  to  be  of  different  politics  from 
the  President, — a  procedure  which  may  be  properly  said  to  have 
first  been  inaugurated  with  the  commencement  of  JACKSON'S 
administration,  is  contrary  to  the  tenor  of  our  Republican  insti 
tutions,  and  justly  merits  the  disapprobation  of  good  citizens. 

Dissatisfaction  now  became  strongly  manifest  throughout  the 
country,  and  portended  the  difficulties  destined  to  be  encountered 
by  the  administration  of  JACKSON  for  the  ensuing  eight  years.  In 
no  department  of  the  government  coming  under  executive  regu 
lation,  was  this  prescriptive  policy  more  obviously  apparent,  than 
in  the  post-office  department.  Under  the  superintendence  of 
McLean,  that  department  had  given  almost  universal  satisfaction. 
His  removal,  and  the  substitution  of  Barry  in  his  place,  were  the 
initiatory  steps  to  the  numerous  changes  made  throughout  the 
entire  country.  According  to  postal  statistics,  carefully  formed 
at  the  time,  there  were,  it  appears,  near  five  hundred  post-masters 
removed  from  office  during  the  first  year  of  his  administration.* 

Though  JACKSON  had  been  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
and  had,  on  several  important  questions,  voted  affirmatively  with 
those  entertaining  the  idea  that  the  Federal  government  was 
empowered  by  the  Constitution,  to  regulate  manufactures,  revenues 
and  banks,  and  to  make  appropriations  for  purposes  of  internal 
improvement,  much  anxiety,  and  some  doubt  existed  in  the  public 
mind  as  to  the  course  he  would  pursue  in  his  administration. 
His  competitors  were  men  of  more  experience,  and  had  filled  a 
larger  space  in  political  life.  They  and  their  friends  were  dis 
posed  to  give  the  measures  of  the  new  President  a  fair  trial, 
and  await  the  development  of  events,  without  taking  positions 
hostile  to  him.  Elected  by  an  immense  majority,  upon  the 

*  American  Annual  Register.    "Williams. 


546  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

avowed  principle  of  national  reform,  and  his  own  high  personal 
popularity,  he  went  into  office  divested  of  all  coercive  restraints, 
free  to  carry  out  his  own  views.  Thus,  "  with  a  surplus  of  more 
than  five  millions  of  dollars  in  the  national  treasury,  the  country 
respected  abroad,  at  peace  with  all  the  world,  and  in  a  state  of 
unexampled  and  progressive  domestic  prosperity,"  JACKSON 
entered  upon  the  administration  of  the  government.  Congress, 
with  large  majorities  in  both  houses,  favorable  to  his  election, 
met,  December  7th,  1829,  and  organized  by  the  election  of 
Andrew  Stevenson  to  the  speakership.  The  President's  first 
annual  message,  though  one  of  conceded  ability,  embracing  an 
elaborate  review  of  foreign  relations,  the  condition  of  the  revenues, 
and  domestic  affairs  generally,  was  not  altogether  satisfactory  to 
his  friends  and  supporters  in  the  two  Houses.  In  this  message,  he 
touched  upon  the  subject  of  a  continuance  of  the  old  United 
States  Bank,  in  a  manner  that  indicated  the  course  he  would  likely 
pursue  in  regard  to  that  institution.  He  said : 

"  The  charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  expires  in  1836, 
and  its  stockholders  will  most  probably  apply  for  a  renewal  of 
their  privileges.  In  order  to  avoid  the  evils  resulting  from  pre 
cipitancy  in  a  measure  involving  such  important  principles  and 
such  deep  pecuniary  interests,  I  feel  that  I  can  not,  in  justice 
to  the  parties  interested,  too  soon  present  it  to  the  deliberate  con 
sideration  of  the  Legislature,  and  the  people.  Both  the  consti 
tutionality  and  the  expediency  of  the  law  creating  this  bank,  are 
well  questioned  by  a  large  portion  of  our  fellow-citizens ;  and  it 
must  be  admitted  by  all,  that  it  has  failed  in  the  great  end  of 
establishing  a  uniform  sound  currency. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  if  such  an  institution  is  deemed 
essential  to  the  fiscal  operations  of  the  government,  I  submit  to 
the  wisdom  of  the  Legislature,  whether  a  national  bank, — one 
founded  on  the  credit  of  the  government  and  its  revenues, — might 
not  be  devised,  which  would  avoid  all  constitutional  difficulties, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  secure  all  the  advantages  to  the  govern 
ment  and  country,  that  were  expected  to  result  from  the  present 
bank." 

JACKSON'S  friends  in  Congress,  became  early  arrayed  in  hostility 
to  the  policy  indicated  in  the  foregoing  extract,  and  a  want  of 
harmony  between  President  and  cabinet  soon  became  quite  mani 
fest  Among  the  first  acts  of  importance,  during  this  Congress, 


ANDEEW    JACKSON.  547 

was  the  passage  of  a  bill  regulative  of  duties  upon  woolens  im 
ported  into  the  country.  Considerable  dissatisfaction  existed 
in  regard  to  some  features  of  the  tariff  of  1828,  to  procure  a 
modification  of  which,  this  bill  was  passed.  The  subject  of  tariff 
monopolized  the  larger  portion  of  the  early  deliberations  of  this 
Congress,  and  bills  reductive  of  former  duties  upon  several  articles 
were  passed.  This  was  a  laborious  Congressional  term,  and  many 
important  subjects  became  matters  of  legislative  consideration. 
Thirty  thousand  dollars  were  appropriated  toward  putting  a  stop 
to  the  traffic  in  slaves:  tunnage  duties  were  regulated:  the 
collection  of  the  revenue  was  so  arranged  as  to  prevent  fraudulent 
practices :  the  office  of  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury  was  created : 
territorial  divisions  were  attended  to:  several  military  claims 
were  settled. 

On  the  29th  of  December,  1829,  the  celebrated  Foot  resolutions 
were  introduced  into  the  deliberations  of  Congress,  and  elicited 
one  of  the  most  talented  and  remarkable  debates  ever  witnessed 
in  the  Capitol.  Webster,  Hayne,  and  Benton,  towered  each  in 
all  their  native  sublimity  of  eloquence,  force,  and  logic.  Of  the 
incidents  connected  with  these  resolutions,  we  shall  speak  more 
fully  in  the  life  of  Daniel  Webster.  The  discussion  took  a  wide 
range,  embracing  the  great  question  of  State  rights  and  federal 
sovereignty,  and  touching  upon  the  principles  of  nullification. 
The  noble  and  patriotic  sentiments  so  eloquently  expressed  by 
Webster,  seem  to  have  been  indorsed  by  the  country,  and  though 
many  of  the  southern  people  held  to  their  favorite  doctrine  of 
State  rights,  they  were  subsequently,  in  his  nullification  message, 
sustained  by  JACKSON  himself. 

The  continued  removals  from  office  widened  the  breach  between 
President  and  cabinet,  and  the  national  Legislature  refusing  to 
confirm  many  of  the  nominations  of  the  Executive  by  votes  suffi 
ciently  heavy  to  convey  a  direct  censure  upon  his  course,  the  de 
struction  of  all  harmony  was  becoming  inevitable.  In  this  state 
of  things,  a  coolness  began  to  indicate  itself  between  JACKSON 
and  the  Vice-President,  John  C.  Calhoun.  The  friends  of  the 
latter,  indeed,  began  already  to  look  upon  him  as  the  successor 
to  the  first  honors  of  the  nation,  and  gathered  around  him,  not 
averse  to  the  continuance  of  the  rupture  between  him  and  the 
President.  While  the  star  of  Calhoun,  however,  seemed  rising 
to  success,  the  unsound  base  of  his  pretensions  gave  way,  hurling 
37 


548  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

him  down  and  dashing  forever  the  national  scepter  from  his 
grasp. 

In  the  investigation,  before  mentioned,  of  JACKSON'S  conduct 
in  the  Seminole  war,  it  was  alleged  that  Calhoun  had  proposed  to 
censure  the  General  for  the  capture  of  the  Spanish  posts.  A  let 
ter  containing  this  accusation  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  JACKSON, 
who,  astonished  that  the  Vice-President  should  pursue  such  a 
course,  immediately  transmitted  it  to  him,  demanding  an  expla 
nation.  Calhoun,  in  reply,  affirmed  that  he  regarded  the  capture 
of  the  Spanish  posts  as  a  transcendental  exercise  of  his  authority. 
An  open  rupture  between  the  two  was  the  result.  This  greatly 
hightened  the  inharmonious  feelings,  now  becoming  apparent 
at  the  seat  of  government. 

Nullification  early  became  a  subject  of  exciting  agitation. 
Opposed  to  the  tariff  of  1824  and  1828,  the  South  Carolina  del 
egation  in  Congress,  on  the  passage  of  the  latter  with  its  various 
modifications,  contemplated  the  resignation  of  their  seats.  But, 
changing  their  views,  they  determined  to  assail  the  tariff  system 
in  every  conceivable  form  of  hostility,  to  make  it  odious  to  the 
people.  In  accordance  with  this  idea,  they  issued  their  protest 
and  prepared  for  operations.  Nullification  was  now  rife,  and 
declarations  to  the  effect  that  Congress  had  no  constitutional 
power  to  pass  acts  regulating  domestic  manufactures  were  boldly 
made.  The  incidents  connected  with  the  nullification  spirit 
formed  one  of  the  most  important  topics  of  discussion  in  our 
entire  political  history.  For  more  elaborate  and  extended  re 
marks  upon  this  subject,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  life  of  that 
singular  combination  of  talent,  profundity,  and  statesmanship, 
John  C.  Calhoun. 

The  veto  of  two  bills  passed  by  Congress,  appropriating  mon 
eys  for  internal  improvements,  by  the  Executive,  created  great 
excitement  in  both  Houses,  and  convinced  the  people  that  he 
would  not  be  over-sensitive  in  the  exercise  of  executive  prerog 
ative.  These  bills  were  the  authorizing  of  subscriptions  to  the 
Maysville  and  Lexington  Eailroad  Company  and  to  the  Louis 
ville  and  Portland  Canal  Company. 

In  1830  our  foreign  affairs  received  a  due  meed  of  executive 
and  legislative  consideration. 

By  acts  passed  by  the  United  States  in  1818,  1820,  and  1823, 
such  commercial  restrictions  had  been  placed  upon  the  vessels  of 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  549 

Great  Britain  coming  into  our  ports,  that  the  former  power  was 
induced  to  establish  measures  excluding  all  intercourse  on  our 
part  with  her  colonial  possessions.  The  disadvantages  to  this 
country  from  these  proceedings  were  great,  and  McLean  was 
sent  as  Minister  to  England  for  the  purpose  of  obviating  them. 
He  was  instructed  to  propose  to  England,  on  the  part  of  his  gov 
ernment,  a  repeal  of  the  acts  of  1818,  1820,  and  1823,  if  she 
would  open  to  our  commerce  the  West  India,  Canada,  and  other 
colonial  ports.  This  mission  was  highly  successful.  The  entire 
colonial  trade  of  Great  Britain  was  opened  to  the  United  States, 
which  in  turn  declared  the  restrictive  acts  absolutely  repealed. 
Peaceful  and  prosperous  commercial  reciprocity  was  now,  in  one 
sense,  established  between  the  two  countries. 

This  was  followed  by  treaties  highly  important  to  this  govern 
ment,  concluded  with  Brazil,  Prussia,  Turkey  and  Denmark, — 
the  United  States  recovering  from  the  latter  over  a  half  million 
of  dollars  for  damages  previously  sustained  by  our  commerce. 

Congress  commenced  its  second  session  in  December,  1830, 
and  began  its  labors  with  the  trial  of  Judge  James  H.  Peck, 
impeached  at  the  instigation  of  one  Lawless,  who  alleged  that  he 
had  confined  his  (Lawless's)  person  contrary  to  authority.  He 
was  acquitted  by  a  majority  of  one  vote,  the  whole  number  cast 
being  forty-three. 

This  resulted  in  the  introduction  and  final  passage  of  a  bill 
regulative  of  the  judiciary  in  such  cases,  considerably  restricting 
the  power  of  the  courts. 

The  President,  in  his  message,  gave  his  reasons  for  vetoing  the 
bills  of  the  preceding  session  making  appropriations  for  internal 
improvement,  and  indicated  decided  hostility  to  that  kind  of 
legislation.  uThis  mode  of  aiding  such  works,"  said  he,  "is  in 
its  nature  deceptive,  and  in  many  cases  conducive  to  improvi 
dence  in  the  administration  of  the  national  government.  Appro 
priations  will  be  obtained  with  greater  facility  and  granted  with 
less  security  to  the  public  interest,  when  the  measure  is  thus  dis 
guised,  than  when  definite  and  direct  expenditures  of  money  are 
asked  for.  The  interests  of  the  nation  would  doubtless  be  better 
served  by  avoiding  all  such  indirect  modes  of  aiding  particular 
objects.  In  a  government  like  ours,  more  especially,  should  all 
public  acts  be,  as  far  as  practicable,  simple,  undisguised,  and 
intelligible,  that  they  may  become  fit  subjects  for  the  approbation 


550  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

or  animadversion  of  the  people.  The  bill  authorizing  a  subscrip 
tion  to  the  Louisville  and  Portland  Canal  affords  a  striking  illus 
tration  of  the  difficulty  of  withholding  additional  appropriations 
for  the  same  object  when  the  first  erroneous  step  has  been  taken, 
by  instituting  a  partnership  between  the  government  and  private 
companies.  It  proposes  a  third  subscription  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  when  each  preceding  one  was  at  the  time  regarded 
as  the  extent  of  the  aid  which  government  was  to  render  to  that 
work,  and  the  accompanying  bill  for  lighthouses,  etc.,  contains 
an  appropriation  for  the  survey  of  the  bed  of  the  river,  with  a 
view  to  its  improvement  by  removing  the  obstruction  which  tlie 
canal  is  designed  to  avoid.  This  improvement,  if  successful, 
would  afford  a  free  passage  of  the  river,  and  render  the  canal 
entirely  useless.  To  such  improvidences  is  the  course  of  legisla 
tion  subject  in  relation  to  internal  improvements  on  local  matters, 
even  with  the  best  intentions  on  the  part  of  Congress." 

These  views  encountered  bitter  hostility.  That  portion  of  the 
message  relating  to  the  subject  was  referred  to  a  special  commit 
tee,  who  brought  in  a  report  highly  condemnatory  of  his  posi 
tion.  The  friends  of  internal  improvement,  among  whom  were 
numbered  many  of  JACKSON'S  former  supporters,  went  bravely  to 
work.  Bills  making  appropriations  for  various  purposes  passed, 
notwithstanding  the  expressed  opposition  of  the  Executive,  by 
heavy  majorities, — sometimes  nearly  three  to  one.  This  decisive 
stand,  right  in  the  face  of  his  former  vetoes,  induced  the  Execu 
tive  to  regard  at  least  with  deference  the  acts  of  the  National 
Congress,  and  prevented  the  overthrow  of  the  policy  that  had 
long  been  looked  upon  as  settled  by  the  public  mind.  The  delib 
erations  of  the  second  session  of  the  Twenty-first  Congress  re 
sulted  in  the  regulation  of  the  copyright  law,  giving  to  authors  a 
term  of  twenty-eight  years,  with  the  right  of  renewal  for  one- 
fourth  of  that  time ;  the  regulation  of  revolutionary  pensions  and 
provision  for  superannuated  soldiers ;  provision  for  the  adjust 
ment  of  debts  contracted  during  Monroe's  official  term ;  appro 
priations  for  the  final  settlement  of  Indian  affairs ;  acts  liquid 
ating  the  claims  of  certain  public  debtors  ;  provision  for  the 
collection  of  duties  at  Cincinnati,  Pittsburg,  and  Nashville,  Ten 
nessee,  etc. 

Before  the  close  of  this  session  of  Congress,  the  breach  between 
JACKSON  and  Calhoun  had  widened,  and  the  bitterness  of  their 


ANDEEW    JACKSON.  551 

respective  friends  had  become  more  acrimonious.  The  publication 
of  the  correspondence  between  them,  that  occurred  in  regard  to  the 
Seminole  war,  gave  Calhoun  somewhat  the  advantage  in  the  con 
troversy,  and  detracted  considerably  from  the  influence  of  the  ad 
ministration.  JACKSON  refused  to  enter  into  cabinet  consultation 
with  his  constitutional  advisers  upon  matters  of  vital  national  in 
terest.  He  was  accused,  however,  with  being  influenced  by  a  com 
bination  of  petted  office-holders  in  his  appointments  and  on  many 
important  measures.  Opposition  to  his  administration  began  to 
assume  a  form  of  deadly  hostility  by  those  entertaining  different 
political  views.  He  was  persecuted  and  assailed  with  resentful 
perseverance.  His  alleged  office-holding  combination  was  de 
nounced  as  u  the  kitchen  cabinet"  while  in  regard  to  himself, 
names  of  the  worst  tyrants  of  ancient  times  were  sought  out  and 
placed  as  parallels.  In  the  midst  of  excitements  like  these,  can 
didates  for  the  ensuing  Presidential  term  began  to  be  talked  of. 
Though  JACKSON  had  often  declared  that  no  incumbent  should 
hold  the  office  for  a  longer  period  than  one  term,  and  had  sug 
gested  a  constitutional  amendment  to  that  effect,  he  was  not,  it 
now  became  apparent,  averse  to  engaging  in  a  second  canvass. 
The  friends  of  Calhoun  in  the  south,  and  those  of  Van  Buren  in 
the  north,  had  urged  the  claims  of  those  statesmen  to  the  succes 
sion,  and  were  no  little  chagrined  at  the  disposition  of  JACKSON 
to  permit  his  name  to  go  before  the  country  for  re-election.  JACK 
SON  was  re-nominated  in  February,  1830.  The  resignation  of  his 
entire  cabinet  followed,  and  created  no  small  stir  in  the  Demo 
cratic  ranks.  This  cabinet  dissolution  has  been  ascribed  to  a 
want  of  harmonious  social  intercourse  between  the  heads  of  the 
families  of  the  cabinet,  the  ladies  of  the  other  members  refusing 
to  recognize  on  terms  of  intimacy  the  wife  of  the  Secretary  of 
War. 

In  the  summer  of  1831,  a  new  cabinet  was  formed.  Edward 
Livingston  of  Louisiana  was  created  Secretary  of  State ;  Lewis 
McLean  of  Delaware,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  Lewis  Cass  of 
Ohio, — now  of  Michigan, — Secretary  of  "War;  Levi  Woodbury  of 
New  Hampshire,  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  Roger  B.  Taney, 
of  Maryland,  Attorney-General. 

A  large  number  of  the  people,  who  had  resolved  to  oppose  the 
re-election  of  Jackson  to  the  presidency,  had  determined  to  bring 
forward  the  name  of  Henry  Clay  in  contest.  This  combination 


552  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

favorable  to  Clay,  was  recognized  as  the  "National  Republican" 
party.  Their  proposed  standard  bearer  was  early  put  in  nomin 
ation  by  several  State  Legislatures,  and  a  general  convention  was 
called  at  Baltimore,  to  meet  on  the  12th  of  December,  1831. 
Political  anti-freemasonry,  growing  out  of  the  Morgan  affair,  had, 
in  the  meantime,  gathered  a  certain  degree  of  strength  in  the 
State  of  New  York,  and  was  gaining  ground  with  considerable 
rapidity.  This  party,  at  first  local,  but  having  drawn  to  its  sup 
port  many  able  politicians,  also  recommended  a  national  con 
vention  at  Baltimore,  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  a  presidential 
candidate.  They  were  to  meet  in  September.  They  met  and 
nominated  William  Wirt  as  their  candidate.  Affairs  were  in  this 
condition  at  the  convention  of  the  Twenty-second  Congress, 
December  5th,  1831.  The  majorities  in  both  Houses  were  largely 
administration  men,  though  their  candidate  for  speaker,  Andrew 
Stevenson,  was  elected,  after  numerous  close  ballotings,  by  a 
majority  of  only  two  votes. 

The  first  action  of  the  Senate  was,  on  the  confirmation  of  Yan 
Buren's  appointment  as  Minister  to  England.  His  name  was 
sent  in  by  the  President.  After  lengthy  deliberation  with  closed 
doors,  he  was  rejected  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice-president, 
whoso  apology  for  his  course  was  the  alleged  agency  of  the  candi 
date  in  breaking  up  the  old  cabinet. 

By  the  representative  apportionment,  according  to  the  census 
of  1830,  tfye  western  States  had  acquired  an  unjustifiable  pre 
ponderance  of  influence.  This  matter  came  up  for  early  consider 
ation.  It  was  referred  to  a  committee,  of  which  James  K.  Polk 
was  chairman.  He  presented  a  report,  fixing  the  representation 
at  forty-eight  thousand  ;  after  protracted  debates,  and  the  change 
of  the  report  to  forty-seven  thousand  seven  hundred,  it  passed  and 
became  a  law. 

The  renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  United  States  Bank,  which 
was  to  expire  in  1836,  was  one  of  the  most  exciting  political 
questions  that  ever  agitated  the  public  mind.  This  session  of 
Congress  brought  it  before  the  people  in  all  its  multifarious 
bearings.  JACKSON,  as  we  have  shown,  indicated,  in  his  first 
annual  message,  the  course  he  should  pursue  in  regard  to  the 
application  of  its  stockholders  for  a  new  charter.  In  his  message 
to  this  Congress  he  was  still  more  explicit  in  this  avowed  hostility, 
and  set  forth  his  reasons  in  language  not  to  be  mistaken.  His 


ANDREW    JACKSON.   .  553 

recommendation  of  banks  based  upon  the  public  funds,  was 
received  with  surprise  by  Congress.  Benton  asked  leave,  early 
in  the  session,  to  bring  in  a  bill  opposing  the  re-charter  of  the  Bank, 
Permission  was  refused  by  a  vote  of  twenty-three  ayes,  to  thirty 
nays.  These  efforts  of  the  opposition  to  the  Bank  did  not,  in  the 
least,  depreciate  the  value  of  its  stock,  though  both  the  Executive 
and  his  adherents  continued  to  reiterate  their  objections.  The 
presentation  of  a  memorial  to  Congress  by  the  stockholders,  and 
tbose  friendly  to  the  renewal  of  the  charter,  submitting  the  matter 
thus  to  consideration,  produced  immediate  disputes  between  the 
friends  of  the  administration  and  those  of  the  Bank  ;  the  former 
affirming  that  it  was  an  inopportune  introduction  of  the  measure 
before  they  were  prepared  to  act, — the  latter  persisting  in  a  course 
deemed  essential  to  the  protection  of  its  interests.  The  memo 
rial  praying  a  renewal  elicited  grave  consideration.  It  was  referred 
to  a  select  committee,  composed  of  men,  eminent  for  their  talents 
and  influence.  Early  in  March,  they  reported,  urging  some 
changes,  but  little  restricture  of  the  operations  of  the  Bank,  and 
recommended  a  renewal  of  the  charter  for  a  period  of  fifteen  years. 
It  was  in  this  state  in  the  Senate,  when  it  was  resolved  to  await 
the  action  of  the  lower  House.  Here  the  contest  came  up  in  all 
the  heat  and  bitterness  of  political  rivalry.  The  memorial  was 
presented  by  McDuffie  of  South  Carolina.  It  was  referred  to  the 
committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  which  reported  in  favor  of  a  re 
newal  of  the  charter.  Early  in  May  the  subject  came  up  in  the 
Senate,  and  was  discussed  with  marked  ability  in  all  its  bearings. 
After  various  modifications  and  amendments,  the  bill  for  the 
renewal  passed  by  a  majority  of  eight  votes.  It  passed  the  lower 
House  on  the  30th  of  June,  by  a  majority  of  twenty-two.  It 
was  now  forwarded  to  the  President  for  approval  or  rejection. 
On  the  10th  of  July  the  bill  was  returned  with  the  President's 
veto.  The  veto  message  was  quite  elaborate, — setting  forth,  in 
detail,  his  reasons  for  the  course  pursued.  After  summing  up 
the  reasons  why  he  withheld  his  signature,  he  closed  as  follows : 
"  I  have  now  done  my  duty  to  my  country.  If  sustained  by 
my  fellow-citizens,  I  shall  be  grateful  and  happy;  if  not,  I  shall 
find,  in  the  motives  which  impel  me,  ample  ground  for  content 
ment  and  peace.  In  the  difficulties  which  surround  us  and  the 
dangers  which  threaten  our  institutions,  there  is  cause  for  neither 
dismay  nor  alarm.  For  relief  and  deliverance,  let  us  firmly  rely 


554  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

on  that  kind  Providence,  which  I  am  sure,  watches  with  peculiar 
care  over  the  destinies  of  our  Kepublic,  and  on  the  intelligence 
and  wisdom  of  our  countrymen.  Through  His  abundant  good 
ness,  and  their  patriotic  devotion,  our  liberty  and  union  will  be 
preserved." 

This  veto,  though  its  effects  were  favorable  to  JACKSON'S  popu 
larity  in  some  sections  of  the  country,  drew  upon  him  the  severest 
censure.  The  State  of  Pennsylvania  was  particularly  denunci 
atory  of  what  they  termed  usurpational  exercise  of  prerogative. 
A  very  large  meeting  convened  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and 
passed  a  number  of  condemnatory  resolutions ;  among  others,  one 
to  the  effect  that  they  would  "use  all  honorable  and  lawful  means 
to  prevent  the  re-election  of  ANDREW  JACKSON  to  the  presidency." 

Next,  as  a  matter  of  legislative  action,  followed  the  subject  of 
the  public  lands.  Bibb  of  Kentucky,  proposed  a  bill  reducing 
the  price  fixed  upon  the  public  domain.  Here  Henry  Clay  was 
unpleasantly  involved.  An  aspirant  to  the  presidency,  and 
chairman  of  the  committee  of  Manufactures,  it  devolved  on  him 
to  bear  the  brunt  of  satisfactory  settlement.  The  public  lands, 
consisting  of  large  territorial  areas  acquired  from  the  old  Atlan 
tic  States,  Louisiana,  and  the  Floridas,  and  acquisitions  from  the 
Indians,  were  originally  designed  to  settle  the  old  revolutionary 
war  debt,  and  for  educational  purposes.  To  make  such  provision 
for  their  disposition  as  would  be  mutually  satisfactory  to  the  old 
Atlantic  States  and  the  interests  of  the  growing  West  now  de 
volved  on  the  committee  on  Manufactures. 

Clay,  by  one  of  those  master-strokes  of  statesmanship  charac 
teristic  of  him,  not  adopting  either  of  the  propositions  submit 
ted  for  consideration, — the  reduction  of  the  price  of  the  lands, 
and  their  cession  to  the  several  States, — elaborated  his  scheme  for 
the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands. 

During  this  session  of  Congress,  the  subject  of  internal  im 
provement  came  up,  in  the  shape  of  several  bills  passed  by  the 
two  Houses,  making  appropriations.  Contrary  to  the  expecta 
tions  of  many,  two  of  these  received  the  signature  of  the  Presi 
dent,  though  the  harbor  bill  was  postponed  till  the  next  session. 

The  tariff  question  again  presented  itself  for  consideration. 
After  several  reports,  amendments,  and  modifications,  a  bill  was 
agreed  upon  reductive  of  former  duties,  and  admissive  of  the 
protective  principle.  Contrary  to  anticipation,  South  Carolina 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  555 

was  not  satisfied  with  this  measure.  The "  people  of  that  State 
met  in  convention,  and  denounced  the  acts  of  the  federal  govern 
ment  in  unmeasured  terms.  Here  followed  the  long  train  of  evils 
engendered  by  the  tariff  question,  and  the  assumptions  of  that 
State  of  the  right  to  declare  null  and  void  the  acts  of  the  national 
government.*  In  the  midst  of  these  nullification  troubles  in  the 
South,  a  subject  of  considerable  moment  presented  itself  in  the 
North.  This  was  the  Maine  boundary  question.  The  settlement 
of  our  north-eastern  boundary  had,  by  treaty  stipulation,  been 
submitted  for  arbitrament  to  the  king  of  the  Netherlands.  Over 
looking  the  point  of  dispute  entirely,  he  proposed  a  new  bound 
ary  highly  advantageous  to  Great  Britain.  Our  Minister  justly 
objected  to  this  as  being  beyond  his  authority,  and  while  England 
was  insisting  upon  the  enforcement  of  the  decision,  entered  an 
emphatic  protest.  The  State  of  Maine,  disdaining  the  interfer 
ence  by  treaty  or  otherwise,  with  her  long-established  geograph 
ical  outlines,  would  not  consent  to  the  decision.  On  account  of 
some  of  the  citizens  taking  part  in  the  election  of  a  representa 
tive  on  that  side  the  line  awarded  by  the  arbiter  to  Great  Britain 
they  were  thrown  into  confinement.  This  raised  the  indignation  of 
the  State,  and  measures  were  taken  to  protect  themselves.  The 
administration  now  proposed  a  purchase  from  the  State  of  Maine 
of  the  disputed  territory,  and  preliminary  steps  were  taken  to  ac 
complish  the  object.  Massachusetts  was  a  party  to  the  dispute, 
also  claiming  the  territory,  and  it  was  recommended  that  the 
transaction  should  be  fully  laid  open  to  the  governor  of  that 
State.  Upon  the  assertion  that  much  of  the  transaction  was  of  a 
confidential  nature,  the  State  of  Maine  refused  to  furnish  the  cor 
respondence  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts.  That  State,  there 
fore,  refused  to  become  a  party  to  negotiations  in  which  matters 
of  leading  interest  were  withheld  from  her  knowledge.  In  this 
shape  the  matter  came  before  the  Senate,  and  the  President  was 
instructed,  by  formal  vote,  to  enter  upon  new  negotiations. 

The  reciprocal  commercial  privileges  established  between  the 
British  colonies  and  this  country  did  not  result  so  advantageously 
to  us,  as  might  have  been  imagined. 

By  the  imposition  of  heavy  and  unequal  duties  upon  shipping 
commodities,  American  commerce  was  almost  wholly  withdrawn 

»  See  Life  of  John  C.  Calhoun. 


556  ANDKEW    JACKSON. 

from  their  ports,  while  England  continued  to  carry  on  hers  under 
a  system  of  discriminate  duties,  against  which  we  could  not 
compete. 

Our  foreign  affairs,  in  the  aggregate,  however,  during  JACKSON'S 
administration,  were  managed  with  ability  and  decision.  A 
treaty  during  the  year  1831,  regulative  of  boundary  and  com 
merce,  was  concluded  with  Mexico.  Treaties  were  also  con 
cluded  with  France,  Austria,  Turkey  and  Naples,  on  terms 
highly  advantageous  to  the  United  States.  The  principal  feature 
in  the  treaty  with  France  was  the  indemnity  of  the  United  States 
for  losses  sustained  by  our  commerce.  Such  was  also  the  case 
with  Naples.  During  the  foolish  reign  of  the  unfortunate  Murat, 
sad  depredations  had  been  sustained  at  their  hands.  Restitution 
was  demanded,  and  this  treaty  resulted  in  a  guarantee  to  pay  to 
the  United  States  the  sum  of  one  million  seven  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  dollars.  Thus  JACKSON'S  first  administration 
drew  to  a  close,  leaving  the  country  in  a  state  of  great  pros 
perity,  which  the  friends  of  the  President  were  not  slow  to  attrib 
ute  to  the  manner  in  which  his  duties  had  been  discharged.  The 
thoughts  of  the  nation  were  now  turned  to  the  choice  of  his  suc 
cessor.  The  Anti-masons,  as  before  mentioned,  nominated  Win. 
Wirt.  Those  opposed  to  the  administration  met  in  convention  at 
Baltimore,  and  nominated  Henry  Clay  for  President  and  John 
Sargent  for  Yice-President.  In  May,  1832,  the  administration 
party  met  in  large  and  enthusiastic  convention  at  the  same  place. 
JACKSON  received  the  nomination  without  dissent.  Martin  Yan 
Buren  was  put  on  the  ticket  for  Yice-President  with  great  una 
nimity. 

Thus  the  contest  opened  warmly  enough.  Calhoun  and  his 
friends,  though  alienated  from  the  administration  and  somewhat 
disappointed  at  not  being  considered  in  the  nominating  conven 
tion,  could  not  support  the  Clay  ticket.  While  the  Anti-masonic 
party,  eschewing,  to  a  great  extent,  every  political  question,  could 
not  unite  with  either.  A  well-organized  combination  of  the 
friends  of  Clay,  Calhoun,  and  the  Anti-masonic  party,  might 
have  had  some  chance  of  beating  JACKSON.  This  canvass  was  a 
virtual  submission  to  the  people  for  indorsement  of  the  measures 
of  the  precedent  administration.  His  views  upon  banks,  internal 
improvements,  tariffs,  and  the  public  lands,  were  well  known,  and 
before  the  country.  No  document  from  any  executive,  perhaps, 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  557 

was  even  more  extensively  circulated  than  was  his  veto  message. 
The  Bank  of  the  United  States,  therefore,  figured  conspicuously 
during  the  canvass,  and  on  that  subject,  so  far  as  JACKSON'S  views 
were  concerned,  there  could  be  no  mistake.  His  election,  there 
fore,  would  be  a  rejection  of  the  bank,  compared  to  which,  the 
highest  kingly  prerogative  sinks  into  insignificance.  The  result 
was,  that  JACKSON  was  re-elected  by  a  larger  electoral  vote,  but 
not  so  large  a  popular  one  as  cast  for  him  in  1828.  He  received 
two  hundred  and  nineteen,  Clay  forty-nine,  Wirt  seven.  Thus, 
for  four  years  more,  he  was  chosen  to  preside  over  the  destinies 
of  a  country,  whose  battles  he  had  fought  so  bravely,  and  whose 
civic  affairs  he  had  endeavored  to  administer  patriotically. 

Congress  met  in  December,  1832.  Hugh  Lawson  White,  of 
Tennessee,  was  chosen  speaker.  Tariff  and  nullification  early 
occupied  the  attention  of  Congress.  On  the  communication  of  the 
ordinance  of  Nullification  by  the  President,  it  became  the  all- 
absorbing  topic  of  discussion.  In  the  debates  that  followed,  John 
C.  Calhoun  bore  a  conspicuous  part,  and  vindicated  his  gallant 
State  from  the  charges  of  treason  and  bad  faith  in  a  masterly 
manner.  After  long  and  animated  discussions  upon  the  tariff, 
Clay  came  forward,  as  the  great  pacificator,  with  his  compromise 
tariff,  which,  meeting  the  views  of  Calhoun  and  the  opposition, 
passed  the  House,  and  resulted  in  a  final  adjustment.  This  wise 
measure  passed  the  House  by  a  majority  of  thirty-four,  and  the 
Senate,  by  a  majority  of  thirteen.  It  received  the  signature  of  the 
President,  and  became  a  law  in  March,  1833. 

The  leading  and  most  important  measures  touched  upon  by  the 
President  in  his  annual  message,  were  the  removal  of  the  deposits, 
and  the  sale  of  the  United  States  Bank  stock.  The  capital  and 
excess  of  funds  belonging  to  the  bank  amounted  to  over  forty-two 
millions  of  dollars.  These  subjects  were  referred  to  a  committee, 
who  reported  that  they  considered  the  deposits  safe  in  the  custody 
of  the  bank.  Resolutions  were  immediately  adopted  against  their 
removal,  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  nine  ayes  to  forty-six  nays. 

The  investigation  of  this  subject  was  followed  by  appropriations 
for  internal  improvement  purposes, — rivers,  harbors,  roads,  etc. 
These  acts  and  some  minor  legislation,  closed  the  first  adminis 
trative  term  of  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

He  entered  upon  the  duties  of  chief  Executive  a  second  time,  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1833.  Our  foreign  affairs  were  in  a  condition 


558  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

highly  prosperous.  Treaties  of  commerce  and  reciprocity  for 
merly  concluded  with  the  principal  European  powers,  seemed  to 
be  complied  with,  and  all  things  indicated  a  peaceful  official 
term. 

Nullification  had  subsided  in  the  south, — the  partisan  heat, 
incident  to  an  exciting  campaign,  had  ceased  to  agitate  the  public 
mind,  and  every  thing  indicated  a  state  of  tranquillity  in  public 
affairs.  This,  however,  was  but  a  calm  that  preceded  the  impend 
ing  storm.  The  subject  of  the  removal  of  the  deposits  early  came 
up.  The  law  by  which  the  bank  was  chartered  in  1816,  required 
that  the  public  moneys  should  remain  in  the  vaults  of  the  insti 
tution,  but  provided  that  they  might  be  removed  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  upon  his  giving  Congress  satisfactory  reasons  for 
such  a  course. 

On  JACKSON'S  refusal  to  sanction  a  re-charter  of  the  bank,  he 
determined  to  effect  the  removal  of  the  deposits.  Louis  McLean, 
the  acting  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  being  opposed  to  the  re 
moval  of  the  deposits,  was  transferred  to  another  department  of 
the  government,  and  William  Duane  was  appointed  in  his  stead. 
He  soon  learned  that  Duane  was  also  opposed  to  the  measure. 
That  gentleman  declaring  explicitly  that  he  would  not  remove 
them  without  instructions  from  Congress  to  that  effect,  he  was 
removed,  and  Roger  B.  Taney  appointed  in  his  place.  In  this 
gentleman,  the  President  found  a  ready  instrument  for  carrying 
out  his  measures.  Assuming  the  responsibility  with  an  inde 
pendence,  worthy  the  greatest  civic  or  military  hero,  he  had 
the  deposits  removed  from  the  custody  of  the  bank.  Frightful 
commercial  distress  and  monetary  depression  followed,  and  the 
prostration  of  public  and  private  credit  seemed,  for  a  time, 
inevitable.  The  whole  country  was  intensely  excited, — the  bank 
and  the  removal  of  the  deposits  formed,  everywhere,  a  theme 
of  discussion  and  animadversion. 

The  Twenty-third  Congress,  though  a  majority  were  adminis 
tration  men,  presented,  in  their  deliberations,  the  most  exciting 
scenes.  That  part  of  the  President's  message  relating  to  the  all- 
absorbing  topic,  was  deemed  highly  unsatisfactory,  while  the 
Secretary's  report,  setting  forth  the  reasons  for  the  step,  elicited 
the  severest  censure. 

The  distresses  prevailing  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  were 
followed  by  numerous  memorials  and  petitions  to  the  President 


ANDKEW    JACKSON.  559 

from  merchants  and  manufacturers,  praying  a  re-charter  of 
the  institution,  or  some  species  of  relief.  His  invariable  and 
characteristic  reply  to  these  numerous  applications  was  :  "that  the 
government  could  give  no  relief  and  provide  no  remedy ;  that  the 
banks  were  the  occasion  of  all  the  evils  which  existed,  and  that  those 
who  suffered  by  their  great  enterprise,  had  none  to  blame  but  them 
selves  ;  that  those  who  traded  on  borrowed  capital  ought  to  break." 

This  continued  the  theme  of  Congressional  discussion  through 
the  entire  winter.  Early  in  April,  resolutions  passed  the  House 
to  the  effect  that  the  old  bank  ought  not  to  be  re-chartered, 
and  that  the  deposits  ought  not  to  be  returned  to  its  vaults.  The 
first  of  these  resolutions  passed  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  aiid 
thirty-two  ayes  to  eighty-two  nays, — the  second,  by  a  vote  of 
one  hundred  and  eighteen  ayes  to  one  hundred  and  thirteen  nays. 

The  first  session  of  the  Twenty-third  Congress  was  long  and 
arduous.  Beside  legislation  upon  matters  of  secondary  im 
portance,  the  coinage  of  the  United  States  was  regulated ;  renewed 
appropriations  were  made  for  the  improvement  of  rivers  and 
harbors  ;  for  the  Koad  from  Little  Rock,  Arkansas,  to  Memphis, 
Tennessee, — also  the  Cumberland  Eiver  road,  and  extending  high 
ways  through  Michigan. 

The  books  and  papers  belonging  formerly  to  General  Washing 
ton,  were  also  bought  by  legislative  enactment,  during  this  session 
of  Congress.  The  second  session  commenced,  December  1st,  1834. 
This  was  a  brief  and  comparatively  an  unimportant  session. 
Acts  were  passed  regulative  of  the  mints,  providing  surveys  and 
post  roads,  and  in  reference  to  the  deposits  in  the  various  State 
banks  to  which  they  had  been  transferred.  This  Congress  closed 
its  deliberations  on  the  3d  of  March,  1835. 

It  was  thought  by  many,  at  this  time,  that  JACKSON  would 
resign  the  presidency  in  favor  of  Van  Buren.  Whether  he  ever 
designed  such  a  course  is  more  improbable  than  a  matter  of 
question.  He  favored  Van  Buren's  claims  to  the  succession,  and 
so  expressed  himself  as  early  as  January,  1835,  but  the  idea  of 
resigning  his  high  trust  before  the  expiration  of  his  official  term, 
he  never,  for  a  moment,  seriously  entertained.  Yan  Buren,  it 
finally  became  evident,  would  be  the  candidate  for  the  ensuing 
canvass.  Many  of  the  Democrats  in  the  south  were  favorable  to 
the  election  of  Hugh  Lawson  White, — a  senator  of  high  reputation 
from  the  State  of  Tennessee.  He  was  nominated  by  the  States  of 


560  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

Alabama  and  Tennessee  in  January,  1835.  On  the  assemblage 
of  the  Democratic  National  Convention  at  Baltimore,  in  May, 
1835,  Van  Buren  was  nominated  by  acclamation,  as  a  candidate 
for  the  presidency,  and  Kichard  M.  Johnson  of  Kentucky  for 
the  Vice-Presidency.  Among  the  names  for  the  same  office  on 
the  part  of  the  opposition,  were  Daniel  Webster,  William  Henry 
Harrison,  and  John  McLean.  The  Twenty-fourth  Congress  met, 
December  7th,  1835,  and  organized  by  electing  James  K.  Polk 
to  the  speakership. 

With  the  exceptions  of  our  relations  with  France,  our  foreign 

A  affairs  were  still  in  a  promising  condition.  That  power  having 
failed  to  pay  the  first  installment  of  the  indemnity  agreed  upon  in 
former  treaty  stipulations,  involved  us  in  an  unpleasant  position, 
and  induced  the  President  to  recall  our  minister  from  the  court, 
until  a  different  attitude  was  assumed  by  the  delinquent. 

The  Distribution  act,  as  it  was  termed,  was  the  most  important  of 
the  session.  Except  some  five  millions  of  dollars,  it  provided  that 
all  the  money  in  the  treasury  should,  on  the  first  day  of  January, 
1837,  be  deposited  with  the  several  States  according  to  their 
representation  in  Congress, — the  deposits  to  be  made  in  quarterly 
amounts.  It  passed  the  Senate, — ayes  thirty-nine,  nays  six, — 
House,  ayes  one  hundred  and  fifty-five,  nays  thirty-eight.  A  bill 
for  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the  public  lands 
also  passed,  by  a  majority  of  five  votes.  A  law,  regulative  and 
protective  of  patents,  and  patent  rights,  was  also  passed  at  this 
session.  Michigan  and  Arkansas  were  admitted  as  States  into 
the  Union. 

The  suspension  of  the  National  Bank,  induced  the  legislatures 
of  the  several  States  to  charter  State  banks,  and  soon  a  general 
system  of  banking,  beyond  the  restraints  of  national  law,  was 
prevailing  all  over  the  the  Union.  A  speculative  spirit  in  stocks 
and  public  lands,  soon  became  widely  manifest.  It  was  this  land 
speculative  mania,  and  the  hazardous  issues  of  these  new  banks 
given  in  payment,  that  induced  Thomas  H.  Benton  to  bring  in  a 
bill  providing  that  nothing  but  specie  should  be  taken  in  payment 
for  the  public  lands,— hence  the  name,  "  Old  .Bullion  "  identified 
that  veteran  statesman  through  life. 

At  the  presidential  election,  Yan  Buren  was  elected  by  a 
majority  of  forty-six  votes,  over  all  the  candidates  opposed  to  him. 
Harrison  received  seventy-three,  White  twenty-six,  Webster  four- 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  55} 

teen,  Mangum  eleven  votes,  making  a  total  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty-four,  while  Yan  Buren  received  one  hundred  and  seventy. 
Johnson  was  elected  Yice-President  by  a  good  majority. 

The  second  session  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Congress  commenced 
December  5th,  1836.  Few  acts  of  interest  came  up  for  deliber 
ation:  The  expunging  resolutions,  offered  by  Benton,  formed  the 
most  exciting  theme  of  controversy.  The  expunging  resolutions 
passed  by  a  vote  of  twenty-four  to  nineteen,  though  much  warm 
discussion  took  place  before  their  final  passage.  To  protect  the 
finance,  a  bill  passed  both  Houses  this  session,  limiting  the  re 
ceivable  revenues  of  the  United  States.  This  bill,  was  retained 
by  the  President  until  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  which 
was  equivalent  to  its  veto.  This  was  the  last  act  of  JACKSON'S 
political  life. 

He  left  the  high  position  to  which  he  had  been  twice  honored, 
when  the  country  was  in  a  state  of  great  prosperity  and  develop 
ment.  "  You  have,"  says  he  in  his  farewell  address  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  on  the  occasion  of  his  retirement,  "  no 
longer  cause  to  fear  danger  from  abroad ;  your  strength  and 
power  are  well  known  throughout  the  civilized  world,  as  well  as  the 
high  and  gallant  bearing  of  your  sons.  It  is  from  within,  among 
yourselves,  from  cupidity,  from  corruption,  from  disappointed 
ambition  and  inordinate  thirst  for  power,  that  factions  will  be 
formed  and  liberty  endangered.  It  is  against  such  designs, 
whatever  disguise  the  actors  may  assume,  that  you  have  especially 
to  guard  yourselves.  You  have  the  highest  of  human  trusts 
committed  to  your  care.  Providence  has  showered  on  this 
favored  land,  blessings  without  number,  and  has  chosen  you  as  the 
guardians  of  freedom,  to  preserve  it  for  the  benefit  of  the  human 
race.  May  He  who  holds  in  his  hands  the  destinies  of  nations, 
make  you  worthy  the  favors  he  has  bestowed,  and  enable  you  with 
pure  hearts  and  pure  hands,  and  sleepless  vigilance,  to  guard  and 
to  defend  to  the  end  of  time,  the  great  charge  he  has  committed 
to  your  keeping. 

"  My  own  race  is  nearly  run ;  advanced  age  and  failing  health 
warn  me  that,  before  long,  I  must  pass  beyond  the  reach  of  human 
events,  and  cease  to  feel  the  vicissitudes  of  human  affairs.  I 
thank  God  that  my  life  has  been  spent  in  a  land  of  Liberty,  and 
that  he  has  given  me  a  heart  to  love  my  country  with  the  affec 
tion  of  a  son.  And  filled  with  gratitude  for  your  constant  and 


562  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

unwavering  kindness,  I  bid  you  a  last  and  affectionate  fare 
well." 

Thus  closed  the  public  life  of  ANDKEW  JACKSON,  a  man  in 
many  respects  among  the  most  remarkable  of  his  day.  He  now 
retired  to  the  Hermitage,  where  he  closed  his  life  among  his 
friends, — an  inactive,  though  most  attentive  observer  of  passing 
events. 

During  his  life,  he  was  looked  upon  as  the  oracle  of  his  party. 
He  survived  the  close  of  his  last  administration  but  eight  years. 
He  was,  during  this  time,  a  member  of  the  Presbyterian  church, 
and  paid  great  attention  to  religious  duties.  He  had,  for  some 
time,  been  affected  with  dropsy,  under  the  influence  of  which,  he 
was  gradually  declining.  He  continued  to  fail  until  the  spring 
of  184:5,  when  his  disease  assumed  an  alarming  aspect.  While 
prostrate,  and  suffering  intense  pain,  he  turned  to  the  Bible  for 
consolation,  saying:  "I  am  in  the  hands  of  a  merciful  God.  I 
have  full  confidence  in  his  goodness  and  mercy.  My  lamp  of  life 
is  nearly  out,  and  the  last  glimmer  is  come.  I  am  ready  to 
depart  when  called.  The  Bible  is  true.  Upon  that  sacred  volume 
I  rest  my  hope  of  eternal  salvation,  through  the  merits  and  blood 
of  our  blessed  Lord  and  Savior  Jesus  Christ." 

He  thus  continued  to  sink  until  Sunday  morning,  the  8th  of 
June,  when  speedy  dissolution  became  apparent.  He  called  his 
family  and  domestics  to  his  bed-side,  and  said:  "Do  not  grieve 
that  I  am  about  to  leave  you,  for  I  shall  be  better  off.  Although 
I  am  afflicted  with  pain  and  bodily  suffering,  they  are  nothing 
compared  with  the  sufferings  of  the  Savior  of  the  world,  who  was 
put  to  death  on  the  accursed  tree.  I  have  fulfilled  my  destiny 
on  earth ;  and  it  is  better  that  this  worn  out  frame  should  go  to 
rest,  and  my  spirit  take  up  its  abode  with  the  Kedeemer."  He 
continued  to  sink  until  evening,  when  he  breathed  his  last. 

News  of  his  death  flew  rapidly  over  the  country,  and  called  forth, 
everywhere,  the  highest  testimonials  of  national  grief  and  re 
gard.  Thus  died  ANDREW  JACKSON.  Whatever  may  have  been 
his  faults,  through  the  bitterness  of  party  faction,  they  were  highly 
exaggerated,  and  posterity  is  best  prepared  to  render  him  that 
justice  which  can  not  be  withheld,  and  designate  him  as  one  who 
ranks  among  the  foremost  of  the  great  men  of  our  country, — 
whose  patriotism  can  not  be  questioned,  and  whose  ermine 
character  was  above  reproach.  We  can  not,  perhaps,  close  this 


ANDREW    JACKSON. 

sketch  in  a  more  befitting  manner,  than  to  adopt  the  language  of 
his  friend  and  biographer,  Eaton  : 

"  In  the  person  of  General  JACKSON  is  perceived  nothing  of  the 
robust  and  elegant.  He  is  six  feet  and  an  inch  high,  remarkably 
straight  and  spare,  and  weighs  not  over  one  hundred  and  forty 
five  pounds.  His  conformation  appears  to  disqualify  him  for 
hardship ;  yet  accustomed  to  it  from  early  life,  few  are  capable  of 
enduring  fatigue  to  the  same  extent  or  with  less  injury.  His  dark 
blue  eyes,  with  brows  arched  and  slightly  projecting,  possess  a 
marked  expression ;  but  when  from  any  cause  excited,  they 
sparkle  with  peculiar  luster  and  penetration.  In  his  manners  he 
is  pleasing,- — in  his  address  commanding,  while  his  countenance, 
marked  with  firmness  and  decision,  beams  with  a  strength  and 
intelligence  that  strikes  at  first  sight.  In  his  deportment,  there  is 
nothing  repulsive.  Easy,  affable,  and  familiar,  he  is  open  and 
accessible  to  all.  Influenced  by  the  belief  that  merit  should  con 
stitute  the  only  difference  in  men,  his  attention  is  equally  bestowed 
on  honest  poverty  as  on  titled  consequence.  His  moral  character 
is  without  reproach,  and  by  those  who  know  him  most  intimately, 
he  is  most  esteemed.  Benevolence  in  him  is  a  prominent  virtue. 
He  was  never  known  to  pass  distress  without  seeking  to  assist 
and  relieve  it." 
38 


STEPHEN  DECATUK. 


AMONG  those  who  contributed  most  to  bring  the  American  navy 
into  repute,  was  an  ardent  hero,  who,  in  person,  "rose  slightly 
above  the  middle  hight,  and  was  vigorously,  yet  gracefully 
moulded.  From  his  ample  shoulders  depended  well-knit,  sinewy 
arms ;  his  waist  was  slight,  limbs  long  and  well  rounded.  His 
whole  figure  denoted  mingled  activity  and  strength,  and  he  emi 
nently  excelled  in  all  the  athletic  exercises,  being  in  particular,  a 
vigorous  swimmer,  and  an  adept  in  the  use  of  arms  of  every 
kind.  His  body,  by  nature  and  training,  lent  itself  admirably  to 
the  prompting  of  his  active  and  intrepid  spirit.  He  was  patient 
of  fatigue,  sparing  in  his  diet,  averse  to  luxurious  indulgence. 
The  erectness  of  his  figure  adding  to  the  appearance  of  his  hight, 
harmonised  with  the  towering  arrangement  of  his  head,  which, 
inclining  upward,  gave  him  a  spirited  and  noble  air,  and  con 
tributed  much  to  the  graceful  stateliness  of  his  carriage.  His 
hair  and  beard  were  black  and  curling,  his  brow  lofty  and  calm, 
terminating  in  dark  and  well-arched  brows ;  his  eyes  large,  black, 
and  lustrous,  habitually  soft  and  gentle  in  their  expression,  but  of 
piercing  brightness  in  moments  of  excitement.  *  *  *  The 
expression  of  his  countenance  when  in  repose,  was  calm,  contem 
plative,  and  benignant ;  in  conversation,  complaisant,  and  per 
suasive;  in  scenes  of  excitement,  spirit-stirring  and  commanding. 
His  temper  was  excitable  and  impetuous  ;  but,  in  his  mature  years, 
so  completely  under  command,  as  to  exhibit  almost  imperturbable 
calm  of  manner."* 


*  Mackenzie. 
(564) 


STEPHEN   DECATUR. 


STEPHEN    DECATUR.  565 

Such  was  the  appearance  of  STEPHEN  DECATUR, — the  justly 
styled  Bayard  of  the  seas,  when  England  swept  them  with  her 
triumphant  men-of-war.  Such  was  the  gallant  commander,  who 
was  to  arrest  her  progress  and  unfurl  the  colors  of  his  country  to 
stream  victorious  in  every  port  and  on  every  wave. 

He  was  born  in  "Worcester  County,  Maryland,  January  5th, 
1779.  His  paternal  ancestors  were  French,  having  emigrated  to 
this  country  at  an  early  day, — on  the  mother's  side,  he  was  of 
Irish  descent.  His  father,  whose  bold  disposition  led  him  to  adopt 
a  seafaring  life,  fought  in  the  Eevolution,  and  after  the  peace, 
entered  the  merchant  service,  in  connection  with  some  of  the  most 
enterprising  men  of  the  country,  in  which  he  continued  for  a 
number  of  years. 

Young  STEPHEN  took  a  sea  voyage  with  his  father,  in  his  ninth 
year,  and  thus  early  manifested  a  love  for  the  "ocean  wave."  When 
a  small  boy,  he  was  brave,  but  affable,  courteous  and  frank,  giving 
evidences  of  an  ingenuous  disposition.  His  early  schooling  seems 
to  have  commenced  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  where  his  mo 
ther  returned  after  its  evacuation  by  the  British.  Here  he  first 
gave  indications  of  a  capacity  destined  to  be  useful.  Fond  of 
athletic  sports,  gay  and  lively  like  the  French,  persuasive  and 
gentle,  like  the  Irish,  he  was  a  favorite  with  his  companions,  who 
styled  him  "  Captain  Dick,"  and  chose  him  for  the  leader  of  their 
frolics  and  amusements. 

An  incident  is  furnished,  illustrating  the  nature  of  young 
DECATUR,  and  affording  a  clue  to  his  future  distinction.  When 
about  fourteen  years  old,  he  and  his  companions  were  going  to  a 
fishing  excursion.  It  was  customary  in  those  times  for  youths  to 
wear  the  blue  cockade  of  their  country.  It  was  about  this  time 
that  the  sympathies  of  a  large  portion  of  the  people  were  warmly 
aroused  in  behalf  of  Genet  and  the  French  nation.  Parties  were 
divided,  and  the  boys  adopted  the  opinions  of  their  fathers. 
Young  DECJPTUR  and  his  friends  had  on  the  blue  cockade.  They 
fell  in,  however,  with  a  much  larger  party  of  boys,  who  wore  the  tri 
colors  of  France,  and  were  singing  Jacobin  songs.  One  of  these 
accosted  DECATUR,  bidding  him  substitute  the  tri-colored  for  the 
blue  cockade.  "  I  have  aright  to  wear  the  colors  of  my  country ', 
sir,  and  will  do  it"  was  the  reply.  The  other,  trying  to  enforce 
his  order,  rushed  at  STEPHEN,  who  parried  his  blow,  when  a  brisk 
fight  ensued.  All  the  boys  became  mixed  up  in  it, — each  deter- 


566  STEPHEN    DECATUB. 

mined  to  maintain  his  principles.  After  fighting  for  some  time 
they  were  separated,  leaving  DECATUR  and  his  friends  in  posses 
sion  of  their  colors. 

Transferred  from  his  primary  school  to  the  Pennsylvania  Uni 
versity,  he  made  considerable  progress  in  his  studies,  until  becom 
ing  wearisome  to  his  daring,  active  nature,  he  threw  aside  his 
books  and  entered  the  counting  room  of  Gurney  &  Smith, 
mercantile  partners  of  his  father  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 
Here,  though  diligent  in  his  duties,  his  partiality  for  the  naval 
service  indicated  itself  in  unmistakable  evidences.  His  leisure 
moments  were  devoted  to  the  study  of  mathematics  and  charts, 
and  the  construction  of  miniature  ships, — their  arrangement  in 
order  of  battle,  etc. 

Seeing  his  proclivities  were  not  for  the  counting-room,  he  was 
sent  to  New  Jersey,  where  he  assisted  in  the  construction  of  the 
frigate  United  States, — the  same  vessel  on  which  he  began  his 
naval  career,  and  which  he  led  so  proudly  to  victory.  When  the 
United  States  government,  after  an  apathetic  spirit  that  seems 
unaccountable  at  this  time,  was  induced  by  the  depredations  of 
France  to  turn  attention  to  naval  affairs,  the  command  of  the 
Delaware  was  given  to  the  father  of  DECATUK,  who  was  commis 
sioned  post-captain,  May  llth,  1798.  He,  soon  after,  fell  in 
with,  and  captured  the  French  privateer,  Le  Oroyable,  of  fourteen 
guns  and  seventy  men.  This  was  the  first  capture  of  a  French 
privateer.  The  heart  of  DECATEK  swelled  with  pride,  as  he  saw  his 
father's  noble  vessel  come  into  port  towing  the  captured  prize. 
He  could  no  longer  be  'curbed  by  parental  solicitations.  The 
frigate  United  States,  under  the  command  of  Commodore  Barry, 
was  soon  to  sail,  and  he  determined  to  try  his  fortunes  on  the 
same  vessel  he  had  helped  to  construct.  Arrangements  were 
made,  and  he  departed  on  the  United  States  with  the  commodore. 
After  cruising  in  the  "West  India  seas,  and  making  voyages  to 
Barbadoes  and  Martinique,  the  United  States  and  Delaware  suc 
ceeded  in  capturing  two  French  frigates, — the  Jaloux  and  Sans- 
pareil,  one  of  sixteen,  the  other  of  fourteen,  guns.  The  United 
States,  soon  after,  took  two  other  vessels  belonging  to  the  French, 
though  they  were  of  smaller  caliber.  Falling  in  with  a  French 
frigate,  in  the  vicinity  of  Martinique,  in  1799,  the  United  States 
sent  a  broadside  against  her,  from  the  effects  of  which,  she  must 
inevitably  have  sunk.  Seeing  her  condition,  the  crew  raised  implor- 


STEPHEN    DECATUR.  557 

ing  supplications  for  help.  The  United  States  speedily  hove  to. 
DECATUR  was  first  to  reach  the  sinking  vessel.  By  great  presence 
of  mind,  and  the  most  active  efforts,  the  boats  were  let  down,  and 
every  man  on  board  saved  just  as  the  vessel  sank  in  the  sea. 
DECATUR,  himself,  pulled  the  captain  of  the  French  craft  into  his 
boat.  Utterly  surprised,  the  captain  asked:  uls  that  a  ship  of 
the  United  States ?"  " It  is,"  was  DECATUR'S reply.  "I  am  very 
much  astonished,  sir," — added  the  captain.  "  I  did  not  know  the 
United  States  were  at  war  with  the  French  Republic."  "  No,  sir," 
rejoined  DECATUK,  "  but  you  knew  that  the  French  Republic  was 
at  war  with  the  United  States ;  that  you  were  taking  our  merchant 
vessels  every  day,  and  crowding  our  countrymen  into  prison  at 
Basseterre,  to  die  like  sheep."  The  truth  of  the  remark  admitted 
uo  cavil,  and  the  French  captain  surrendered,  with  his  crew,  without 
further  complaint. 

During  this  cruise,  and  the  actions  incident  to  it,  DECATUK 
rendered  essential  service,  as  attested  by  the  fact  of  his  advance 
ment  to  the  post  of  Lieutenant.  The  following  letter  by  an  eye 
witness  of  his  conduct  during  these  times,  has  been  preserved, 
and  affords  great  insight  into  the  character  of  DECATUK,  and  the 
attributes  whereby  he  attained  distinction.  It  was  written  by 
Captain  Robert  T.  Spence: 

"The  first  time  I  saw  DECATUR,"  says  he,  "was  in  the 
"West  Indies,  during  our  differences  with  the  French  Republic. 
He  was  then  a  lieutenant  on  board  of  one  of  our  largest  frigates, 
whose  officers  had  been  selected  from  among  the  most  promising 
in  the  navy,  and  were,  on  the  occasion  to  which  I  allude,  generally 
on  the  quarter  deck,  grouped  as  is  the  custom,  in  different  places, 
conversing  on  the  various  subjects  of  their  profession.  I  was 
introduced  to  many  of  them.  They  were  pleasing,  gentlemenlike 
men.  having  the  characteristic  air  and  look  of  sailors.  But  in 
DECATUR,  I  was  struck  with  a  peculiarity  of  manner  and  appear 
ance,  calculated  to  rivet  the  eye  and  engross  the  attention.  I  had 
often  pictured  to  myself  the  form  and  look  of  a  hero,  such  as  my 
favorite  Homer  had  delineated  ;  here  I  saw  it  embodied. 

"On  being  released  from  a  kind  of  a  spell  by  which  he  had 
riveted  my  attention,  I  turned  to  the  gentleman  to  whom  I  was  in 
debted  for  the  introduction,  and  inquired  the  character  of  DECATUR. 
The  inquiry  was  made  of  a  person,  to  whose  long  experience  and 
knowledge  of  human  nature,  the  inward  man  seemed  to  be  unfolded. 


568  STEPHEN    DECATUE. 

'Sir,'  said  he,  'DECATUR  is  an  officer  of  uncommon  character,  of 
rare  promise, — a  man  of  an  age, — one,  perhaps,  not  equaled  in 
a  million.'  '  A  man  overboard !'  was  now  cried  through  the  ship. 
'Second  cutters  away!'  'Third  cutters  away!'  was  called  from 
deck  to  deck.  I  observed  DECATUR  spring  from  the  mizzen 
chains.  I  ran  to  the  stern.  In  a  few  minutes  I  saw  a  youth 
upheld  above  the  surging  wave  by  a  buoyant  and  vigorous  swim 
mer,  and  thus  sustained  until  released  by  the  boats.  Life  had 
nearly  fled ;  but  it  was  not  extinct.  It  was  the  life  of  one  who 
has  since  had  celebrity,  and  lived  to  see  his  preserver  the  pride 
and  glory  of  his  country. 

u  It  was  under  such  circumstances  I  first  saw  the  generous  DECA- 
TDR;  a  man  more  unique,  more  highly  endowed  than  any  other  I 
ever  knew ;  to  whom,  perhaps,  the  country  is  most  indebted  for 
that  naval  renown  which  is  the  admiration  of  the  world ;  a 
renown  so  associated  with  the  name  of  DECATUR,  as  to  render 
them  indissoluble." 

This,  though  a  somewhat  highly-colored  portrait  of  the  young 
naval  hero,  leaves,  no  doubt,  a  very  correct  impression  of  his 
nature  and  characteristics. 

Shortly  after,  being  in  his  twenty-first  year,  DECATUR  was 
regularly  commissioned  a  lieutenant  in  the  navy.  On  his  return 
from  his  West  India  cruise,  he  took  acceptable  presents  to  his 
former  school  mistress,  then  advanced  in  life.  These  consisted 
of  a  barrel  of  coffee,  a  barrel  of  sugar  and  other  necessaries 
of  living.  Many  incidents  have  been  recorded,  illustrative 
of  the  generous,  noble  nature  of  our  hero.  Not  long  after  he 
received  his  commission,  he  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  that 
resulted  in  a  duel  with  a  man  by  the  name  of  Somers.  The  facts 
were  about  these.  DECATUR  was  sent  to  Philadelphia  to  enlist  a 
new  crew  for  the  vessel.  He  succeeded  in  procuring  a  number  of 
able-bodied  and  expert  seamen.  Some  of  these  fell  in  with  a  sea 
captain  of  another  ship,  who  prevailed  on  them  to  go  on  board 
his  vessel.  This  exasperated  young  DECATUR,  who  immediately 
went  on  board  the  Indiaman  and  demanded  restitution.  The 
chief  mate  was  forced  to  comply,  but  given  to  an  irritable 
temper,  he  used  abusive  language  to  DECATUR,  who  immediately 
sent  him  a  challenge.  It  was  accepted,  and  the  parties  met. 
DECATUR  only  wished,  in  accordance  with  the  custom  of  the 
times,  to  redeem  his  honor,  without  depriving  the  mate  of  life, 


STEPHEN    DECATUR.  569 

and  declared  to  his  friend,  Lieutenant  Stewart,  that  he  should 
aim  to  hit  him  in  the  hip.  When  the  word  was  given  to  fire, 
DECATUR  took  his  aim,  and  lodged  the  ball  precisely  where  he 
said, — in  the  upper  part  of  the  mate's  hip.  Through  this  affair, 
he  not  only  exhibited  great  coolness  and  bravery,  but  a  spirit  of 
magnanimity  highly  commendable. 

During  this  time,  the  United  States  frigate  had  been  undergoing 
repairs,  which  being  completed,  with  swelling  canvas  and  a  fresh 
crew,  she  again  put  to  sea.  After  cruising  along  the  coast,  from 
Georgia  to  Cape  Cod,  for  some  time,  guarding  vigilantly  our  com 
mercial  interests,  she  sailed  with  the  American  diplomatists  for 
the  ports  of  France.  She  encountered  a  stormy,  troublous  voyage, 
and  after  various  fruitless  attempts  to  enter  a  French  port,  put  in 
at  Coruuna,  in  February,  1800,  whence  the  commissioners  pro 
ceeded  by  land  on  their  mission.  Directing  her  course  homeward, 
she  reached  the  Delaware  about  the  middle  of  the  ensuing  April, 
in  a  condition  no  longer  fit  for  duty.  This,  for  a  time,  threw 
DECATUR  into  inactivity  against  which  his  nature  rebelled.  At 
his  earnest  request,  he  was  transferred  to  the  brig  Norfolk,  com 
manded  by  Calvert,  who  put  to  sea  the  last  of  May.  Touching 
first  at  St.  Domingo,  Calvert  sailed  to  the  Spanish  Main,  and 
returned  home  without  accomplishing  any  thing  worthy  of  note. 

Hoping  the  occurrence  of  some  opportunity  for  distinction,  he 
returned  to  the  United  States  frigate,  which  sailed  for  Guadaloupe 
in  December,  1800.  All  hopes  of  present  distinction,  however, 
were  soon  blasted.  The  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace  between 
the  American  and  French  commissioners,  shortly  after,  put  an 
end  to  hostilities,  and  the  vicissitudes  that  required  his  service. 

The  father  of  DECATUR,  who  had  thus  far  borne  an  active  part 
in  the  efforts  of  our  young  navy,  now  returned  to  his  old  mercan 
tile  pursuits.  He  subsequently  settled  near  Frankford,  Pennsyl 
vania,  where  he  continued  to  reside,  giving,  on  all  occasions, 
evidences  of  the  high  bred  gentleman, — a  good  and  honored 
citizen,  and  a  man  above  reproach,  until  his  death. 

DECATUR  was  now  exempt  from  naval  service,  until  the  piratical 
depreciations  of  Tripoli  and  the  Algerines,  upon  our  commerce, 
induced  the  government  to  send  a  squadron  to  the  Mediterranean. 
This  squadron  was  composed  of  the  Philadelphia,  Captain  Samuel 
Barron ;  the  President,  Captain  James  Barron  \  the  Essex,  Captain 
Bainbridge,  and  the  schooner  Enterprize,  Lieutenant  Sterrett, — the 


570  STEPHEN    DECATUR. 

whole  under- Commodore  Dale.  Captain  Bainbridge  of  the  Essex, 
in  the  selection  of  so  important  an  officer  as  first  lieutenant,  with 
unerring  judgment,  pitched  upon  DECATUR,  who  sailed  immedi 
ately  in  that  capacity,  to  the  northern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean. 
The  instructions  of  Bainbridge  were  to  protect  the  coasts  and 
watch  the  ports  of  Tripoli  and  Tunis,  and  assist  the  American 
convoys  in  all  cases  where  his  service  might  be  needed.  He  first 
stopped  at  Barcelona,  whence,  after  a  brief  stay,  he  sailed  down 
the  Mediterranean  with  a  large  convoy,  which  was  conveyed  safely 
through  the  straits.  No  inconsiderable  service  was  rendered 
by  this  vessel  to  the  homeward-bound  convoys  belonging  to 
America. 

Commodore  Dale,  in  the  meantime,  having  sailed  for  Gib 
raltar,  and  overawed  the  Tripoline  admiral  at  that  place,  and  dis 
mantled  the  cruisers,  now  left  vessels  at  Syracuse  with  directions 
occasionally  to  appear  before  Tripoli  and  Tunis,  and  the  Essex 
to  watch  the  cruisers  around  the  former  point,  returned  with  the 
Enterprize  and  President  to  the  United  States. 

The  arrival  of  Commodore  Morris  in  May,  1842,  with  the 
Chesapeake,  relieved  the  Essex  of  her  duties.  She,  therefore, 
sailed  for  home,  where  she  arrived  early  in  July,  carrying  among 
her  crew  the  gallant  DECATUR.  Enjoying. but  a  few  weeks'  repose, 
in  the  capacity  of  first  lieutenant,  he  joined  himself  to  the  New 
York,  a  thirty -six  gun  ship,  commanded  by  Captain  James  Barren. 
She  sailed  for  the  Mediterranean,  September  1st,  1802. 

Hostilities  being  now  more  open,  on  the  part  of  the  Tripo- 
lines,  Commodore  Morris  was  directed  to  use  every  means  to 
bring  them  to  terms.  He,  therefore,  assembled  his  squadron, 
consisting  of  the  President,  the  John  Adams,  the  New  York, 
and  Enterprize,  at  Malta,  for  the  purpose  of  commencing  more 
vigorous  operations.  Detained  here  by  a  heavy  gale,  Midship 
man  Bainbridge  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  a  British 
officer,  that  resulted  in  the  death  of  the  latter.  Bainbridge 
had  attended  the  theater  in  company  with  some  fellow  officers. 
They  were  the  subjects  of  disparaging  remarks  of  the  Briton, 
who  said,  among  other  things,  that  "Those  Yankees  could 
never  stand  the  smell  of  gunpowder."  The  remark  was  quickly 
resented.  A  duel  ensued,  in  which  DECATUR  stood  second 
for  his  friend  Bainbridge,  and  behaved  with  the  greatest  courage 
and  firmness.  The  parties  exchanged  two  shots.  At  the  latter 


STEPHEN    DECATUK. 

round,  Bainbridge's  ball  struck  his  antagonist  below  the  eye,  and 
left  a  mortal  wound, — he  himself  escaped  untouched. 

DECATDR  now  returned  to  the  United  States,  and  received  the 
temporary  command  of  the  Argus.  Sailing  in  this  for  Gibraltar, 
in  accordance  with  naval  regulations  of  seniority,  he  resigned 
command  of  the  brig,  and  assumed  that  of  the  schooner  Enter- 
prize,  with  twelve  guns.  On  the  23d  of  October,  soon  after 
assuming  this  command,  he  captured  the  Tripoline  craft,  Mastico, 
with  seventy  prisoners,  near  Tripoli.  In  this  action  he  showed 
great  courage  and  capacities  of  command. 

After  remaining  inactive  for  some  time  in  the  antiquated  city 
of  Syracuse,  hallowed  by  her  historical  memories,  and  associa 
ted  with  a  Hiero,  a  Diosnysius,  a  Nicias,  and  an  Archimedes 
it  was  resolved  to  commence  operations.  Bainbridge  was  a 
prisoner  in  Tripoli.  The  gallant  old  ship  Philadelphia,  was  in 
possession  of  the  Tripolines.  With  forty  guns,  always  loaded 
and  well  manned,  she  protected  the  entrance  to  the  harbor, 
and  was  a  trophy  whose  appearance  was  as  encouraging  to 
the  enemy,  as  depressing  to  the  Americans.  On  consultation,  it 
was  resolved  to  burn  her  in  the  night  time.  But  who  was  to 
undertake  the  perilous  service  ?  To  the  heroic  DECATUR,  nothing 
was  more  congenial.  He  proffered  his  services,  which  were 
accepted.  He  assembled  his  men  on  board,  and  asked  who  would 
follow  ?  Every  man  and  boy  on  the  Enterprize  gathered  around 
their  commander.  Selecting  what  was  necessary,  in  connection 
with  the  Siren,  commanded  by  Stewart,  she  lifted  anchor, — 
sailed  for  Tripoli,  and  came  in  sight  of  the  Bashaw's  Castle, 
February  7th,  1804. 

Immediate  preparations  were  made  for  carrying  their  designs 
into  execution,  but  a  heavy  wind  arising,  their  ships  were  forced 
back  into  the  sea.  Many  days  of  heavy  weather  now  set  in, 
during  which,  the  Intrepid,  DECATUR'S  vessel,  and  the  Siren,  were 
buffeted  about,  in  imminent  peril  of  foundering.  To  highten  the 
difficulties  of  the  expedition,  provisions  began  to  fail,  and  signs 
of  discouragement  became  apparent.  To  a  mind  like  DECATUR'S, 
however,  difficulties  only  afforded  a  stimulant.  By  great  patience 
and  dauntless  energy,  he  succeeded  in  bringing  the  vessels  in 
sight  of  the  Philadelphia.  As  she  loomed  before  him,  the  same 
noble  craft  that  his  father  had  rescued  on  a  former  occassiou,  his 
soul  seemed  inspired  with  his  mission.  Standing  at  the  helm, 


572  STEPHEN    DECATUH. 

his  young  eyes  steadfast  upon  the  frowning  guns  of  his  prize,  he 
approached  the  Philadelphia.  Beside  him  stood  his  interpreter, 
in  case  of  being  spoken.  The  balance  of  the  crew  were  still  and 
concealed.  Behind,  in  the  darkness,  lay  the  Siren.  The  moon 
was  shining,  but  not  very  brightly.  On  the  deck  of  the  Phila 
delphia,  he  saw  the  heads  of  the  ever-vigilant  crew,  gazing  upon 
his  vessel,  now  within  twenty  yards  of  the  foe.  The  next  instant, 
"  Keep  off"  fell  through  the  night  upon  his  ear.  The  interpreter, 
according  to  instructions,  told  them  they  had  lost  their  anchor,  and 
asked  leave  to  pass  to  the  shore  to  procure  others.  At  this  moment 
the  Siren  was  descried  in  the  distance,  which  renewed  the  subsid 
ing  suspicions  of  the  men  on  the  Philadelphia.  They  asked  what 
vessel  she  was  ?  "  The  Transfer,"  replied  the  interpreter,  "  for 
merly  a  British  vessel,  now  purchased  for  the  Tripolines,  and 
much  needed  by  them."  They  were  again  quieted.  During  this 
time,  the  Intrepid  had  approached  the  vessel,  and  fastened  herself 
to  the  ring-bolts.  She  was  thus  drawing  along-side  the  huge 
enemy,  when  suddenly  they  were  discovered.  "  Americans ! 
Americans !"  cried  the  crew  of  the  Philadelphia,  as  they  made 
preparations  to  fire  their  guns.  "Men  board  !"  shouted  DECATUR, 
as  he  sprang  upon  the  Philadelphia.  He  was  followed  by  his 
brave  men,  who  leaped  eagerly  forward.  They  sprang  to  the 
decks.  DECATUR  formed  his  men.  Each  man  drew  his  sword 
and  rushed  to  a  night  encounter.  To  clear  the  vessel  was  the 
work  of  five  minutes.  The  Tripolines  were  hurried  pell-mell  into 
the  water,  and  sank  to  rise  no  more,  fell  by  the  sword,  or  jumping 
into  boats,  mad6  for  the  shore.  He  was  soon  master  of  the  vessel. 
The  crew  of  the  Intrepid  went  into  their  places.  The  cables  and 
sparring  of  the  Philadelphia  were  cut,  and  she  was  set  on  fire. 
As  the  streaming  flame  circled  around  mast  and  boom,  flinging 
its  lurid  glare  over  the  waste  of  water,  the  old  vessel  floated 
along  until  her  final  explosion; — the  exultant  shouts  of  her 
captors  penetrated  the  prison  walls  of  Tripoli,  and  proclaimed 
speedy  liberation. 

Few  naval  acchievements  have  been  recorded,  where  a  higher 
degree  of  courage  and  daring  were  manifest,  than  in  the  capture 
of  this  vessel  by  DECATUR.  The  fame  of  the  young  naval  lieu 
tenant  became  extensively  known,  and  his  character  much 
admired. 

He  now  resumed  command  of  the  Enterprize,  while  Commo- 


STEPHEN    DECATUR.  573 

dore  Preble  effected  a  blockade  of  Tripoli.  Remaining  before  that 
place  for  a  short  time,  he  sailed  to  Tunis,  thence  to  Naples,  Messina, 
and  Syracuse.  From  the  latter  place  he  returned  to  Tripoli,  and 
made  early  preparations  to  attack  the  place, — none  more  eager 
than  DECATDR.  The  Bashaw,  looking  on  upon  their  preparations 
from  his  castle,  and  seeing  the  wooden  crafts  of  the  commodore 
battling  with  the  angry  waves,  and  relying  upon  his  strong 
defenses,  remarked  of  the  Americans,  "They  will  mark  their 
distance  for  tacking ;  they  are  a  sort  of  Jew,  who  have  no 
notion  of  fighting."  Preble,  however,  boldly  arranged  his  vessels 
for  the  attack.  DECATUR  was  placed  in  command  of  a  division 
of  the  gunboats,  and  gallantly  assisted  in  the  bombardment. 

Both  parties  now  opened  a  heavy  fire, — the  American  vessels 
still  advancing.     When  within  two  cables'  length  of  the  shore,  it 
was  perceived  that  the  enemy,  relying  upon  their  great  superi 
ority  of  numbers,  had  left  their  strongholds,  and  were  making  for 
a  fight   on  water.     DECATUR,  determined   to   board  them,  bore 
rapidly  down  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  enemy's  eastern 
division.     In  this  he  was  assisted  by  Bainbridge,  Trippe,  and  his 
brother  James.     Amid  a  thick  shower  of  balls  and  grape,  he 
pressed  steadily  forward.     Reaching  the  enemy's  crafts,  he  com 
manded  his  men  to  board.     They  instantly  sprang  upon  the  decks, 
and  notwithstanding  the  enemy  were  three  to  one,  engaged  in  a 
most  desperate  hand-to-hand  fight.     In  ten  minutes  the  decks  were 
cleared, — the  Tripoline  flag  hauled  down,  and  the  stars  and  stripes 
floating  triumphantly  in  its  place.     At  this  moment,  information 
was  brought  that  his  brother's  boat  had  succeeded  in  capturing  one 
of  the  heaviest  of  the  enemy's  boats,  but  as  he  was  preparing  to 
tow  her  out,  the  captain,  in  a  most  dastardly  manner,  stepped  for 
ward  and  shot  him  dead  on  the  spot.     The  lion  of  his  soul  was 
aroused,  and  revenge,  at  the  sacrifice  of  every  prudential  consider 
ation,  was  uppermost  in  his  mind.     With  but  nine  men,  and  the 
brave  McDonough,  he  turned  the  head  of  his  vessel  to  the  enemy, 
and  boldly  pushed  forward  within  their  lines.    Singling  out  the  ves 
sel  to  which  his  brother's  murderer  belonged,  he  leaped  upon  her 
deck,  followed  by  McDonough  and  his  gallant  little  party.     Fierce 
was  the  contest  that  ensued,  and  against  fearful  odds.    At  length  he 
perceived  the  gigantic  and  assassin-like  form  of  the  man  who  had 
slain  his  brother.     The  Tripoline  captain  was  armed  with  a  long 
heavy  pike,  DECATUR  had  nothing  but  a  small  cutlass  and  a  pistol. 


574  STEPHEN    DECATUR. 

The  captain  made  a  pass  with  his  pike ;  in  attempting  to  ward  it 
off  DECATUR  broke  his  cutlass  at  the  hilt.  Another  pass  was 
made  which  pierced  DECATUR'S  shoulder.  The  captain  now 
grappled  him  and  both  fell, — DECATUR  uppermost.  By  his  supe 
rior  weight,  however,  the  captain  turned  him  under.  At  this 
instant  a  blow  was  aimed  at  the  head  of  DECATUR  by  an  unseen 
foe,  that  must  have  put  a  period  to  his  eventful  career,  had  not  a 
daring  young  marine  laid  his  own  head  to  the  blow,  and  with  his 
own  heroic  life,  saved  that  of  his  commander.  The  captain  now 
drew  a  steel  dagger  from  his  breast,  and  lifted  it  gleaming  at  the 
heart  of  the  prostrate  DECATUR.  He  seemed  to  have  but  a  moment 
to  live.  But  the  naval  hero  never  lost  his  presence  of  mind,  and 
disengaging  his  left  hand,  he  parried  the  blow,  and  then  with  his 
right  dextrously  drew  his  pistol  and  cocked  it  at  the  breast  of  his 
antagonist,  who  relaxing  his  hold  gave  back  in  great  conster 
nation,  leaving  him  again  victorious.  Trippe  had  also  a  personal 
encounter,  but  succeeded,  after  a  desperate  struggle,  in  discom 
fiting  his  antagonist.  These  results  decided  the  day.  Imitating 
the  example  of  their  captains,  the  Tripolines  gave  way  on  all  sides. 
DECATUR  himself,  took  two  prizes,  and  killed  and  captured  a 
large  number  of  the  enemy.  And,  notwithstanding  the  desperate 
hand-to-hand  fight  in  which  he  was  engaged,  and  surrounded  with 
overwhelming  numbers,  he  received  no  considerable  wound. 

DECATUR  was  now  advanced  to  the  rank  of  post-captain,  and 
received  a  sword  by  vote  of  Congress,  as  a  merited  reward  of  his 
gallantry.  A  series  of  four  spirited  attacks  was  now  made  against 
Tripoli,  the  last  of  which  proved  particularly  destructive.  In  each 
of  these  DECATUR  behaved  with  characteristic  bravery  and  dis 
cretion.  After  the  town  had  suffered  severely,  being  in  many 
places  literally  riddled  by  the  grape,  bombs,  and  balls,  fired  by  the 
Americans,  more  decisive  measures  were  resolved  on.  Freble 
determined  to  send  fire-ships  into  the  harbor  for  the  purpose  of 
burning  the  enemy's  shipping.  The  Intrepid, — the  same  in  which 
DECATUR  had  performed  his  daring  exploit  against  the  Phila 
delphia,  was  therefore  selected,  and  laden  with  one  hundred 
barrels  of  powder  and  near  twice  that  number  of  balls.  Fusees 
were  so  fixed,  that  a  quarter  of  an  hour  intervened  from  the  time 
they  were  lighted  before  ignition  took  place, — thus  giving  time  to 
those  who  led  the  ship  to  escape. 

Somers  volunteered  and  was  accepted  for  the  service.     This 


STEPHEN    DECATUR.  575 

movement  terminated  disastrously.  Just  after  night-fall,  early  in 
September,  with  proper  convoys  and  boats  to  bring  off  the  adven 
turous  crew,  the  fire-ship  commenced  gliding  into  the  harbor. 
Before  reaching  her  destination,  a  blue  sulphurous  light  was  seen 
to  illume  her  apertures,  and  the  next  moment  one  of  the  most 
inconceivably  terrific  explosions  took  place,  scattering  timber, 
ball,  and  splinter,  through  the  air,  and  hurling  destruction  all 
around.  Neither  Somers  nor  any  of  his  gallant  crew  were  ever 
heard  from.  All  night  the  men  of  the  squadron  were  in  a  state 
of  intense  anxiety  in  regard  to  the  fate  of  their  comrades.  Day 
light  revealed  considerable  damage  sustained  by  the  ship  of  the 
enemy,  who  were  hauling  the  wrecks  of  some  of  their  boats  to  the 
shore.  It  was  conjectured  that  the  enemy  had  discovered  the 
Intrepid,  and  sent  a  boarding-party  to  surprise  her,  and  that  rather 
than  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  and  fail  entirely  in  his 
undertaking,  Somers  had  put  a  match  to  the  magazine,  and  made 
martyrs  of  himself  and  friends  to  their  country. 

Preble  was  succeeded  in  the  command  before  Tripoli  by  Com 
modore  Barron,  who  arrived  with  the  President  and  Constitution, 
on  the  tenth  of  September.  DECATUR  was  placed  in  command  of 
the  Constitution,  and  Preble  returned  home.  DECATUR  at  once 
proceeded  to  Malta.  At  twenty-five  years  of  age,  he  found  him 
self  commander  of  one  of  the  finest  vessels  in  the  service.  lie 
early  began  operations,  and  was  styled,  as  his  vessel  would  dart 
along  the  bosom  of  the  deep,  the  "  terror  of  the  foe."  At  Syra 
cuse,  whither  he  sailed  after  giving  his  vessel  some  repairs,  he 
was  transferred  to  the  command  of  the  frigate  Congress,  of  thirty-six 
guns, — Commodore  Rogers,  by  seniority,  taking  command  of  the 
Constitution.  Preble,  after  settling  his  accounts,  and  receiving  a 
letter  of  affectionate  farewell  from  all  his  subordinates,  that  proved 
the  harmony  and  good-will  existing  among  all,  returned  to  the 
United  States,  where  he  was  hailed  with  demonstrations  of  joy 
and  welcome. 

The  squadron  of  Commodore  Eogers  having  made  necessary 
repairs,  reappeared  before  Tripoli,  determined  to  end  the  contest. 
The  Bashaw,  however,  exhibited  a  desire  to  relinquish  the  unjusti 
fiable  exactions  demanded,  and  signified  a  willingness  to  negotiate 
terms  of  peace.  Ministers  were  therefore  appointed,  and  a  treaty 
was  concluded,  promotive  of  the  interests  of  our  country.  On  the 
consummation  of  this  important  event,  to  which  he  had  contributed 


576  STEPHEN    DECATUR. 

BO  much  and  so  gallantly,  full  of  pride  and  hope,  young  DECATUE 
returned  to  his  native  land.  He  was  welcomed  as  a  hero,  and 
entertained  by  all  ranks  in  a  manner  that  attested  his  exalted 
position.  At  one  of  these  entertainments,  his  father  was  present. 
While  his  son  was  receiving  the  toasts  and  gratulations  of  all,  the 
venerable  man  arose, — his  heart  swelling  with  paternal  pride,  and 
tears  trickling  down  his  cheeks,  and  responding  to  a  toast,  he 
said  in  a  tremulous  voice :  "  Our  children  are  the  property  of  the 
country."  The  scene  was  truly  impressive,  and  never  forgotten 
by  his  son. 

Soon  as  the  Tripoline  war  was  brought  to  a  close,  the  navy  was 
reduced,  and  France  and  England  began  their  system  of  spoliations 
upon  our  commerce.  Under  pretext  of  intercepting  their  enemies, 
they  hovered  about  our  coasts,  and  did  great  mischief  to  our 
trade  on  the  high  seas.  Jefferson  called  earnest  attention  to  the 
subject,  and  recommended  naval  preparations.  Congress,  instead 
of  taking  steps  for  the  preparation  and  equipment  of  a  suitable 
navy,  by  an  unaccountable  misconception  of  the  true  interests  at 
stake,  authorized  the  construction  of  fifty  gunboats.  DECATUB 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  squadron  of  these  stationed 
in  the  Chesapeake,  and,  notwithstanding  the  nature  of  his  duties 
was  new  and  arduous,  devoted  himself  to  their  discharge  with  zeal 
and  alacrity.  When  not  in  active  service,  he  made  Norfolk  the 
principal  point  of  his  anchorage.  During  his  stay  in  this  city,  he 
formed  the  acquaintance  of  a  Miss  Wheeler,  to  whom  he  became 
warmly  attached.  His  feelings  were  fully  reciprocated,  and  they 
were  married  soon  after.  She  was  a  lady  of  rare  beauty,  grace 
and  refinement.  The  union  was  the  result  of  much  happiness  to 
both  parties. 

Soon  after  his  marriage,  he  was  appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  Gosport  navy-yard,  and  entered  upon  its  duties.  The  attack 
upon  the  Chesapeake  by  a  British  vessel  soon  followed.  While  at 
Norfolk,  it  seems  some  British  deserters  had  enlisted  with  Sinclair, 
who  was  making  a  crew  for  the  Chesapeake.  DECATUR,  on  assum 
ing  the  command  of  the  Gosport  navy-yard,  received  a  letter  from 
the  British  consul,  requiring  that  they  be  speedily  delivered  up. 
DECATUR  refused,  giving  as  his  reason,  that  Sinclair  was  not  under 
his  command.  The  Chesapeake  having  shipped  her  crew,  and  been 
fitted  up.  departed  for  the  Mediterannean.  Eeaching  Hampton 
Roads,  a  British  vessel,  the  Leopard,  of  fifty  guns,  began  chase,  and 


STEPHEN    DECATUR.  577 

having  proceeded  near  enough,  sent  a  messenger  to  the  American 
commander,  requiring  him  to  permit  a  search  of  his  ships  for  the 
deserters.  This,  Commodore  Barren,  in  writing,  refused  to  do. 
A  heavy  fire  was  opened  from  the  Leopard.  The  Chesapeake, 
after  returning  it  for  some  time,  being  in  a  very  disadvantageous 
position,  struck  her  colors  and  surrendered.  Having  carried  out  his 
instructions  in  the  affair,  the  commander  of  the  Leopard  now  with 
drew.  This  affair  created  a  wide-spread  sensation,  and  accelerated 
the  declaration  of  war  on  the  part  of  this  country  against  England. 
Barron  was  subjected  to  a  court-martial,  of  which  DECATUR,  con 
trary  to  his  wishes,  was  a  member,  and  Barron  was  suspended 
from  the  command  for  a  period  of  five  years.  When  the  famous 
Milan  and  Berlin  decrees  of  Bonaparte,  and  the  English  orders 
in  council,  resulted  in  the  American  Embargo,  DECATUR  was 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  frigate  Chesapeake,  which  had 
already  become  renowned  for  her  successful  cruises. 

About  this  time  he  lost  his  father  and  mother,  both  of  whom  he 
loved  and  cherished  with  all  the  fervor  of  an  ardent, affectionate 
son.  For  the  enforcement  of  the  Embargo,  to  which  services 
DECATUR  was  immediately  assigned,  the  President  urged  the 
increase  of  the  naval  force,  and  Congress  authorized  the  equip 
ment  of  a  hundred  and  eighty  gun-boats.  The  inefficiency  of 
gunboats  becoming  visibly  apparent,  it  was  determined  to  fit  out 
several  vessels  of  larger  caliber  for  the  service ;  among  those  thus 
selected  was  the  United  States,  the  command  of  which  was  given 
to  DECATUR.  Thus,  on  the  same  proud  vessel  he  had  helped  to 
construct,  and  in  which  he  had  commenced  his  first  naval  efforts, 
he  unrolled  the  colors  of  his  country,  and  dauntlessly  began  cruis 
ing  along  the  coasts.  About  this  time  the  President,  commanded 
by  Commodore  Rogers,  was  fired  into  by  the  British  sloop,  Little 
Belt,  and  a  warmly  contested  skirmish  ensued.  Both  parties 
claimed  the  advantage,  and  the  reports  of  both  commanders  were 
so  contradictory,  that  a  court  of  inquiry  was  instituted  into  the 
conduct  of  Rogers.  Over  this  court,  in  view  of  his  sterling 
integrity,  and  superior  judgment,  DECATUR  was  selected  to 
preside.  The  verdict  of  this  court  resulted  in  the  unequivocal 
acquittal  of  Rogers,  and  the  maintenance  of  his  report  of  the 
action. 

After  the  settlement  of  this  affair,  DECATUR  was  engaged  in 
conversation  with  Captain  Garden  of  the  British  service.     Their 
39 


578  STEPHEN    DECATUR. 

remarks  turned  upon  results  likely  to  grow  out  of  a  war  between 
England  and  America.  They  were  speaking  as  friends,  not  as 
commissioned  officers  of  two  belligerent  powers  at  war  with  each 
other.  Garden  made  the  following  remark:  "Though,  DECATUR, 
jour  ships  may  be  good  enough,  and  you  are  a  clever  set  of  fc-llo-wB, 
what  practice  have  you  had  in  war?  There  is  no  rule.  We  now 
meet  as  friends,  and  God  grant  we  may  never  meet  as  enemies ; 
but  we  are  subject  to  the  orders  of  our  government  and  must  obey; 
what  do  you  suppose  will  be  the  result  ?"  DKCATUE  nuide  the  fol 
lowing  noble  reply:  UI  heartily  reciprocate  your  sentiment,  that 
you  and  I  may  never  meet  except  as  we  do  now  ;  but  if  as  enemies, 
and  with  equal  forces,  the  conflict  will  undoubtedly  be  a  severe 
one,  for  the  flag  of  my  country  will  never  be  struck,  while  there 
is  a  hull  for  it  to  wave  from." 

As  will  be  seen,  these  two  congenial  spirits  afterward  met,  in 
obedience  to  the  stern  mandate  of  war  and  the  orders  of  their 
government,  on  another  part  of  the  ocean,  in  deadly  battle  array. 
The  continued  outrages  upon  our  commerce,  and  imprisonment 
of  our  seamen,  on  the  part  of  England,  upon  the  most  flimsy 
pretexts,  led  to  a  formal  declaration  of  war,  though  every  effort 
bad  been  made  to  avoid  a  catastrophe,  so  fraught  with  infinite 
mischiefs  to  both  countries.  At  this  event,  no  one  connected  with 
the  naval  service,  occupied  a  more  prominent  position,  or  was  bet 
ter  calculated  to  insure  distinction  than  was  STEPHEN  DECATUR. 
As  commander  of  the  Chesapeake,  he  still  hovered  around  the 
southern  coast,  watching  with  constant  vigilance,  opportunity  to 
signalize  his  gallant  vessel  and  cripple  the  efforts  of  the  enemy. 

So  inadequate  was  our  naval  force  to  cope  with  the  power  that 
had  long  maintained  supremacy  of  the  waters,  that  Congress 
actually  contemplated  preventing  its  venturing  offensively  to  sea; 
a  measure  which  was  only  checked  by  the  timely  remonstrance 
of  Commodore  Bainbridge  and  Captain  Stewart,  both  of  whom 
were  in  Washington,  and  who  wrote,  beseeching  and  effective 
letters  against  such  a  course.  Having  determined  to  make  every 
possible  arrangement  to  meet  the  aggressor  on  her  own  hitherto 
onconquered  element,  DECATUR  was  transferred  from  the  command 
of  the  United  States  to  the  squadron  of  Commodore  Rogers,  which 
be  joined  at  New  York,  June  21st,  1811. 

The  squadron  immediately  put  to  sea,  with  a  view  of  attacking 
the  British  fleet,  bound  from  Jamaica  to  England,  and  laden  with  a 


STEPHEN    DECATUR.  579 

valuable  cargo.     Suffering  himself  to  be  diverted  form  his  original 
design  by  falling  in  with  the  Belvidere,  he  gave  chase  to  that 
vessel,  which,  after  leading  him  many  leagues  from  his  course, 
made   her   escape.     Rogers,  no   doubt,  by  this   movement,  lost 
the  opportunity  of  making   a  valuable   capture.     After  various 
maneuvers,  in  which  six  British  vessels  were  taken,  the  squadron 
returned  to  Boston,  by  way  of  Newfoundland,  where  it  arrived  in 
the  latter  part  of  August.     They  immediately  put  to  sea.     They 
were  not   long  in   finding   opportunity  for  service   and  honor. 
DECATUR,  again  on  the  decks  of  his  noble  vessel,  the  United 
States,  had  been  careful  to  keep  her  in  excellent  war  trim.     On 
the  25th  of  October,  near  the  Island  of  Madeira,  DECATUR  per 
ceived  the  Macedonian  bearing  down  toward  him.     This  was  the 
same  vessel  of  which  Captain  Garden,  to  whom  reference  has 
just  been  made,  was  commander,  and  one  of  the  most  efficient  in 
the  British  service.     DECATUR  looked  upon  her  beautiful  form  and 
flowing  sails  with  dilated  eye,  and  gave  the  order  to  prepare  for 
battle.     Furling  sails  and  manning  the  guns,  as  the  ships  ap 
proached  each  other,  a  stern  encounter  became  obvious.     The 
action  soon  commenced.     At  first  the  firing  was  kept  up  at  too 
great  a  distance  to  do  much  execution  on  either  side.     As  they 
neared   each   other,   the   topmast   and   gaff  of  the  Macedonian 
snapped  by  a  fire  from  the  President,  and  curled  into  the  water. 
Changing  her  position,  the  Macedonian  approached  to  closer  com 
bat.     The  President  opened  upon  her  an  awful  fire.     So  precise 
and  continuous  was  it,  that-it  seemed  a  livid  sheet  of  flame.     More 
than  once  the  British  crew  thought  her  on  fire,  and  raised  exultant 
shouts.     They  were  soon  convinced  of  their  error.     The  thunders 
of  Heaven  seemed  let  loose  upon  them,  as  men  fell  all  around, 
and  spar,  mast,  and  rigging,  were  ripped  to  fragments  over  their 
heads.     Pierced  to  splinters,  the  mizzen-mast  quivered  and  fell 
into  the  surge.     "  Ay,  ay,  Jack,"  exclaimed  the  gun-captain,  who 
directed  the  shot,  uwe  have  made  a  brig  of  her."     "Take  good 
aim,  my  lad,"  replied  DECATUR,  "at  the  main-mast  and  she  will 
soon  be  a  sloop."     Turning  quickly  to  another  captain  of  a  gun, 
he  said :  "  Aim  at  the  yellow  streak ;  her  spars  and  rigging  are 
going  fast  enough  ;  she  must  have  a  little  more  hulling."    These 
directions  were  promptly  obeyed,  and  soon,  shot  to  pieces,  literally 
riddled,  her  main-mast  and  foreyard  were  all  that  remained  of 
the  wreck  of  the  once  proud  vessel.     A  few  minutes  after,  she 


580  STEPHEN    DBOATUR. 

hauled  down  her  colors,  and  a  triumphant  shout  arose  from  the 
crew  of  the  President.  Never  was  wreck  more  complete.  She 
was  cut  to  pieces  from  stem  to  stern,  hull,  mast,  and  rigging. 
Covered  with  the  dead  and  dying,  and  bespattered  with  blood, 
she  presented  a  sad  spectacle.  The  British  lost  a  hundred  and 
four,  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  entire  crew  as  prisoners.  The 
loss  of  DECATUR  was  but  twelve,  killed  and  wounded.  The  same 
Captain  Garden,  between  whom  and  DECATUR  we  have  just  re 
corded  a  friendly  conversation,  now  became  the  prisoner  of  the 
latter.  Being  conveyed  on  board  the  President,  he  presented  his 
sword  to  his  young  conqueror,  with  an  equanimity  that  war's 
grim  frowns  could  not  subdue.  DECATUR  courteously  said :  "  Sir, 
I  can  not  receive  the  sword  of  a  man  who  has  so  bravely  defended 
his  ship." 

The  capture  of  the  Macedonian  and  Captain  Garden, — justly 
esteemed  among  the  most  accomplished  of  the  British  officers, 
just  upon  the  heel  of  the  surrender  of  their  boasted  war-craft,  the 
Guerriere,  created  a  decided  sensation  in  England,  and  produced 
a  more  favorable  opinion  of  the  inexperienced  naval  capacities  of 
a  young  Republic,  contending  for  "  free  trade  and  sailors'  rights." 
The  recipient  of  just  renown,  DECATUR  returned  from  the  capture 
of  the  Macedonian  to  his  own  country,  where  he  was  received  with 
unbounded  enthusiasm.  At  New  London  he  received  marked 
distinction  and  applause.  He  had  drawn  upon  himself  the  gaze 
of  men,  and  was  rapidly  reaching  the  meridian  of  his  fame. 
State  legislatures  and  the  National  Congress,  heaped  honors  upon 
him  in  the  shape  of  votes  of  thanks  and  complimentary  reso 
lutions.  Swords  and  medals  were  profusely  awarded  to  him  as 
being  the  champion  of  the  American  navy.  Addresses,  toasts, 
and  entertainments  were  showered  upon  him,  and  the  public 
prints  teemed  with  his  praise,  and  the  blazonry  of  his  heroic 
deeds.  Yet  modest  and  unpretending,  considering  himself  as 
belonging  to  his  country,  toward  which,  he  felt  he  had  discharged  no 
more  than  a  duty  she  had  a  right  to  demand,  he  did  not  become 
intoxicated  from  drinking  of  the  cup  of  adulation,  but  with  manly 
dignity,  elevated  by  patriotic  fervor,  mingled  with  his  countrymen 
as  one  of  her  ordinary  independent  sons.  Having  attained  a 
position  first  in  the  rank  with  those  connected  with  the  naval  ser 
vice,  the  Macedonian  and  Hornet  were  now  added  to  DECATUR'S 


STEPHEN    DECATUR.  581 

command.  After  a  very  brief  .respite,  he  took  his  squadron  into 
Long  Island  Sound. 

He  now  maneuvered  with  considerable  tact  and  naval  ingenuity, 
sometimes  avoiding  attack  by  a  dextrous  movement,  then  separat 
ing  the  enemy's  line,  and  endeavoring  to  give  chase.  The  number 
of  the  British  ships  that  hovered  around,  seeking  for  some  advan 
tage  to  engage,  was  superior  to  his  own,  and  well  manned.  By 
his  vigilance  and  sagacity,  he  proved  more  than  a  match  for  them. 
A  battle  was  finally  proposed  between  two  of  his  own  ships  and 
the  same  number  of  the  enemy.  The  proposition  was  accepted, 
and  for  a  time  it  was  thought  a  fight  would  take  place.  The 
affair  passed  off,  however,  and  ended  in  disappointment,  particu 
larly  to  DECATUR,  who  was  far  from  unwilling  for  the  collision  to 
take  place. 

About  this  time,  occurred  one  of  those  magnanimous  acts,  with 
which  DECATUR'S  life  is  replete.  Hiram  Thayer,  the  son  of  a 
respectable  Massachusetts  farmer,  was  impressed  on  one  of  the 
enemies  ships,  and  made  to  perform  menial  service  with  the 
enemies  of  his  country.  His  father  proceeded  under  a  passport, 
granted  to  DECATUR,  to  the  British  squadron,  and  identified  his 
son.  Though  the  identity  was  completely  satisfactory,  and  they 
could  not  urge  that  he  was  kept  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  they  retained 
him  in  custody.  DECATUR  promptly  interfered,  and  procured  his 
release.  Such  occurrences  as  these,  on  the  part  of  the  British, 
tended  greatly  to  exasperate  the  feelings  of  the  Americans  and  lend 
bitterness  to  the  animosities  prevailing  during  the  war  of  1812. 

DECATUR,  in  1814,  was  again  transferred  to  the  command  of 
his  old  vessel,  the  President.  At  this  time,  from  various  move 
ments  of  the  enemy  upon  the  high  seas,  it  was  thought  they  con 
templated  an  attack  upon  New  York,  and  every  effort  was  made 
to  guard  the  avenues  to  that  city.  For  this  purpose,  DECATUR 
was  sent  on  an  expedition  to  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  Missis 
sippi.  All  this  while  he  was  eagerly  looking  out  for  some  oppor 
tunity  to  distinguish  himself.  After  making  this  cruise,  he  again 
put  to  sea,  determined  to  try  his  fortune  on  a  wider  sphere  of 
action.  In  January,  1815,  he  fell  in  with  a  British  squadron, 
some  fifty  miles  east  of  Long  Island.  The  commander  of  this 
squadron  was  anxious  to  defeat  DECATUR.  The  latter  so  managed 
his  vessels,  as  to  baffle  his  intentions  for  the  present,  of  attacking 
him  with  his  combined  forces.  He  now  engaged  the  Endymion, 


582  STEPHEN    DECATUR. 

one  of  the  finest  ships  in  the  English  service.  The  action  was 
begun  under  circumstance  disadvantageous  to  the  American 
vessel.  The  guns  of  the  Endyrnion  being  of  heavier  caliber,  she 
raked  the  President  at  a  distance  too  great  for  the  latter  to  do  any 
heavy  execution.  Seeing  his  men  fall  around  him,  without  being 
able  to  return  an  effective  fire,  DECATUR  heroically  resolved  to  board 
her.  Quickly  calling  his  men  around  him,  he  made  known  his 
design,  and  made  the  following  appeal:  uMy  lads,  that  ship  is 
coming  up  with  us.  As  our  ship  won't  sail,  we  '11  go  on  board 
of  theirs,  every  man  and  boy  of  us,  and  carry  her  into  New  York. 
All  I  ask  of  you  is  to  follow  me.  This  is  a  favorite  ship  of  the 
country.  If  we  allow  her  to  be  taken,  we  shall  be  deserted  by 
our  wives  and  children.  What!  let  such  a  ship  as  this  go  for 
nothing.  'T  would  break  the  heart  of  every  pretty  girl  in  New 
York."  This  appeal  was  received  amid  enthusiastic  cheers. 
Warned  by  the  huzzas  of  the  crew,  the  Endymion  steered  off,  and 
prevented  the  design  being  put  in  execution.  Both  sides  now 
opened  a  heavy  fire.  After  continuing  it  for  some  time,  the 
Endymion,  being  neary  riddled  to  pieces,  was  silenced.  This 
victory  was  somewhat  dearly  bought,  many  of  his  men  and  some 
of  his  most  valued  officers  being  killed  in  the  engagement. 

DECATUR  now  hoped  to  be  able  to  avoid  collision  with  the  balance 
of  the  squadron,  and  it  being  darkened  by  clouds  that  had  just 
risen,  immediate  steps  were  taken  to  insure  his  safety.  In  this, 
however,  he  was  doomed  to  bitter  disappointment.  The  clouds 
cleared  away,  and  the  bright  starlight  discovered  his  crippled 
vessel  to  the  British  craft,  Pomona,  which  bearing  directly  upon 
her,  poured  in  a  tremendous  broadside.  Joined,  soon  after,  by  the 
Tenedos,  they  both  opened  a  fire  so  destructive,  that  resistance 
was  a  mere  waste  of  blood,  and  DECATUR  was  compelled  to 
utter  that  hitherto  unspoken  word,  surrender.  The  President, 
notwithstanding  the  predicted  desertion  by  their  "wives  and 
sweethearts  in  New  York,"  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
DECATUR  was  conveyed  to  Bermuda,  whence,  after  being  well 
received  and  entertained,  he  was  sent  home  in  a  chosen  frigate. 
He  was  received  by  his  fellow-countrymen  with  the  same  marks 
of  esteem  and  popular  favor  that  were  always  lavishly  bestowed. 

Meantime  Jackson's  cannon  had  thundered  victory  at  New 
Orleans,  and  England,  no  longer  claiming  the  title  of  undisputed 
mistress  of  the  seas,  signified  a  willingness  to  enter  into  a  treaty 


STEPHEN    DECATUR.  583 

of  peace ;  which  was  duly  concluded  by  ministers  from  the  two 
powers.  The  piratical  excursions  of  the  Algerines,  upon  the 
seas,  greatly  to  the  detriment  of  our  commerce,  next  de 
manded  the  naval  service  of  the  United  States.  After  repeated 
ineffectual  attempts  to  suppress  the  career  of  the  semi-barbarian 
sea  robbers,  without  a  resort  to  arms,  it  was  determined  to  force 
them  into  submission.  A  squadron  was  immediately  fitted,  the 
command  of  which  was  given  to  DECATDR.  This  was  no  small 
testimonial  of  his  former  services.  He  made  quick  work  of  his 
mission.  Proceeding  to  Gibraltar,  he  learned  the  proximity  of 
the  Algerine  fleet,  and  immediately  started  in  pursuit.  Coming 
up  to  the  admiral's  ship,  he  engaged  her,  and  succeeded  in  captur 
ing  a  frigate  and  brig.  Availing  himself  of  the  advantages  these 
conquests  gave  him,  he  pushed  rapidly  ahead  to  the  city  of 
Algiers,  and  dictated  terms  of  peace  to  the  frightened.  Thus 
ended  the  Algerine'  war,  and  with  it  forever,  the  system  of  piracy 
practiced  at  that  time. 

Notwithstanding  treaty  stipulations,  the  regencies  of  Tripoli  and 
Tunis,  still  perpetrated  outrages  upon  our  commerce.  Though, 
without  instructions  from  his  government,  who  were  ignorant  of 
their  non-compliance  with  treaty  requisitions,  DECATUK  proceeded 
on  his  own  responsibility,  from  his  Algerine  expedition,  to  Tunis, 
and  forced  the  authorities  into  indemnity.  Hastening  to  Tripoli, 
the  Bashaw  was  forced  into  the  same  arrangement.  He  now 
proceeded  to  Syracuse,  thence  to  Naples  and  Messina,  whence, 
after  a  highly  interesting  correspondence,  ventured  into  in  vindi 
cation  of  his  country,,  with  the  Neapolitan  government,  he  pro 
ceeded  to  New  York  by  way  of  Gibraltar.  On  his  return,  every 
demonstration  of  gratitude  and  admiration  was  tendered  him. 
He  was,  soon  after,  appointed  commissioner  of  the  navy,  which  post 
he  occupied  with  honor  and  credit.  His  public  career  was  now 
drawing  to  a  close.  It  had  been  successful,  brilliant,  and  heroic. 
Identified  with  the  American  navy,  his  name  will  not  be  forgotten, 
while  the  colors  for  which  he  contended  in  boyhood,  float  respected 
in  every  port  and  on  every  sea.  As  testimonials  of  his  valued 
services,  he  received  from  the  cities  of  Baltimore  and  Philadelphia, 
two  of  the  most  elegant  and  costly  sets  of  silver  plate,  which 
were  presented  in  the  most  flattering  manner.  Thus  honored, 
respected,  and  beloved  in  a  country,  to  the  maintenance  of  whose 
rights  and  dignity,  he  had  devoted  the  prime  of  his  life,  he  was 


584  STEPHEN    DECATUR. 

regarded  as  among  the  fixed  stars,  that  were  to  adorn  our  his 
torical  coronet.  Here  wo  would  willingly  lay  aside  the  pen,  or 
draw  a  vail  over  that  Draconian  code  of  honor,  that  tore  from  his 
country  one  of  whom  she  was  so  justly  proud.  But  duty  makes 
it  necessary,  inasmuch  as  we  have  attempted  to  give  his  rise  and 
progress  to  glory's  hight,  that  we  should  give  the  manner  in 
which  he  disappeared  from  among  men. 

In  the  fatal  duel  with  Commodore  Ban-on,  he  was  cut  down  in 
the  prime  of  a  useful  life.  In  regard  to  the  circumstances  that  led 
to  the  meeting,  DECATUR  was  not  wholly  exempt  from  censure.  His 
course  on  the  court  of  inquiry,  instituted  upon  the  conduct  of 
DECATUR,  while  in  command  of  the  Chesapeake,  has  already  been 
mentioned.  Barron,  as  before  stated,  was  suspended  from  the 
service  for  five  years.  During  the  war  of  1812,  Barron  applied 
for  admission  into  the  navy.  Against  this  application,  DECATUR 
was  active  in  his  efforts.  Actuated,  no  doubt,  by  motives  patri 
otic  and  worthy,  he  carried  out  his  opinion  presented  at  the  court 
of  inquiry,  and  still  asserted  that  his  behavior  on  the  Chesapeake 
was  unsoldierlike,  and  should  debar  him  from  future  commission. 
More  than  this,  he  also  said  to  the  commodore:  u I  have  enter 
tained,  and  do  still  entertain  the  opinion,  that  your  conduct  as 
officer  since  the  affair  of  the  Chesapeake,  has  been  such  as  ought, 
forever,  to  bar  your  re-admission  into  the  service."  Barron  had 
embarked  in  the  merchant  service,  and  in  the  early  part  of  the 
war,  was  absent  from  the  country.  It  was  this  to  which  DECATUR 
had  reference.  DECATUR  was  now  informed  that  a  hostile  com 
munication  from  the  commodore  might  be  expected  :  "  I  am  ready 
to  meet  it,"  was  the  reply.  Learning  this  statement,  colored  with 
a  high  degree  of  exaggeration,  Barron  sent  the  following  note: 
"I  have  been  informed  in  Norfolk,  that  you  have  said  you  could 
insult  me  with  impunity,  or  words  to  that  effect.  If  you  have  said 
so,  you  will,  no  doubt,  avow  it,  and  I  shall  expect  to  hear  from 
you."  To  this  DECATUR  replied:  "I  feel  a  thorough  conviction, 
that  I  never  could  have  been  guilty  of  so  much  egotism  as  to  say, 
that  I  could  insult  you  or  any  other  man  with  impunity."  Here, 
for  a  time,  the  matter  ended.  The  old  differences  were  revived. 
Rumors  were  afloat,  and  found  busy  heralds.  Other  letters,  of  no 
conciliatory  nature,  passed  between  the  parties.  Finally,  one  of 
DECATUR'S  letters  was  construed  into  a  challenge  by  Barron,  who 
signified  his  willingness  to  accept.  Preliminaries  were  arranged, 


STEPHEN    DECATUR.  585 

Commodore  Bainbridge  was  the  second  for  DECATUK,  and  Jesso 
Elliot  for  Barron.  The  former  declared  from  the  outset,  that  "  he 
would  rather  lose  his  own  life,  than  take  that  of  a  fellow-creature," 
and  announced  his  intention  of  shooting  his  antagonist  in  the  hip. 
The  meeting  took  place  at  Bladensburg,  on  the  22d  of  March, 
1820.  DECATUR  rose  early, — soothed  the  anxieties  of  his  beloved 
and  devoted  wife, — prepared  his  will  for  signature, — took  break 
fast  with  cheerfulness,  though  not  indifference,  and  repaired  to 
the  fatal  spot.  Barron  and  Elliot  were  already  there.  Bainbridge 
measured  the  ground,  and  won  the  choice  of  stands.  Placing 
DECATDR  on  the  lowest  ground,  he  told  them  that  he  should  say 
"  Present !  one,  two,  three,"  and  that  they  must  not  fire  before 
the  word  u  one,"  nor  after  the  word  "  three."  All  things  were  now 
ready.  Barron  remarked  to  DECATUR,  as  he  afterward  said,  with 
a  view  to  reconciliation,  "that  he  hoped,  on  meeting  in  another 
world,  they  would  be  better  friends  than  they  had  been  in  this." 
"  I  have  never  been  your  enemy,  sir,"  was  DECATUR'S  reply.  Yet, 
there  stood  Banbridge  and  Elliot,  witnessing  weapons  of  death 
pointed  to  the  breasts  of  two  fellow-men,  one  of  whom  wished  to 
meet  as  friends  in  "  another  world,"  the  other  affirming  that  he 
was  not  his  "  enemy,"  in  this, — without  an  effort  to  prevent  the 
fatal  shot.  In  part,  the  blood  spilled  on  that  day  is  on  their  own 
hands.  The  word  was  now  given ;  as  the  second  pronounced 
"TWO,"  both  parties  fired  simultaneously.  But  one  report  was 
heard,  DECATUR'S  ball  took  effect  in  the  hip  of  the  commodore, 
who  instantly  fell.  Barren's  ball  passed  through  the  abdomen  of 
DECATUR,  severing  a  large  blood-vessel,  and  inflicting  a  fatal 
wound.  The  latter  drew  himself  up  erect,  pressed  his  hand  to 
the  wound,  and  fell,  saying:  "I  am  mortally  wounded,  and  wish 
that  I  had  fallen  in  defense  of  my  country."  Bleeding,  and  suffer 
ing  intense  pain,  he  was  carried  to  his  home.  His  deepest  solici- 
tiude  was  for  his  wife,  whom  he  tenderly  loved.  He  begged  his 
friends,  who  gathered  around,  to  look  to  his  wife,  not  to  him.  She 
was  withered  to  the  earth, — overwhelmed  with  misery  on  first 
receiving  the  intelligence.  His  will  was  made  out,  which  he 
duly  signed.  He  continued  to  sink  rapidly,  saying  that  he  did 
not  know  that  mortals  could  endure  pain  so  intense.  Just  after 
ten  o'clock  at  night,  the  following  mournful  notice  announced  that 
he  was  no  more:  "  A  hero  has  fallen  ;  Commodore  DECATUR,  one 
of  the  first  officers  of  our  navy, — the  pride  of  his  country, — the 


586  STEPHEN    DECATUR. 

gallant,  noble-hearted  gentleman  is  no  more.  He  expired  a  few 
minutes  ago,  of  a  mortal  wound,  received  in  the  duel  this  morn 
ing.  Mourn  Columbia  !  for  one  of  thy  brightest  stars  is  set.  A 
eon  without  fear,  without  reproach,  in  the  fullness  of  his  fume,  in 
the  prime  of  his  usefulness,  has  descended  to  the  tomb.  Not  only 
as  a  hero  is  he  lamented.  With  those  who  personally  knew  him, 
his  civic  qualities  riveted  anew  the  ties  by  which  his  military 
virtues  had  bound  him  to  their  hearts.  He  was  amongst  the  fore 
most  of  those  who  have  added  to  the  fame  of  his  country ;  and 
his  premature  death  is  mourned  as  it  ought  to  be."  He  was 
buried  next  day  at  four  o'clock,  with  all  the  honors  due  to  his  rank 
and  fame.  The  President  and  cabinet,  members  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  headed  by  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  the  marine,  city  authori 
ties,  civic  and  military,  proceeded  with  his  corpse  to  its  final 
resting-place.  His  remains  repose  in  the  grounds  of  Kalorama, 
a  beautiful  site,  overlooking  the  city  of  Washington  and  the  Poto 
mac  River;  his  name  and  his  deeds  will  form  a  part  of  our  proud 
history,  and  a  record  of  admiration,  while  a  tinge  of  glory  lingers 
on  our  naval  flag. 


JOHN  QUIISTCY  ADAMS. 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 


THE  venerable  Socrates  once  administered  to  his  favorite  pupil, 
the  Protean  Greek,*  a  gentle  reproof:  "  I  would  have  you  know 
that  the  rising,  is  more  brilliant  than  the  setting  sun,"  replied  the 
latter.  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  was  just  reaching  the  meridian  of 
his  fame,  when  his  distinguished  father,  after  a  life  of  usefulness 
and  honor  to  his  country,  was  passing  from  among  men.  Never 
did  father  have  greater  cause  to  glory  in  a  son.  Born  on  the 
eve  of  the  Revolution,  his  father,  the  champion  of  resistance  and 
independence,  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  became  imbued  with  the 
spirit  of  freedom  and  virtue,  from  his  very  cradle. 

There  is  so  much  grandeur  and  sublimity  connected  with  his 
name,  so  much  perfectibility  and  true  greatness  in  the  vast  outline 
of  his  character,  that  if  we  linger  awhile  around  the  subject,  a  near 
approach  to  which,  seems  almost  sacrilege,  we  shall  surely  be  par 
doned.  To  draw  a  true  portrait,  true  to  the  original, — to  sketch  his 
form,  lineaments,  character,  and  greatness, — we  feel  that  a  more 
skillful  artist  is  needed.  For  this,  however,  time,  ever  accurate,  has 
been  the  most  faithful  engraver.  His  is  not  one  of  those  characters, 
that  grows  dim  with  the  rust  of  gathering  years,  but  brightens  in 
beauty,  widens  in  outline,  and  deepens  in  influence,  as  mind 
becomes  elevated  and  enlightened.  Distant  generations  will 
number  him  among  the  sages, — the  Socrates  of  modern  times. 
Orator,  statesman,  philosopher,  jurist,  scholar,  civilian,  and 
Christian,  he  combined  the  attributes  of  a  great  man,  and  made 
them  subservient  to  an  ambition  purely  patriotic. 


*  Alcibiades. 

(537) 


588  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

He  was  the  son  of  John  and  Abigail  Adams,  and  was  born  at 
Quincy,  Massachusetts,  July  llth,  1767.  He  was  descended  from 
the  early  puritans,  his  lineage  being  traced  back  to  Henry  Adams, 
the  founder  of  the  family  in  this  country,  who  came  over  from 
England  soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  Massachusetts  colony, 
probably  about  1638.  The  family,  from  its  earliest  records,  was 
distinguished  for  inflexible  virtue  and  sternness  of  principle.  Of 
the  parents  of  our  subject,  enough  has  been  said  to  show  that 
these  qualities  were  a  part  of  his  inheritance.  His  earlier  school 
ing  consisted  more  of  the  practical  than  the  theoretical, — being 
more  connected  with  men  and  stirring  scenes,  than  books  and 
academies  of  learning.  Yet  it  was  that  sort  of  schooling  best 
adapted  to  develop  the  remarkable  qualities  of  his  mind, -and  tit 
him  for  his  high  destiny.  "While  his  father  was  engaged  in 
urging  the  Declaration,  before  Congress,  JOHN  QCJINCY  was  at 
home,  being  instructed  by  his  excellent  mother  in  the  primary 
branches.  When  but  nine  years  old,  he  wrote  the  following 
letter  to  his  father,  which  shows  that  he  had  a  solid  basis  to  build 
upon: 

"  BRAINTBEE,  June  Zd,  1777. 

DERA  Sra : — 

I  love  to  receive  letters  very  well,  much  better  than  I  love  to 
write  them.  I  make  but  a  poor  figure  at  composition.  My  head 
is  much  too  fickle.  My  thoughts  are  running  after  birds'  eggs, 
play,  and  trifles,  till  I  get  vexed  with  myself.  Mamma  has  a 
troublesome  task  to  keep  me  studying.  I  own  I  am  ashamed  of 
myself.  I  have  but  just  entered  the  third  volume  of  Rollings 
History,  but  designed  to  have  got  half  through  it  by  this  time.  I 
am  determined  this  week  to  be  more  diligent.  Mr.  Thaxter  is 
absent  at  court.  I  have  set  myself  a  stint  this  week,  to  read  the 
third  volume  half  out.  If  I  can  but  keep  my  resolution,  I  may, 
at  the  end  of  the  week,  give  a  better  account  of  myself.  I  wish, 
sir,  you  would  give  me  in  writing,  some  instructions  with  regard 
"to  the  use  of  my  time,  and  advise  me  how  to  proportion  my 
studies  and  play,  and  I  will  keep  them  by  me  and  endeavor  to 
follow  them.  With  the  present  determination  of  growing  better, 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  son, 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS."* 

»  Seward. 


JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS.  589 

In  1776,  the  elder  Adams,  as  before  stated,  was  appointed 
Minister  to  France,  whither  his  son,  then  in  his  eleventh  year, 
accompanied  him.  While  embarking  on  this  mission,  he  dropped 
a  few  hasty  lines  to  his  wife,  to  which  a  postscript  was  appended, 
saying:  "  Johnny  sends  his  duty  to  his  mamma,  and  his  love  to 
his  sisters  and  brothers.  HE  BEHAVES  LIKE  A  MAN." 

While  his  father  was  engaged  in  diplomatic  duties,  JOHN 
QUINCY  availed  himself  of  all  opportunities  to  acquaint  himself 
with  men  and  things  around  him.  His  father  thus  wrote,  in 
regard  to  him :  "  My  son  has  had  great  opportunity  to  see  this 
country,  but  this  has  unavoidably  retarded  his  education  in  some 
things.  He  has  enjoyed  perfect  health  from  first  to  last,  and  is 
respected  wherever  he  goes  for  his  vigor  and  vivacity,  both  of 
mind  and  body  ;  for  his  constant  good  behavior  and  for  his  rapid 
progress  both  in  'French,  as  in  general  knowledge,  which  for  his 
age  is  uncommon." 

On  his  return  to  the  United  States,  John  Adams  was  appointed 
Minister  to  Great  Britain.  His  son  again  accompanied  him. 
Seeing  little  prospect  of  a  successful  mission,  he  was  instructed  to 
proceed  on  his  embassy  to  Holland.  He  took  JOHN  QDINCY  with 
him  to  that  country,  and  placed  him  in  the  universities  of  Amster 
dam  and  Leyden,  where  he  made  considerable  proficiency  in 
the  various  branches  taught  there.  Remaining  for  some  time 
at  these  schools,  he  was,  in  1781,  then  in  his  fifteenth  year, 
appointed  private  secretary  to  Francis  Dana,  minister  to  St. 
Petersburg.  He  held  this  post  for  over  a  year,  discharging  its 
duties  with  a  sagacity  and  fidelity,  worthy  a  man  of  mature  years. 
Leaving  St.  Petersburg  alone,  he  proceeded  to  Holland,  joined  his 
father  at  the  Hague,  where  he  resumed  his  studies.  After  having 
brought  his  duties  in  Holland  to  a  close,  John  Adams  was  appoint 
ed  one  of  the  ministers  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace.  His  son 
went  with  him  to  Paris,  and  watched  with  keenest  interest  the 
maneuvers  of  diplomatists,  during  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty. 
Intimately  associated  with  Franklin  and  Jefferson,  and  other 
great  men,  with  an  active,  vigorous  mind,  he  was  well  qualified 
to  improve  by  the  opportunities  thrown  around  him.  He  studied 
well  the  governments  of  Europe,  and  the  great  characters  with 
which  he  came  in  contact. 

In  1784,  he  went  to  London  with  his  father,  who  was   ap 
pointed   to   negotiate   a  treaty  of  peace.     He  remained  there 


590  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

during  the  years  1784-'85.  He  carried  with  him  to  the  metropo 
lis,  the  same  inquiring,  investigating  mind,  and  treasured,  in 
these  two  years,  much  that  was  useful  and  instructive.  Her  then 
living  orators,  whose  tones  vibrate  yet,  afforded  the  highest  intel 
lectual  banquet  for  his  young  soul.  Her  Sards  and  poets,  he  saw, 
through  the  vista  of  the  by-gone,  and  listened  to  their  strains, 
where  he  could  most  appreciate  them.  The  fruitions  of  her  Philan 
thropists  and  moralists,  were  fresh  and  fadeless  about  him,  as  he 
stood  upon  the  very  thresholds  of  their  fame. 

The  great  and  sublime  lessons,  thus  presented  to  his  capacious 
mind,  were  drank  in  with  the  enthusiasm  of  conquest.  In  the 
midst  of  this  school  of  discipline,  however,  he  turned  his  young 
eye  homeward.  There  he  saw  being  elaborated,  the  most  magnifi 
cent  civic  structure  ever  designed  by  the  cunuingest  political 
architects.  Then  his  own  duties,  in  connection  therewith,  loomed 
perspectively  before  him,  and  he  resolved  to  prepare  for  their  dis 
charge.  At  an  age,  and  a  time  when  the  minds  of  most  youths 
would  have  been  intoxicated  with  scenes  of  court  life,  and  the  varied 
displays  of  the  great  capital  of  commerce,  he  yearned  for  home, 
and  an  opportunity  to  complete,  in  a  course  of  rigid  discipline,  his 
education.  He,  therefore,  returned  home,  and  in  his  nineteenth 
year,  entered  the  University  of  Cambridge,  where  he  gradu 
ated  with  distinction  in  1788. 

After  completing  his  college  course,  he  commenced  the  study 
of  law  under  Theophilus  Parsons,  a  man  of  varied  attainment  and 
extensive  legal  lore.  Having  obtained  license,  he  began  the 
practice  in  the  city  of  Boston.  He  passed  a  dreary  and  uncomfor 
table  noviciate.  Business  was  dull,  and  for  a  time,  his  prospects 
were  bleak  enough.  They  finally  began  to  brighten,  and  when 
he  found  he  was  more  than  balancing  expenses  by  his  professional 
services,  he  felt  great  reasons  for  rejoicing 

But  it  was  not  in  the  forum  he  was  destined  first  to  distinguish 
himself.  His  father  was  treading  the  path  before  him,  and  the 
country  bade  him  follow,  which  he  obeyed,  as  by  intuition.  The 
close  of  the  American  Revolution,  was  followed  by  the  incoherent 
bloody  throes  of  the  French  revolution.  Whirling  in  delirious 
anarchy  for  a  time,  every  prospect  of  success  was  wrested  from 
her  nerveless  grasp,  and  she  left  bleeding  and  covered  with  odium 
by  the  unanimous  voice  of  Europe.  Her  revolution,  and  its 
frightful  consequences,  were  ascribed  to  America,  whence,  it  was 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  591 

alleged  she  had  caught  the  spirit  of  freedom.  Her  struggle,  and 
the  attitude  proper  to  assume  in  relation  to  it,  by  other  nations, 
was  a  theme  of  momentous  consideration  for  statesmen  and 
political  economists.  In  this  country,  it  was  a  question  of  vital 
interest.  In  the  wide-spread  sympathies  existing  in  her  behalf, 
JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  who  pondered  the  matter  with  the  care  and 
caution  of  a  veteran  statesman,  did  not  participate.  Seeing 
that  the  French  revolution  would  be  an  inevitable  failure,  not 
wishing  her  nationality  crushed  'out  by  combinations  of  allied 
power,  and  believing  that  neutral  peaceful  ground  was  the  true 
course  for  his  country,  he  entered  into  the  controversy,  and 
became  a  leading  spirit.  He  published,  in  1781,  in  the  Boston 
Sentinel,  his  "  Publicola  Letters."  Their  perusal  created  a  pro 
found  sensation,  both  in  Europe  and  America.  By  some,  they 
were  regarded  as  a  triumphant  reply  to  parts  of  Paine's  Eights  of 
Man.  Fox  spoke  of  them  as  "the  best  things  that  had  been 
written."  The  authorship  was  ascribed  to  the  elder  Adams,  who 
was  compelled  to  utter  an  emphatic  disavowal. 

He  next  wrote  the  letters  signed  "Marcellus,"  which  were 
extensively  circulated,  read,  and  admired.  Of  these  letters  it  is 
sufficient  to  say  that  they  were  read,  and  commended  by  Wash 
ington  himself,  who  was  so  struck  with  the  ability  evinced  by  the 
author,  that  he  made  diligent  inquiries  concerning  him.  Their 
tone  advocated  strongly  a  strict  neutrality  toward  the  parties  to 
the  contest.  In  these  letters  he  thus  early  laid  down  two  great 
fundamental  principles  of  his  political  life,  to  which  he  adhered 
with  stern  consistency:  "Union  at  home,  and  independence  of  all 
foreign  alliances  or  entanglements, — independence,  not  only  politi 
cally,  but  in  manufactures  and  in  commerce." 

He  had  thus  brought  himself  before  the  country,  in  an  attitude 
where  merit  could  but  elicit  respect  and  consideration.  He  was 
ambitious, — not  selfishly  so, — but  ambitious  to  be  of  service  to 
his  country.  His  legal  prospects  not  being  very  bright,  he  had 
many  misgivings  as  to  his  future,  and  wrote :  "  I  am  not  satisfied 
with  the  manner  in  which  I  spend  my  time.  It  is  calculated  to 
keep  me  forever  fixed  in .  that  state  of  useless  and  disgraceful 
insignificancy,  which  has  been  my  lot  for  years."  He  determined, 
however,  to  devote  himself  more  energetically  to  his  profession. 
He  was  now  in  his  twenty-fifth  year,  and  we  shall  soon  see  him 
40 


592  JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

rousing  his  dauntless  spirit,  and  soaring  beyond  the  sphere  of  his 
cotemporaries. 

During  the  prevalence  of  excitement,  incident  to  the  course 
of  Genet,  ADAMS  wrote  a  series  of  letters  over  the  signature  of 
"Columbus,"  favoring  neutrality.  Embodying  the  policy  best 
suited  to  be  carried  out  by  this  country,  and  being  in  sentiment 
coincident  with  the  views  entertained  by  the  administration,  they 
drew  upon  the  author  wide-spread  admiration,  and  in  conjunction 
with  his  other  writings,  brought  him  prominently  before  the 
public. 

Having  already  attracted  the  attention  of  Washington,  whose 
sagacity  and  peace-loving  nature,  were  sure  to  dictate  the  selection 
of  the  wisest  and  most  prudent  patriots  for  official  station,  ADAMS 
was  appointed,  in  1794,  Minister  to  the  Hague,  and  immediately 
embarked  on  his  embassy.  Thus,  at  an  age  when  most  young  men 
are  looking  with  eager  anxiety  upon  their  professions,  in  the  light 
of  experiment,  we  find  ADAMS  appointed  upon  a  delicate  and  im 
portant  foreign  mission.  Our  diplomatic  history  presents  few 
instances  of  men  so  young,  being  thus  honored  and  confided  in. 
On  his  arrival  at  the  Hague,  where  his  earlier  school  days  were 
passed,  he  found  affairs  in  an  unsettled  condition,  and  saw  little 
prospect  of  doing  any  service  for  his  country.  These  circum 
stances  induced  serious  thoughts,  on  his  part,  of  returning  to  the 
United  States.  Learning  this,  Washington  sent  the  following  to 
his  father,  remonstrating  against  such  a  step:  "Your  son,"  says 
he,  "must  not  think  of  retiring  from  the  path  he  is  now  in. 
His  prospects,  if  he  pursues  it,  are  fair ;  and  I  shall  be  much 
mistaken  if,  in  as  short  a  time  as  can  be  expected,  he  is  not  found 
at  the  head  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  be  the  government  adminis 
tered  by  whomsoever  the  people  may  choose." 

This  flattering  prediction,  from  so  distinguished  a  source,  was 
more  than  verified.  He  remained  in  Holland,  studying  the  interest 
of  his  country,  and  watching  with  closest  scrutiny,  the  political 
workings  of  things  throughout  Europe.  During  the  performance 
of  his  ministerial  duties,  it  became  necessary  for  him  to  visit 
London.  There  he  formed  the  acquaintance  of  Miss  Louisa 
Catharine  Johnston,  daughter  of  Joshua  Johnston,  of  Maryland, 
who  was  consular  agent  at  the  time,  and  formerly  one  of  the 
signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  They  soon  conceived 
for  each  other  a  true  friendship,  which  warmed  into  an  ardent 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  593 

attachment.     They  were  married,  July  26th,  1797,  and  lived  long 
together  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  peaceful,  domestic  happiness. 

On  the  elevation  of  John  Adams  to  the  Presidency,  the  con 
tinuance  of  his  son  as  minister,  became  a  question  of  delicate 
consideration.  He  wished  to  perform  his  whole  duty  to  his  coun 
try,  without  subjecting  himself  to  accusations  of  family  prefer 
ment.  Washington  was  consulted  in  regard  to  the  matter,  and 
gave  an  emphatic  opinion,  favorable  to  his  continuance :  "If," 
says  he,  "  my  wishes  would  be  of  any  avail,  they  should  go  to  you 
in  a  strong  hope  that  you  will  not  withhold  merited  promotion 
from  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  because  he  is  your  son.  For,  without 
intending  to  compliment  the  father  or  the  mother,  or  to  censure 
any  others,  I  give  it  as  my  decided  opinion,  that  Mr.  ADAMS  is 
the  most  valuable  public  character  we  have  abroad." 

He  was,  soon  after,  appointed  minister  to  the  court  of  Berlin, 
where  he  arrived  in  1798.  While  there,  he  devoted  himself  to 
literary  pursuits,  during  his  leisure  time,  with  the  freshness  and 
enthusiasm  of  youth.  For  the  German  poets,  he  conceived  great 
admiration,  and  for  the  purpose  of  perfecting  himself  in  the 
language,  as  well  as  to  imbibe  the  sentiments,  made  a  translation 
of  Wieland's  Oberon.  ADAMS  was  one  of  the  closest  students  of 
his  day,  and  acquired  a  fund  of  general  intelligence  and  scholarly 
lore,  attained  by  few  others.  As  a  literary  man,  had  his  life  been 
devoted  alone  to  letters,  unfettered  by  political  relationships,  he 
would  have  distinguished  himself,  and  conferred  lasting  benefits 
upon  his  country.  His  travels  through  Silesia,  the  scenery  of 
which  made  vivid  impression  on  his  mind,  were  published  in 
Philadelphia,  and  subsequently  translated  into  several  languages, 
and  extensively  circulated.  He  succeeded  in  concluding  a  highly 
advantageous  treaty  with  Prussia,  in  which  he  evinced  rare 
diplomatic  capacity  and  energy. 

This  young  ambassador  of  Freedom,  representing  our  Republic 
at  the  courts  of  Europe,  during  one  of  the  most  momentous 
periods  of  the  world's  history,  presents  an  object  of  deep  interest. 
All  Europe  was  convulsed,  and  wily  minister,  intriguing  monarch, 
and  daring  warrior,  were  struggling  for  dominion  on  the  land  and 
on  the  sea.  Yet  ADAMS,  youthful  as  he  was,  protected  our 
interests  with  a  prudence  and  sagacity,  that  placed  him  where  the 
unerring  eye  of  Washington  had  foreseen,  "  at  the  head  of  our 
diplomatic  corps." 


594  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

On  the  accession  of  the  elder  Adams  to  the  Presidency,  the 
affairs  of  the  country,  particularly  the  financial  department,  were 
in  a  perplexing  condition.  Though  he  pursued  a  course  of  moder 
ation  and  peace,  his  administration  was  not  in  all  respects  popu 
lar.  The  passage  of  the  "Alien  law,  which  empowered  the 
President  to  banish  from  the  United  States,  any  foreigner  whom 
he  should  consider  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  safety  of  the 
country," — followed  by  the  "Sedition  Law,  imposing  fine  and 
imprisonment  for  any  scandalous,  false,  and"  malicious  writing 
against  the  government  of  the  United  States,  or  either  house  of 
Congress  or  the  President," — rendered  the  administration  unpopu 
lar  in  many  sections  of  the  country,  which  subsequent  differences 
with  his  party  tended  to  increase.  Being  beaten  for  the  succession, 
by  Jefferson,  when  his  official  term  was  expiring,  he  recalled  JOHN 
QUINCY  ADAMS  to  the  United  States,  leaving  his  successor  free  to 
make  his  own  selections,  without  family  considerations. 

On  his  return  to  the  United  States,  in  1802,  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS 
was  received  with  high  admiration,  and  appearances  already  began 
to  indicate  that  the  distinction  of  the  father  would  be  transcended 
by  that  of  the  son.  Too  prominently  had  he  placed  himself  before 
the  country  to  remain  in  inactivity.  In  1803,  then  in  his  thirty- 
seventh  year,  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  from 
Massachusetts,  and  took  his  seat  among  veteran  statesmen,  where 
he  was  destined  to  tower  in  undazzled  grandeur,  a  colossus  of  the 
nation. 

The  Federalists  were  largely  in  the  majority  in  his  native  State, 
yet  his  noble  patriotism,  bursting  party  shackles,  soared  above 
minor  considerations,  and  with  vision  true,  embraced  in  his  views 
of  right,  the  whole  country,  and  the  elevation  of  his  FELLOW-MEN. 
On  one  occasion,  in  the  selection  of  men  composing  the  governor's 
council,  it  being  customary  to  yield  to  the  voice  of  the  majority, 
and  consequently  select  each  member  from  among  the  Federalists, 
ADAMS  urged  the  adoption  of  some  means  whereby  the  rights  of 
the  minority  would  be  respected,  by  placing  some  Anti-Federalists 
among  the  number,  and  cast  his  vote  to  that  effect.  At  another 
time,  he  was  asked  :  "  What  are  the  recognized  principles  of  poli 
tics?"  "There  are  no  principles  in  politics, — there  are  recog 
nized  precepts,  but  they  are  very  bad  ones,"  was  the  reply. 
:But,"  asked  his  interrogator,  "is  not  this  a  good  one,"— 
4  To  seek  the  greatest  good  of  the  greatest  number  ?'  "  "  No,"  he 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.          595 

answered,  "that  is  the  worst  of  all,  for  it  looks  specious,  while  it 
is  ruinous.  "What  shall  become  of  the  minority  in  that  case? 
This  is  the  only  principle  to  seek, — THE  GREATEST  GOOD  TO  ALL."* 

Among  the  early  duties  of  the  Senate,  was  action  upon  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana.  ADAMS  opposed  the  measure.  After  its 
passage,  however,  he  labored  zealously  in  the  preparation  of  a  ter 
ritorial  government.  The  extension  of  right  to  trial  by  jury,  in  all 
cases,  he  urged  with  great  force.  It  was  attempted  to  levy  a  tax 
upon  the  people  of  the  territory,  before  population  gave  them  a 
voice  in  Congress.  "Taxation,  without  representation,"  had 
become  ominous  to  our  Republic.  ADAMS  opposed  it  sternly,  and 
upon  the  broad  principles  of  constitutional  right. 

One  of  his  most  important  acts,  however,  in  the  Senate,  as  pre 
figuring  the  great  energies  and  powerful  talents  he  would  display 
on  the  great  agitating  question  of  slavery,  was  his  effort  to 
establish  a  law  levying  duty  on  the  importation  of  slaves.  In  the 
midst  of  his  labors,  however,  his  senatorial  career  was  about  end 
ing.  England's  orders  in  council,  interdicting  commercial  re 
lations  with  France,  and  the  Milan  decree,  prohibiting  all  com 
mercial  interchange  with  Great  Britain  or  her  colonies,  provoked 
the  American  Embargo.  The  excitement  and  commercial  dis 
tresses,  -  unavoidably  growing  out  of  this  measure,  which  may 
justly  be  styled  among  the  undesirable  necessities  of  the  times, 
have  already  been  mentioned.  Massachusetts  was  decidedly 
hostile  to  it,  while  petitions  and  memorials  crowded  upon  the 
President,  praying  its  repeal.  The  very  party  that  elected  ADAMS, 
were  almost  unanimous  in  their  hostility.  In  this  emergency, 
what  was  he  to  do?  He  took  a  calm  survey  of  the  whole  matter. 
On  one  side  was  the  party  that  placed  him  in  power,  on  the  other 
a  President  who  had  beaten  his  father,  and  been  elevated  to  office 
by  an  opposite  party,  advocating  the  enforcement  of  an  act,  the 
creation  of  which,  seemed  forced  upon  us  by  the  appeals  of  im 
periled  commerce.  After  full  investigation,  he  determined, 
regardless  of  results,  to  sustain  Jefferson  and  the  Embargo,  which 
he  did  with  manly  firmness.  He  now  had  heaped  upon  him  every 
variety  of  charge  of  venality  and  corruption,  by  the  Massachusetts 
Federalists,  and  opponents  of  the  Embargo,  who  affirmed  that  he 
was  actuated  by  selfish  ambition.  Singular  ambition,  truly !  to 

*  Quarterly.    Seward. 


596  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

leave  the  party  that  placed  him  in  power,  then  in  overwhelming 
majority  in  his  State,  and  identify  himself  with  a  measure,  whose 
friends  were  in  a  dead  minority  in  the  same  State.  "  Ambition 
should  be  made  of  sterner  stuff."  His  course  being  disapproved 
by  his  State,  and  not  wishing  to  represent  a  constituency  whose 
views  were  at  variance  with  his  own,  and  still  adherent  to  the 
great  maxim  of  his  life,  to  make  party  relationships  matters  of 
secondary  consideration,  ADAMS,  in  1808,  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
Senate.  The  presidency  of  Cambridge  being  vacant  by  the  death 
of  Willard,  the  position  was  flatteringly  tendered  to  him,  the 
acceptance  of  which,  he  peremptorily  declined.  He,  shortly 
after,  however,  accepted  the  position  of  professor  of  rhetoric  and 
belles-lettres  in  that  institution,  the  duties  of  which,  he  discharged 
to  his  increased  popularity,  and  the  honor  of  his  seat.  He  held 
this  place  until  1809.  In  March  of  that  year,  Madison  came  to 
the  Presidency  of  the  United  States,  and  ADAMS  accepted  the 
appointment  of  minister  to  Russia,  whither  he  sailed  the  ensuing 
summer.  He  reached  St.  Petersburg  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year. 
He  was,  shortly  after,  tendered  a  seat  on  the  bench  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  but  did  not  accept. 

While  at  the  Russian  court,  he  wrote  his  celebrated  volume  bear 
ing  the  title  of  "  Letters  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  to  his  son,  on 
the  Bible,  and  its  teachings."  They  were  written  to  his  son,  then 
a  school-boy  in  his  native  State.  No  man  ever  had  deeper  rever 
ence  for  the  Bible,  or  made  it  a  more  constant  companion  and 
monitor.  It  has  been  said  of  him,  that  he  read  it  through,  at  least 
once  a  year.  The  sublimity  of  its  truths,  and  the  purity  of  its 
maxims,  certainly  impressed  his  whole  career.  Never  did  man 
live  a  more  correct  exemplification  of  the  true  Christian  than  did 
he.  In  religion,  as  in  politics,  he  eschewed  sects  and  partyism, 
and  looked  higher,— to  the  general  diffusion  of  truth,  and  har 
monious  exercise  of  Christian  principles. 

He  soon  acquired  great  influence  at  the  Russian  Court,  and  did 
much  in  producing  the  proposed  mediation  of  Alexander  between 
his  country  and  the  United  States,  and  Great  Britain.  Hostilities 
had  resulted  to  the  glory  of  the  American  arms,  and  both  parties 
began  to  see  that  a  protraction  of  them  was  neither  to  the  interest 
of  the  one,  nor  advancement  of  the  other.  The  proposition  to  medi 
ate  was  accepted.  Clay,  Gallatiu,  Russell,  and  Bayard,  were 
joined  with  ADAMS  to  effect  negotiations.  The  labors  of  these  com- 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  597 

missioners  received  the  highest  enconiums,  even  from  England 
herself,  and  resulted  in  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  concluded  December 
24th,  1814.  News  of  the  treaty  of  peace  was  received  with 
enthusiastic  demonstrations  at  various  places  in  Europe,  while  in 
America,  it  was  the  signal  for  general  rejoicing.  Having  com 
pleted  their  labors  at  Ghent,  ADAMS,  in  conjunction  with  Clay  and 
Gallatin,  proceeded  to  London,  to  negotiate  a  commercial  treaty 
with  Great  Britain.  ADAMS  reached  the  metropolis  on  the  25th 
of  May,  1815.  This  was  soon  consummated  upon  advantageous 
terms  to  the  United  States.  In  all  these  negotiations,  ADAMS  dis 
played  rare  diplomatic  capacity,  and  showed  that  he  fully  under 
stood  the  politics  of  all  Europe,  as  well  as  of  his  own  country. 
He  attained  an  influence  at  foreign  courts,  equalled  by  few  of  our 
foreign  ministers.  His  vast  erudition,  varied  attainments,  love 
of  arts  and  science,  and  refined  taste,  made  him  a  welcome  guest 
in  the  most  polite  circles,  and  invested  him  with  marked  interest 
and  esteem. 

On  the  accession  of  James  Monroe  to  the  Presidency,  he 
determined  to  pursue,  as  far  as  compatible  with  the  dignity  of  a 
nation,  a  line  of  policy,  moderate  and  conciliatory ;  to  do  this, 
he  desired  to  draw  around  him  as  supporters  of  his  administration, 
men  of  firmness,  prudence,  experience  and  patriotism.  These 
considerations  induced  the  selection  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  for 
Secretary  of  State.  Soon  as  this  choice  was  determined  on,  the 
new  President  thus  wrote  Jackson:  "I  shall  take  a  person  for  the 
department  from  the  eastward ;  and  Mr.  ADAMS,  by  long  service 
in  our  diplomatic  concerns,  appearing  to  be  entitled  to  the  prefer 
ence,  supported  by  his  acknowledged  abilities  and  integrity,  his 
nomination  will  go  to  the  Senate."  Jackson  replied  as  follows : 
"  I  have  no  hesitancy  in  saying,  you  have  made  the  best  selection 
to  fill  the  department  of  State,  that  could  be  made.  Mr.  ADAMS, 
in  the  hour  of  difficulty,  will  be  an  able  help-mate,  and  I  am 
convinced  his  appointment  will  afford  general  satisfaction." 
Thus,  ADAMS  had  reached  a  position  of  high,  responsible  duty.  He 
immediately  embarked  his  family,  and  sailed  for  home,  where  he 
arrived  in  August,  1817.  Public  dinners  were  every  where 
extended  to  him,  and  ovations,  of  which  the  highest  born  auto 
crat  might  well  have  been  proud.  On  one  of  these  occasions,  in 
the  city,  of  Boston,  his  venerable  father  was  present,  and  though 
over  eighty  years  of  age,  looked  with  animated  interest  on  the  scene. 


598  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

ADAMS  immediately  proceeded  to  Washington,  and  entered  upon 
the  duties  of  his  office,  in  the  month  of  September.  Monroe 
reposed  unlimited  confidence  in  his  Secretary,  who  discharged  his 
duties  in  a  manner  that  showed  it  was  not  misplaced.  Looking 
alone  to  our  national  elevation,  and  the  maintenance  of  true  policy, 
he  labored  zealously  through  Monroe's  administration,  with  an 
ability  and  sagacity  that  the  national  archives  abundantly  testify. 
Early  in  Monroe's  administration,  the  conduct  of  Jackson  in  the 
Seminole  war,  and  the  taking  possession  of  the  Spanish  post,  was 
a  source  of  much  comment  and  animadversion.  The  execution  of 
Arbuthnot  and  Ambristed,  who  were  condemned  upon  accusations 
of  inciting  the  Indians  to  acts  of  hostility,  created  the  liveliest 
excitement  in  England.  Castlereagh  averred  that,  the  raising  of 
a  finger  in  the  British  cabinet  would  have  been  signal  sufficient 
for  a  rush  to  arms. 

ADAMS,  by  his  superior  skill  and  vigilance  in  the  discharge  of 
his  duties  as  Secretary  of  State,  did  much  to  avert  the  evil,  of 
which  we  were  somewhat  apprehensive.  When  Calhoun  intro 
duced  his  resolution  of  censure  upon  Jackson,  for  his  conduct  in 
the  Seminole  war,  to  the  effect,  that  he  should  be  punished  in 
some  form,  or  reprimanded  in  some  manner,  the  members  of  Mon 
roe's  Cabinet  were  unanimously  in  favor  of  its  passage,  except 
ADAMS,  who  boldly  defended  the  General,  as  being  clothed  with 
discretionary  power.  This  is  another  instance  where  his  patriot 
ism  showed  itself,  like  a  gilded  spire  towering  above  every  con 
sideration  of  partisan  or  sectional  feeling. 

While  occupying  the  Department  in  Monroe's  Cabinet,  the 
great  question  of  South  American  independence  came  up  in  Con 
gress.  With  characteristic  prudence  and  caution,  ADAMS  favored 
the  diffusion  of  the  principles  of  universal  freedom,  but  was 
opposed  to  foreign  warlike  entanglements.  The  following  letter 
to  Luriottis  will  best  give  his  views  upon  this  subject: 

WASHINGTON,  August  18th,  1823. 

SIR:— 

A  copy  of  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honor  of  addressing 
me,  on  the  20th  of  February  last,  has  been  transmitted  to  me  by 
the  minister  of  the  United  States,  at  London,  and  has  received 
the  deliberate  consideration  of  the  President .  of  the  United 
States. 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  599 

The  sentiments  with  which  he  has  witnessed  the  struggles  of 
your  countrymen  for  their  national  emancipation  and  indepen 
dence,  had  been  made  manifest  to  the  world,  in  a  public  message 
to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  They  are  cordially  felt  by 
the  people  of  this  Union,  who,  sympathizing  with  the  cause  of 
freedom  and  independence,  wherever  its  standard  is  unfurled, 
behold  with  peculiar  interest  the  display  of  Grecian  energy  in 
defense  of  Grecian  liberties,  and  the  association  of  heroic  exertions 
at  the  present  time,  with  the  proudest  glories  of  former  ages,  in 
the  land  of  Epaminondas  and  Philopcernon. 

But,  while  cheering  with  their  best  wishes,  the  cause  of  the 
Greeks,  the  United  States  are  forbidden,  by  the  duties  of  their 
situation,  from  taking  part  in  the  war,  to  which  their  relation  is 
that  of  neutrality.  At  peace,  themselves,  with  all  the  world, 
their  established  policy,  and  the  obligations  of  the  law  of  nations, 
preclude  them  from  becoming  voluntary  auxiliaries  to  a  course 
which  would  involve  them  in  war.  If,  in  the  progress  of  events, 
the  Greeks  should  be  enabled  to  establish  and  organize  them 
selves  as  an  independent  nation,  the  United' States  will  be  among 
the  first  to  welcome  them  in  that  capacity  into  the  general  family, 
to  establish  diplomatic  and  commercial  relations  with  them,  suited 
to  the  mutual  interest  of  the  two  countries,  and  to  recognize  with 
special  satisfaction,  their  constituted  state,  in  the  character  of  a 
sister  Republic. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  distinguished  consideration,  sir, 
your  very  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

ADAMS  was  warmly  enlisted  in  behalf  of  abolition  of  the  slave 
trade.  In  1823,  a  resolution  to  this  effect',  passed  the  House  by 
a  heavy  majority : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States,  be  request 
ed  to  enter  upon,  prosecute,  from  time  to  time,  such  negotiations 
with  the  several  maritime  powers  of  Europe  and  America,  as  he 
may  deem  expedient,  for  the  effectual  abolition  of  the  African 
slave  trade,  and  its  ultimate  denunciation  as  piracy,  under  the 
law  of  nations,  by  the  consent  of  the  civilized  world." 

On  the  passage  of  this  resolution,  ADAMS  provided  instructions, 
penning  with  his  own  hand  those  of  Rush,  then  minister  to  the 
court  of  St.  James.  Steps  were  immediately  taken  to  carry  out 


(500  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

the  spirit  of  the  resolution,  when  the  Senate  insisted  upon  the 
modification  of  the  terms  submitted  by  the  action  of  parties,  to 
which  England  would  not  consent,  and  the  whole  thing,  for  the 
time  being,  fell  through.  The  popular  administration  of  Monroe, 
to  the  success  of  which  ADAMS  had  largely  contributed,  closed  in 
the  spring  of  1825. 

So  deep  a  hold  had  ADAMS  taken  upon  the  public,  whose  rights 
he  had  so  nobly  and  triumphantly  vindicated,  that  the  eye  of  the 
nation  was  directed  toward  him,  as  best  fitted  for  the  succession. 
The  Presidential  campaign  of  1824  was  one  of  intense  excite 
ment,  characterized  in  many  respects  with  a  virulence  and  bitter 
ness,  hitherto  never  witnessed  on  a  similar  occasion.  ADAMS  was 
nominated  by  the  eastern  States,  Clay  by  the  western ;  Harrison 
was  regarded  as  the  candidate  of  the  southern,  while  Jackson's 
brilliant  military  fame,  and  forensic  experience,  entitled  him  to 
eminent  consideration  throughout  the  entire  Union.  After  a 
warmly  contested  canvass,  it  resulted  as  foreseen, — no  choice  was 
made  by  the  people.  The  electoral  college  numbered  two  hundred 
and  sixty-one  votes.  Of  these,  Jackson  received  ninety-nine, 
Adams  eighty-four,  Crawford  forty-one,  and  Clay  thirty-seven. 
This  threw  the  election  into  the  House,  which  took  place  early  in 
February,  1825.  It  was  an  occasion  of  vast  interest,  and  large 
crowds  flocked  to  the  capitol.  Daniel  Webster  and  John  Ban- 
dolph,  were  appointed  tellers.  The  ballots  being  all  counted, 
Webster  arose  and  said : 

"MR.  SPEAKER:  The  tellers  of  the  votes  at  this  table,  have  pro 
ceeded  to  count  the  ballots  contained  in  the  boxes  set  before  them. 
The  result  they  find  to  be,  that  there  are  for  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS 
of  Massachusetts,  thirteen  votes ;  for  Andrew  Jackson  of  Ten 
nessee,  seven- votes ;  for  William  H.  Crawford  of  Georgia,  four 
votes."  Thus,  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  was  the  duly  elected  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  for  the  ensuing  four  years.  John  C. 
Calhoun  was  chosen  Yice-President.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1825, 
the  oath  of  office  was  administered,  and  he  delivered  his  inaugu 
ral.  The  ceremony  was  one  of  the  most  imposing  ever  witnessed 
at  the  capitol.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  on  this  occasion,  he 
was  dressed  in  a  suit  made  entirely  of  home  manufacture.  His 
first  duty  was  the  selection  of  his  cabinet.  In  this  he  was  sure 
to  act  with  that  unflinching  patriotism  and  prudence,  of  which, 
his  life  had  been  a  continuous  exemplification.  For  Secretary  of 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

State,  he  selected  Henry  Clay  of  Kentucky  ;*  for  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Richard  Rush  of  Pennsylvania ;  for  Secretary  of  War, 
James  Barbour  of  Virginia ;  for  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Samuel 
Southard,  and  for  Attorney-General,  William  Wirt. 

The  venerable  Lafayette,  in  the  meantime,  had  visited  the 
United  States,  and,  as  the  "  nation's  guest,"  been  the  recipient  of 
marked  honors  and  distinction.  He  visited  ADAMS,  for  whom  he 
entertained  the  warmest  regards.  On  his  departure  from  the 
capitol,  he  fell  on  ADAM'S  neck,  and  uttered  the  sorrowing  fare 
well,  amid  suffused  tears,  and  with  a  heavy  heart.  This  scene 
was  solemnly  impressive.  The  patriarchal  father  of  JOHN  QUINCY 
ADAMS,  lived  to  see  his  son  elected  to  the  Presidential  chair,  and 
closed  his  long,  eventful  life. 

ADAMS,  on  entering  upon  the  duties  of  President,  early  showed 
that  he  would  neither  proscribe  men  from,  nor  select  them  to 
office,  merely  in  consequence  of  political  opinions  entertained. 
The  public  good  was  the  darling  object  of  his  soul,  to  promote 
which,  all  other  considerations  were  made  secondary.  u  It  was 
in  my  hearing,"  says  one  of  his  cotemporaries,  of  some  distinction, 
"that  to  a  representation,  that  a  certain  important  and  influential 
functionary  in  New  York,  was  using  the  power  of  his  office 
adversely  to  ADAM'S  re-election,  and  that  he  ought  to  desist  or  be 
removed.  ADAMS  made  this  reply :  '  That  gentleman  is  one  of 
the  best  officers  in  the  public  service.  I  have  had  occasion  to  know 
his  diligence,  exactness,  and  punctuality.  On  public  grounds, 
therefore,  there  is  no  cause  to  remove  him.  IF  I  CAN  NOT  AD 
MINISTER  THE  GOVERNMENT  ON  THESE  PRINCIPLES,  I  AM  CONTENT  TO 
GO  BACK  TO  QUINCY.'  "f 

On  another  occasion,  he  was  saluted  by  one  opposed  to  him  in 
politics,  in  this  wise :  "Mr.  President,  though  I  differ  with  you  in 
opinion,  I  am  glad  to  find  you  in  good  health."  ADAMS  grasped 
his  hand,  and  said :  "Sir,  in  our  happy  and  free  country,  we  can 
differ  in  opinion  without  being  enemies."  How  like  those  of 
Washington,  are  these  admirable  sentiments.  How  illustrative 
of  a  character  beyond  the  influence  of  partizan  bitterness,  and  with 
feelings  of  selfishness,  not  even  slightly  tinctured. 

*  For  particulars  of  the  party  bickering  and  personal  abuse  arising  out  of  this 
appointment,  see  Life  of  Henry  Clay, 
t  King's  Eulogy.    Seward. 


602  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

"  Be  just,  and  fear  not, 

Let  all  the  ends  thou  aim  'st  at,  be  thy  country's, 
Thy  God's,  and  Truth's," — 

was  truly  understood  and  put  in  practice  by.  ADAMS  in  all  transac 
tions,  official  and  private.  ADAM'S  administration,  though  fraught 
with  no  wars,  nor  political  storms,  was  one  of  the  most  success 
ful  that  ever  blessed  the  country.  Internal  improvements  were 
promoted,  home  manufactures  were  fostered,  and  renewed  treaties 
of  commerce  and  alliance  were  concluded  with  different  European 
powers.  In  the  language  of  Colton :  "  As  time  advances,  the 
evidences  are  accumulating  on  all  sides,  that  the  administration 
of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  was  one  of  the  most  wise,  patriotic, 
pacific,  just,  and  wealth-producing  in  the  history  of  the  country." 
On  the  convention  of  the  Nineteenth  Congress,  in  1825,  party 
hostility,  engendered  principally  by  the  friends  of  the  defeated 
candidates  for  the  Presidency,  became  manifest.  Thomas  H. 
Benton  proposed  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  accompanied 
with  an  able  and  lengthy  report,  taking  the  election  of  President 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  electoral  college,  and  leaving  it  with  the 
people.  No  action  was  had  upon  the  proposition.  McDuffie,  of 
South  Carolina,  also  proposed  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution, 
advocating  the  selection  of  electors  by  districts,  and  preventing 
future  elections  from  devolving  on  the  House.  In  presenting 
this  proposition,  McDuffie  dwelt  with  much  asperity  upon  the 
course  pursued  on  the  recent  election,  and  was  very  bitter  in  his 
remarks  upon  Henry  Clay,  and  the  alleged  bargain  and  intrigue. 
This  aroused  the  ire  of  the  Kentucky  members,  who  were  equally 
severe  and  pointed  in  defense  of  their  gallant  leader.  Quite  an 
exciting  scene  ensued,  in  which  the  lines  between  the  adminis 
tration  men  and  the  opposition,  were  more  closely  drawn,  and  the 
breach  of  parties  widened.  These  propositions,  as  also  a  reso 
lution,  presented  by  Mason,  in  regard  to  executive  patronage, 
amounted  to  little  more  than  the  creation  of  dissensions,  destruc 
tive  of  existent  harmony. 

It  was  proposed,  during  this  session,  that  a  general  Congress, 
composed  from  the  different  nations,  be  held  at  Panama,  with  a 
view  of  closely  uniting  the  several  powers,  and  establishing  fra 
ternal  relationships.  The  proposition  was  favorably  received  by 
ADAMS,  who  sent  a  confidential  message  to  the  House,  setting 
forth  the  objects  sought  to  be  attained,  and  recommending  Bichard 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Anderson  and  John  Sargent  as  delegates.  A  committee  was 
appointed,  who,  in  January,  1826,  presented  a  report  against  the 
measure.  The  Senate  refused  to  accept  the  report,  by  a  vote  of 
twenty-four  to  nineteen.  They  now  confirmed  the  nominations  of 
the  President ;  an  appropriation  was  soon  after  made  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  commissioners.  Thus,  notwithstanding  the 
condemnatory  report  of  the  committee,  which,  it  was  averred,  was 
appointed  by  Calhoun,  on  account  of  each  member's  known  hos 
tility  to  ADAMS,  the  administration  was  triumphantly  sustained. 
Anderson  died  on  his  way  to  Panama.  The  Congress  assembled 
at  the  place  designated,  in  June,  1826,  and  entered  into  general 
negotiations  of  peace  and  amity.  They  adjourned,  fixing  the 
meeting  at  Tacubaya,  in  Mexico,  in  February,  1827.  South 
America,  in  the  meantime,  became  greatly  agitated,  and  the  self 
ish  designs  of  Bolivar  were  manifest.  The  Congress  of  Nations 
never  assembled  at  the  time  appointed,  and  the  whole  matter,  from 
which  so  many  good  results  had  been  predicted,  fell  through. 

The  Nineteenth  Congress  seemed  imbued,  to  some  extent,  with 
the  principles  of  the  President,  in  regard  to  internal  improve 
ments  and  home  manufactures.  Several  hundred  thousand  dol 
lars  were  appropriated,  besides  large  parcels  of  public  lands,  to 
promote  improvements.  It  was  agreed,  also,  to  defray,  out  of  the 
public  treasury,  the  expense  attending  a  minute  investigation, 
and  publication  of  all  the  facts  relating  to  the  silk  culture  in  the 
United  States. 

Jackson  being  again  brought  forward  for  the  Presidency,  excite 
ments  were  early  engendered,  and  it  became  apparent,  the  oppo 
sition  would  unite  harmoniously  in  a  vigorous -campaign  to  secure 
his  election.  The  very  course  the  most  commendable  in  an 
executive,  pursued  by  ADAMS,  tended  to  weaken  his  strength,  and 
deprive  him,  in  many  instances,  of  warm,  influential  supporters. 
He  adhered  tenaciously  to  the  sentiments  expressed  in  his  inaugu 
ral,  that  party  considerations  should  not  influence  him  in  the 
smallest  degree,  in  appointments  and  removals.  ADAMS  was  a 
STATESMAN,  not  a  mere  politician,  and  in  administering  the 
government,  has,  at  least,  shown  the  wide,  the  very  wide  distinc 
tion  between  the  two.  By  this  course,  political  opponents  received 
patronage,  and  a  consequential  increase  of  influence,  which  was 
unsparingly  used  against  the  very  source  whence  it  emainated. 

Congress  met  again  December  4th,  1826.     During  this  second 


604  JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

session,  but  few  national  measures  of  interest  were  presented  for 
consideration.  Large  appropriations  were  made  for  internal 
improvements ;  measures  were  taken  for  the  diffusion  of  learning 
and  the  establishment  of  seminaries  ;  the  proposition  for  a  bank 
rupt  law  was  defeated ;  commercial  intercourse  with  the  British 
colonies  was  prohibited,  in  consequence  of  discriminating  duties ; 
canals  were  projected,  and  grants  made  for  their  completion ;  half 
a  million  dollarr  a  year  was  appropriated  to  the  improvement  of 
the  navy,  limited  to  six  years ;  additional  duties  on  woolens  were 
considered,  etc.  With  the  legislation  upon  these  measures,  and 
a  vast  amount  of  deferred  business  on  the  table,  Congress  ad- 

'  O 

journed. 

The  Twentieth  Congress  met,  December,  1827.  It  was  soon 
perceived  that  the  administration  had  lost  a  portion  of  its  sup 
porters.  Elections  had  been  held  in  several  of  the  States,  amid 
high  political  excitements,  into  which  the  tariff  question, — the 
proposed  additional  duties  on  woolens,  entered  with  special  con 
sideration.  The  opposition  succeeded  in  the  election  of  speaker 
of  the  House,  and  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate  being  hostile, 
the  President,  it  was  evident,  would  encounter  a  formidable  array 
of  opponents  during  the  session.  As  already  stated,  much 
interest  had  been  created  throughout  the  country,  by  the  discussion 
of  the  tariff  question.  ADAMS,  contrary  to  general  expectation, 
after  touching,  in  his  message,  upon  other  subjects  before  the 
public,  did  not  allude  to  this  at  all;  Kush,  however,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  made,  early  in  December,  an  elaborate  report,  in  which 
manufactures  received  great  consideration,  and  protection  was 
warmly  urged.  General  inquiry  was  now  instituted  into  the 
manufacturing  interests  of  the  country.  The  committee  on  manu 
factures,  after  a  diligent  investigation  of  the  subject  of  near  a 
month,  in  which  much  valuable  information  was  elicited,  reported 
in  January,  and  recommended  additional  duties  upon  many 
articles  of  import.  Discussions  upon  this  subject  were  kept  up 
with  considerable  animation,  until  silenced  by  the  adjustment 
tariff  of  1828.  This  was,  in  many  features,  obnoxious  to  some 
parts  of  the  south,  but  continued  in  force  until  the  compromise 
tariff  of  1832-'33.  A  bill  reductive  of  duties  on  wines  passed 
shortly  after ;  another,  regulative  of  the  process  of  the  federal 
courts,  for  the  convenience  of  the  newer  States,  also  passed. 

It  was  at  this  first  session  of  the  Twentieth  Congress,  that  the 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  605 

presiding  officer,  John  C.  Calhoun,  came  to  the  conclusion,  that 
his  authority  did  not  permit  him  to  preserve  order  in  the  Senate. 
Following  out  this  erroneous  idea  with  characteristic  stubborness, 
it  became  necessary  to  pass  some  special  resolution,  investing  him 
beyond  question,  with  a  prerogative  so  essential  to  the  preser 
vation  of  decorum  and  dignity  in  the  Senate.  Such  a  resolve 
was  proposed.  It  was  soon  seen  that  it  would  encounter  hostility. 
Many  averred  that  it  was  an  aristocratic  privilege,  at  variance 
with  the  principles  of  republicanism,  and  dangerously  inimical  to 
the  freedom  of  the  country.  After  protracted  discussion,  the 
measure  passed  by  a  majority  of  thirty-one  to  fifteen,  and  thus  the 
presiding  officer  of  the  Senate  became  convinced  that  he  had  a 
right  to  preside  over  that  body! 

This,  and  some  minor  legislation  closed  the  deliberations  of 
the  session,  which  adjourned  in  May.  The  next  session  convened, 
December  1st,  1828.  The  Presidential  election  took  place  in  the 
meantime,  and  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Andrew  Jackson,  by  a 
majority  of  ninety -five,  Jackson  having  received  one  hundred  and 
seventy  three,  and  ADAMS  eighty-three  electoral  votes. 

It  now  remained  for  the  President  and  his  coadjutors,  to  finish 
the  work  intrusted  to  their  care,  in  a  manner  patriotically,  as  it 
had  been  prosecuted.  The  last  session  of  the  Twentieth  Congress 
presented  no  measures  of  national  legislation  of  exciting  interest. 
The  President,  in  his  last  annual  message,  gave  an  able  review  of 
the  condition  of  the  country,  and  evoked  the  guidance  of  the 
Supreme  Will  to  continue  our  prosperity.  During  the  session, 
bills  regulative  of  navigation,  giving  extension  on  exports  was 
passed ;  the  constitutionality  of  appropriations  by  the  general  gov 
ernment,  for  purposesyof  internal  improvement,  was  thoroughly  in 
vestigated,  discussed,  and  acceded  to, — majorities  in  both  houses 
pronouncing  them  constitutional;  a  million  of  dollars  were  appro 
priated  to  the  Ohio  and  Chesapeake  canal;  grants  made  to  the 
Lake  Erie  and  Miami  river  canal;  to  Alabama,  for  canal  and 
river  improvements,  large  grants  were  made;  a  quarter  of  a 
million  -was  appropriated  to  the  construction  of  Delaware  bay 
breakwater  ;  fifteen  thousand  more  was  set  apart  to  open  the  Main 
military  road;  provision  was  made  for  exploring  purposes;  the 
sale  of  the  Missouri  salt  springs  and  lead  mines  was  authorized ; 
tolls,  toll-gates  and  roads,  were  regulated,  etc. 

This  session  of  Congress  was  quiet  and  ordinary.     What  legis- 


606          JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

lation  there  was,  had  produced  little  bitterness,  or  exciting  discus 
sion.  The  intensity  of  feeling  exhibited  during  the  election,  was 
followed  by  an  apathetic  reaction,  and  the  incoming  administration, 
and  the  course  it  would  be  likely  to  pursue,  engrossed  more  of 
public  attention,  than  the  close  of  the  old.  To  quote  the  language 
of  the  American  Annual  Kegister:  "  Thus  terminated  the  adminis 
tration  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS;  and  whatever  opinion  may  be 
entertained  of  its  policy,  and  its  tendency,  it  can  not  be  denied 
that  its  character  was  marked  and  definite;  and  that  it  exercised 
a  strong  influence  upon  the  interests  of  the  country.  The  merits 
and  demerits  of  his  policy  were  positive,  and  not  negative. 
Certain  definite  objects  were,  proposed  as  desirable,  and  the 
energies  of  the  government  were  directed  toward  their  attainment. 

uThe  United  States,  during  this  administration,  enjoyed  unin 
terrupted  peace ;  and  the  foreign  policy  of  the  government  had 
only  in  view  the  maintenance  of  the  dignity  of  the  national  char 
acter;  the  extension  of  its  commercial  relations,  and  the  suc 
cessful  prosecution  of  the  claims  of  American  citizens  upon 
foreign  governments. 

"  It  was,  however,  in  the  domestic  policy  of  government  that 
the  character  of  the  administration  was  most  strongly  displayed. 
During  its  continuance  in  office,  new  and  increased  activity  was 
imparted  to  those  powers  vested  in  the  federal  government  for  the 
development  of  the  resources  of  the  country ;  and  the  public 
revenue  liberally  expended  in  prosecuting  those  national  measures 
to  which  the  sanction  of  Congress  had  been  deliberately  given  as 
the  settled  policy  of  the  government. 

"More  than  one  million  of  dollars  had  been  expended  in  en 
larging  and  maintaining  the  lighthouse  establishment;  half  a 
million  in  completing  the  public  buildings ;  two  millions  in  erect 
ing  arsenals,  barracks,  and  furnishing  the  national  armories; 
nearly  the  same  amount  had  been  expended  in  permanent  additions 
to  the  naval  establishment ;  upward  of  three  millions  had  been 
devoted  to  fortifying  the  seacoast ;  and  more  than  four  millions 
expended  in  improving  the  internal  communications  between 
different  parts  of  the  country,  and  in  procuring  information,  by 
scientific  surveys,  concerning  its  capacity  for  further  improvement. 
Indeed,  more  had  been  directly  effected  by  the  aid  of  government, 
in  this  respect,  during  Mr.  ADAM'S  administration,  than  during 
the  administrations  of  all  his  predecessors.  Other  sums,  exceed- 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  607 

ing  a  million,  had  been  appropriated  for  objects  of  a  lasting 
character,  and  not  belonging  to  the  annual  expense  of  the  govern 
ment  ;  making,  in  the  whole,  nearly  fourteen  millions  of  dollars 
expended  for  the  permanent  benefit  of  the  country,  during  this 
administration. 

"  At  the  same  time,  the  interest  on  the  public  debt  was  punctu 
ally  paid,  and  the  de,bt  itself  was  in  a  constant  course  of  reduction, 
having  been  diminished  $30,373,188  during  this  administration, 
and  leaving  due,  on  the  first  of  January,  1829,  $58,362,136. 
While  these  sums  were  devoted  to  increasing  the  resources  and 
improving  the  condition  of  the  country,  and  in  discharging  its 
pecuniary  obligations,  those  claims  which  were  derived  from  what 
are  termed  the  imperfect  obligations  of  gratitude  and  humanity, 
were  not  forgotten. 

"More  than  five  millions  of  dollars  were  appropriated  to  solace 
the  declining  years  of  the  surviving  officers  of  the  Revolution ; 
and  a  million  and  a  half  expended,  in  extinguishing  the  Indian 
title,  and  defraying  the  expense  of  the  removal,  beyond  the  Mis 
sissippi,  of  such  tribes  as  were  unqualified  for  a  residence  near 
civilized  communities,  and  in  promoting  the  civilization  of  those 
who,  relying  on  the  faith  of  the  United  States,  preferred  to  remain 
on  the  lands  which  were  the  abodes  of  their  fathers. 

"In  the  condition  which  we  have  described,  in  peace  with  all 
the  world,  with  an  increasing  revenue,  with  a  surplus  of  $5,125 
638,  in  the  public  treasury,  the  administration  of  the  government 
of  the  United  States  was  surrendered  by  Mr.  ADAMS  on  the  3d 
of  March,  he  having  previously  left  the  governmental  house, 
and  relinquished  the  executive  power.  The  next  day  General 
Jackson  entered  upon  the  administration  of  the  government."* 

"  The  smile  with  which  he  threw  aside  the  trappings  of  power, 
and  the  graceful  propriety  with  which  he  took  leave  of  patronage 
and  place,  were  truly  commendable." 

Having  seen  this  great  man  rising  rapidly  to  distinction,  until 
he  had  reached  the  highest  point  of  earthly  ambition,  it  would 
seem  now,  that  we  should  go  with  him  to  the  quietude  of  private 
repose.  'Not  so,  however.  For  him  a  double  destiny  seemed 
designed,  for  which  nature  and  application  had  eminently  qualified 
him.  Before  returning  again  into  politics,  however,  we  may 


*  American  Annual  Register.    Willard. 

4:1 


JOHN     QUINCY     ADAMS. 

notice  his  vast  and  varied  attainments.  His  fondness  for  literary 
pursuits  has  before  been  mentioned  ;  in  the  department  of  letters, 
he  attained  a  position  that  might  well  excite  the  envy  of  the  most 
ardent  devotee.  Profoundly  versed  in  classic  lore,  embellished 
with  the  polish  and  refinement  of  modern  letters  and  associations, 
his  mind  naturally  bold,  vigorous,  and  discriminating,  exhibited 
evidences  of  the  finished  master  in  every  department  of  learning. 
At  this  time  he  was  esteemed  one  of  the  most  pleasing  and  in 
structive  conversationalists  of  his  day,  and  drew  men  toward 
him,  who  came  as  to  a  fountain  for  mental  refreshment. 

Besides  his  numerous  orations  and  pamphlets,  preserved  as 
finest  specimens  of  style  and  thought,  his  Letters  on  Silesia; 
Letters  on  Rhetoric  and  Oratory;  Letters  on  Freemasonry,  and 
the  Jubilee  of  the  Constitution,  and  various  other  productions, 
attest  his  literary  merit.  The  following  sketch,  though  brief, 
which  we  extract  from  one  of  his  lectures  on  Rhetoric  and  Oratory, 
will  convey  an  idea  of  ADAM'S  style  of  composition.  Speaking 
of  ancient  and  modern  eloquence,  he  says : 

"With  the  dissolution  of  Roman  liberty,  and  the  decline  of 
Roman  taste,  the  reputation  and  the  excellency  of  the  oratorical 
art  fell  alike  into  decay.  Under  the  despotisms  of  the  Caesars, 
the  end  of  Eloquence  was  perverted  from  persuasion  to  panegyric, 
and  all  her  faculties  weje  soon  palsied  by  the  touch  of  corruption, 
or  enervated  by  the  impotence  of  servitude.  Then  succeeded  the 
midnight  of  the  monkish  ages,  when  with  the  other  liberal  arts, 
she  slumbered  in  the  profound  darkness  of  the  cloister.  At  the 
revival  of  letters  in  modern  Europe,  Eloquence,  together  with  her 
Bister  muses,  awoke  and  shook  the  poppies  from  her  brow.  But 
their  torpors  still  tingled  in  her  veins.  In  the  interval,  her  voice 
was  gone  ;  her  favorite  languages  were  extinct ;  her  organs  were 
no  longer  attuned  to  harmony,  and  her  hearers  could  no  longer 
understand  her  speech.  The  discordant  jargon  of  feudal  anarchy 
had  banished  the  musical  dialects  in  which  she  had  always  de 
lighted.  The  theaters  of  her  former  triumphs  were  either  deserted, 
or  filled  with  the  babblers  of  sophistry  and  chicane.  She  shrunk 
intuitively  from  the  forum,  for  the  last  object  she  remembered  to 
have  seen  there,  was  the  head  of  her  darling  Cicero  planted 
upon  the  rostrum.  She  ascended  the  tribunals  of  justice  ;  there 
she  found  her  child,  Persuasion,  manacled  and  pinioned  by  the 
letter  of  the  law ;  there  she  beheld  an  image  of  herself,  stain 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  (JQ9 

mering  in  barbarous  Latin,  and  staggering  under  the  lumber  of 
a  thousand  volumes.  Her  heart  fainted  within  her.  She  lost 
all  confidence  in  herself.  Together  with  her  irresistible  powers, 
she  lost  proplortionably  the  consideration  of  the  word  until,  instead 
of  comprising  the  whole  system  of  public  education,  she  found 
herself  excluded  from  the  circle  of  science,  and  declared  an  outlaw 
from  the  realms  of  learning.  She  was  not,  however,  doomed  to 
eternal  silence.  With  the  progress  of  freedom  and  of  liberal 
science,  in  various  parts  of  modern  Europe,  she  obtained  access 
to  mingle  in  the  deliberations  of  their  parliaments.  With  labor 
and  difficulty  she  learned  their  languages,  and  lent  her  aid  in 
giving  them  form  and  polish.  But  she  has  never  recovered  the 
graces  of  her  former  beauty,  nor  the  energies  of  her  ancient 
vigor." 

Describing  a  visit  to  ADAMS,  in  1834,  one  of  his  friends  has  left 
the  following : 

"  The  ex -president  was  the  chief  talker.  He  spoke  with  infinite 
ease,  drawing  upon  his  vast  resources  with  the  certainty  of  one 
who  has  his  lecture  before  him  ready  written.  The  whole  of  his 
conversation,  which  he  steadily  maintained  for  nearly  four  hours, 
was  a  continued  stream  of  light.  Well  contented  was  I  to  be  a 
listener.  His  subjects  were  the  architecture  of  the  middle  ages ; 
the  stained  glass  of  that  period  ;  sculpture;  embracing  monuments 
particularly.  On  this  subject,  his  opinion  of  Mrs.  Nightengale's 
monument,  in  Westminster  Abbey,  differs  from  all  others  I  have 
seen  or  heard.  He  places  it  above  every  other  in  the  Abbey,  and 
observed,  in  relation  to  it,  that  the  spectator  'saw  nothing  else.' 
Milton,  Shakespeare,  Shenstone,  Pope,  Byron,  and  South ey,  were 
in  turn  remarked  upon.  He  gave  Pope  a  wonderfully  high 
character,  and  remarked,  that  one  of  his  chief  beauties,  was  the 
skill  exhibited  in  varying  the  cesural  pause, — quoting  from  various 
parts  of  his  author  to  illustrate  his  remarks  more  fully.  He  said 
very  little  on  the  politics  of  the  country.  He  spoke  at  consider 
able  length  of  Sheridan  and  Burke,  both  of  whom  he  had  heard, 
and  could  describe  with  the  most  graphic  effect.  He  also  spoke 
of  Junius ;  and  it  is  remarkable,  that  he  should  place  him  so  far 
above  the  rest  of  his  cotemporaries.  He  spoke  of  him  as  a  bad 
man,  but  maintained,  as  a  writer  he  had  never  been  equalled. 
The  conversation  never  flagged  for  a  moment ;  and  on  the  whole, 


(510  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

I  shall  remember  my  visit  to  Quincy  as  among  the  most  instruc 
tive  and  pleasant  I  ever  passed." 

The  foregoing  affords  some,  though  far  from  a  complete  idea  of 
ADAMS'  literary  attainments,  and  great  versatility  of  talent  and 
genius.  Though  ardently  attached  to  literature,  in  the  pursuits 
of  which,  he  designed  passing  at  Quiucy  the  remainder  of  his 
days,  it  soon  became  clear  that  a  different  field  was  opening  to 
him.  In  1830,  he  was  mentioned,  in  connection  with  the  National 
Congress,  in  one  of  the  districts  of  his  native  State.  Contrary  to 
the  expectations,  and  even  the  wishes  of  many  of  his  best  friends, 
he  signified  a  willingness  to  serve  the  people  in  whatsoever  sphere 
they  might  deem  him  fitted.  He  was  duly  elected,  and  took  his 
Beat  at  a  period  of  high  congressional  excitement.  Few  men  on 
that  celebrated  floor  could  measure  intellectual  strength  with  him. 
To  use  the  words  of  Seward:  "He  exhibited  a  fund  of  knowledge 
eo  vast  and  profound, — a  familiarity  so  perfect  with  nearly  every 
topic  which  claimed  the  attention  of  Congress, — he  could  bring 
forth  from  his  well-replenished  store-house  of  memory,  so  vast  an 
array  of  facts,  shedding  light  upon  subjects  deeply  obscure, — dis 
played  such  readiness  and  power  in  debate,  pouring  out  streams  of 
purest  eloquence,  or  launching  forth  the  most  scathing  denun 
ciations  when  he  deemed  them  called  for, — that  his  most  bitter 
opposers,  while  trembling  before  his  sarcasm,  and  dreading  his 
assaults,  could  not  but  grant  him  the  reward  of  their  highest 
admiration.  Well  did  he  deserve  the  title  conferred  upon  him  by 
general  consent,  of  the  "  Old  Man  Eloquent." 

Before  his  entrance  into  the  halls  of  Congress,  he  completed  the 
erection  of  a  monument  to  the  memory  of  his  father,  in  the  town 
of  Quincy,  which  was  lettered  with  inscriptions  appropriate  to  his 
illustrious  name.  He  took  his  seat  in  Congress,  December,  1831. 
The  idea  of  an  ex-president  appearing  in  public  life  in  that 
capacity,  created  deep  interest  throughout  the  entire  Union. 

As  a  test  of  the  confidence  reposed  in  his  ability  and  zeal,  he 

s  made  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Manufactures,  at  that 

tariff  discussions,  one  of  the  most  delicate  and  important 

The  same  unblemished  character  for  integrity  and 

that  had  hitherto  been  so  eminently  his,  adorned  his  career 

True  to  the  tenor  of  his  whole  political  life,  he  still 

diecarded  party  and  party  shackles  in  the  investigation  of  every 


JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

subject  of  national  policy.  The  same  unwearied  perseverance  in 
the  faithful  discharge  of  duty  that  had  always  characterized  him, 
marked  his  course  there.  Though  among  the  oldest  members,  he 
was  first  at  his  post,  and  the  last  to  leave  it,  participating  in  the 
discussion  of  all  important  issues,  with  the  ardor,  freshness,  and 
enthusiasm  of  youth. 

He  was  engaged  in  his  congressional  labors,  when  Madison 
died,  when  he  was  selected  to  deliver  the  eulogy  of  his  dis 
tinguished  predecessor,  as  he  had  formerly  been  to  deliver  that  of 
Monroe.  Both  have  subsequently  been  published  in  a  neat 
volume,  and  are  justly  appreciated  as  among  the  finest  specimens 
of  our  national  literature,  abounding  in  rich  and  copious  thought, 
profound  knowledge  of  statesmanship,  and  refined  classical  allu 
sions. 

When  in  1835,  the  Texian  revolution  broke  out,  and  men  were 
rushing  from*  the  United  States  to  aid  in  the  scheme  of  severing 
Texas  from  Mexico,  and  money  was  solicited  from  the  public  trea 
sury,  for  the  purpose  of  consummating  the  object,  ADAMS  took 
grounds  of  decided  hostility  to  any  such  steps.  When  the  ques 
tion  of  recognizing  the  independence  of  Texas  came  up  in  1836, 
he  was  equally  opposed.  His  opposition  to  these  measures  was 
awing  to  his  views  upon  the  slavery  question,  it  being  evident 
that  in  the  event  of  Texas  being  acknowledged  free  and  inde 
pendent,  and  her  subsequent  annexation,  it  would  be  the  acqui 
sition  of  slave  territory,  and  result  in  the  extension  of  an  insti 
tution  to  which  his  abhorrence  was  deep-rooted,  honest  and  undis 
guised.  The  ulterior  objects,  as  he  conceived,  of  the  revolutionists 
and  advocates  of  independence,  were  boldly  laid  before  Congress 
by  him,  in  the  discussions  that  ensued  upon  the  subject.  ADAMS 
was  opposed  to  slavery  in  all  its  forms,  and  felt  it  his  duty  to  labor 
to  prevent  its  extension.  He,  no  doubt,  would  have  preferred 
that  the  limits  of  the  Union  should  be  confined  to  its  then  existent 
area,  than  that  one  acre  more  of  land  should  ever  be  added,  if  that 
acre  were  to  be  pressed  by  the  foot  of  a  slave.  Others  thought 
differently.  The  Texas  movement  was  more  successful,  than  its 
warmest  friends  anticipated.  Whatever  results  of  good  may  have 
grown  out  of  the  revolution,  recognition,  and  the  subsequent  war 
with  Mexico,  and  the  consequent  territorial  acquisition  by  the 
United  States,  no  one  at  the  present  day  will  be  so  bold  as  to 


JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

accuse  the  venerable  ADAMS  of  acting  contrary  to  convictions  of 
truth,  honor,  and  justice  toward  his  country  and  mankind. 

But  what  distinguished  ADAMS  more  than  anything  else  in 
Congress,  was  his  firm,  unflinching  advocacy  of  the  right  of 
petition,  called  forth  by  the  desire  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia.  This  subject  formed  the  leading  agitation  during 
the  session  of  1836-'3T.  Petitions,  praying  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  District,  flooded  the  House  from  the  North  and  the  East, 
and  ADAMS  was  usually  the  medium  through  which  they  were 
presented.  Southern  members  became  thoroughly  aroused,  and 
determined  to  put  a  stop  to  the  agitation  of  the  question.  A 
committee,  consisting  of  some  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  South, 
were  appointed  to  take  the  matter  into  consideration.  They 
reported  several  resolutions,  among  others  the  following,  dis 
countenancing  petition  in  every  sense: 

"  Resolved,  That  all  petitions,  memorials,  resolutions,  propo 
sitions,  or  papers,  relating  in  any  way,  or  to  any  extent,  what 
ever,  to  the  subject  of  slavery,  shall,  without  being  either  printed 
or  referred,  be  laid  upon  the  table,  and  that  no  further  action, 
whatever,  shall  be  had  thereon." 

On  the  presentation  of  this  resolution,  ADAMS  sent  the  follow 
ing  to  the  speaker's  chair,  asking  that  it  might  forever  remain  on 
the  journal  for  the  inspection  of  posterity : 

"  I  hold  the  resolution  to  be  a  direct  violation  of  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States,  of  the  rules  of  the  House,  and  of  the 
rights  of  my  constituents."* 

The  resolution  passed,  and  would,  it  was  supposed,  effectually 
put  an  end  to  further  petitions.  In  this,  however,  they  were 
mistaken.  .To  a  mind  like  that  of  ADAMS,  difficulties  only  afforded 
a  stimulant  to  perseverance.  Petitions  continued  to  pour  upon 
the  House,  and  found  the  same  stern  advoacte  in  ADAMS,  who 
daily  presented  them  to  consideration,  demanding  action.  Abuse 
and  invective  poured  upon  him  from  all  sides,  yet  he  quailed  not. 
The  following,  from  the  journal  of  the  day,  is  but  one  of  such 
scenes  daily  transpiring.  ADAMS,  on  the  6th  of  January,  1837, 
was  presenting  a  petition  from  near  two  hundred  ladies : 

'  Mr.  Glasscock  objected  to  its  reception.     Mr.  Parks  moved 
that  the  preliminary  motion,  on   the  reception  of  the  petition, 

*  Debates.    Seward. 


JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

be  laid  on  the  table,  which  was  carried.  Mr.  ADAMS  said,  that  if 
he  had  understood  the  decision  of  the  speaker,  in  this  case,  it  was 
not  the  petition  itself  which  was  laid  upon  the  table,  but  the 
motion  to  receive.  In  order  to  save  the  time  of  the  House,  he 
would  give  notice  that  he  should  call  up  that  motion  for  decision 
every  day,  so  long  as  he  should  be  permitted  to  do  so  by  the 
House ;  because  he  should  not  consider  his  duty  accomplished  so 
long  as  the  petition  was  not  declined,  and  so  long  as  the  House 
had  not  decided  that  it  would  not  receive  it.  Mr.  Pinckney  arose 
to  a  question  of  order,  and  inquired  if  there  was  now  any  ques 
tion  pending  before  the  House. 

The  speaker  said,  he  had  understood  the  gentleman  from  Mas 
sachusetts,  as  merely  giving  notice  of  a  motion  hereafter  to  be 
made.  In  doing  so,  it  certainly  would  not  be  in  order  to  enter 
into  debate.  Mr.  ADAMS  said,  that  so  long  as  freedom  of  speech 
was  allowed  to  him  as  a  member  of  that  House,  he  would  call  up 
that  question  until  it  should  be  decided. 

"Mr.  ADAMS  was  called  to  order. 

"  Mr.  ADAMS  said  he  would  then  have  the  honor  of  presenting  to 
the  House  the  petition  of  two  hundred  and  twenty-eight  women, 
the  wives  and  daughters  of  his  immediate  constituents,  and  as  a 
part  of  the  speech  which  he  intended  to  make,  he  would  take  the 
liberty  of  reading  the  petition.  It  was  not  long,  and  would  not 
consume  much  time. 

"  Mr.  Glasscock  objected  to  the  reception  of  the  petition. 

"  Mr.  ADAMS  proceeded  to  read,  that  the  petitioners,  inhabitants 
of  South  Weymouth,  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  c  impressed 
with  the  sinfulness  of  slavery,  and  keenly  aggrieved  by  its  exis 
tence  in  a  part  of  our  country  over  which  Congress ' 

"  Mr.  Pinckney  rose  to  a  question  of  order  Had  the  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts  a  right,  under  the  rule,  to  read  the  petition? 

"The  speaker  said,  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  had  a 
right  to  state  the  contents  of  the  petition. 

"  Mr.  Pinckney  desired  the  decision  of  the  speaker,  as  to  whether 
a  gentleman  had  a  right  to  read  a  petition. 

"  Mr.  ADAMS  said  he  was  reading  the  petition  as  a  part  of  his 
speech,  and  he  took  this  to  be  one  of  the  privileges  of  a  member 
of  the  House.  It  was  a  privilege  he  should  take  till  he  should  be 
deprived  of  it  by  some  positive  act. 


614  JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

u  The  speaker  repeated,  that  ADAMS  had  a  right  to  state  the  con 
tents  of  the  petition. 

"  Mr.  ADAMS.     At  the  time  my  friend  from  South  Carolina — 

"The  speaker  said  the  gentleman  must  proceed  to  state  the 
contents  of  the  petition. 

"  Mr.  ADAMS.     I  am  doing  so,  sir. 

"  The  Speaker.     Not  in  the  opinion  of  the  chair. 

"Mr.  ADAMS.  I  was  at  this  point  of  the  petition:  'Keenly 
aggrieved  by  its  existence  in  a  part  of  our  country,  over  which 
Congress  possesses  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  all  cases  whatsoever.' 

"Loud  cries  of  'Order,  order!3 

"  Mr.  ADAMS.    '  Do  most  earnestly  petition  your  honorable  body.' 

"  Mr.  Chambers,  of  Kentucky,  arose  to  a  point  of  order. 

"  Mr.  ADAMS.  '  Immediately  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.' 

"Mr.  Chambers  repeated  his  call  to  order,  and  the  Speaker 
directed  Mr.  ADAMS  to  take  his  seat. 

"  Mr.  ADAMS  procceeded  with  great  rapidity  of  enunciation  and 
in  a  very  loud  tone  of  voice:  'AND  TO  DECLARE  EVERY  HUMAN 

BEING  FREE  WHO  SETS  FOOT  UPON  ITS  SOIL.'  ': 

In  this  way,  amid  the  most  intense  excitement,  he  read  the  pe 
tition  entirely  through,  nor  yielded  an  inch  until  the  last  sentence 
was  pronounced  in  a  clear,  bold  tone.  There  is  a  moral  sublimity 
in  thus  vindicating  his  opinions,  that  certainly  can  but  be  admired 
by  all,  whether  endorsing  his  views  or  not. 

The  scene  just  recorded,  was,  soon  after,  followed  by  one  still 
more  exciting.  Among  other  charges  brought  against  ADAMS, 
was  one  to  the  effect  that  he  was  actuated  by  a  false  philanthropy, 
and  that  he  cared  nothing  more  for  the  rights  of  the  slave  than 
those  who  said  nothing  in  their  behalf.  To  demonstrate  this 
assertion,  a  sham  petition  was  concocted,  signed  by  slaves,  and 
forwarded  for  presentation.  ADAMS  had  read  over  a  hundred, 
when  coming  to  it,  he  said  to  the  speaker,  (Mr.  Polk):  "I  have 
in  my  possession  a  petition  of  somewhat  an  extraordinary  char 
acter,  and  I  wish  to  inquire  of  the  chair,  if  it  be  in  order  to  present 
The  speaker  asked  the  nature  of  it.  "  Sir,"  replied  ADAMS, 
"  the  petition  is  signed  by  eleven  slaves,  of  the  town  of  Fredericks- 
burg,  Virginia.  It  is  one  of  these  petitions,  which,  it  has  occurred 
to  my  mind,  is  not  what  it  purports  to  be.  It  is  signed  partly  by 
persons  who  can  not  write,  by  making  their  marks,  and  partly 


JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS.  615 

by  persons  whose  handwriting  would  manifest  that  they  have  re 
ceived  the  education  of  slaves.  The  petition  declares  itself  to  be 
from  slaves,  and  I  am  requested  to  present  it ;  I  will  send  it  to 
the  chair." 

The  speaker,  making  some  remarks,  to  the  effect  that  it  was  a 
novel  case,  and  required  some  deliberation,  Lewis,  of  Alabama, 
fell  into  a  violent  rage,  and  turned  upon  ADAMS  and  exclaimed : 
"  By  G — d,  sir,  this  is  not  to  be  endured  any  longer." 

"Treason!  Treason!  Expel  the  old  scoundrel;  put  him  out; 
do  not  let  him  disgrace  the  House  any  longer," — shouted  some 
dozen  voices.  "Get  up  a  resolution  to  meet  the  case,"  said 
another. 

A  resolution  was  immediately  prepared,  to  the  effect,  that  "  he 
be  taken  to  the  bar  of  the  House,  and  censured  by  the  speaker." 

Many  excited  members  demanded  loudly  that  ADAMS  should  be 
punished.  Several  suggested  that  the  petition  "  be  taken  out  and 
burned."  ADAMS,  during  all  this  storm,  maintained  his  equa 
nimity.  Several  resolutions  were  presented  requiring  his  censure. 
"  Sir,"  said  ADAMS,  as  he  arose  in  all  his  native  dignity,  "  it  is 
well  known,  that  from  the  time  I  entered  this  House  down  to  the 
present  day,  I  have  felt  it  a  sacred  duty  to  present  any  petition, 
couched  in  respectful  language,  from  any  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  be  its  object  what  it  may ;  be  the  prayer  of  it  that  in  which 
I  could  concur,  or  that  to  which  I  was  utterly  opposed.  It  is  for 
the  sacred  right  of  PETITION  that  I  have  adopted  this  coarse. 
Where  is  your  law  which  says  that  the  mean,  and  the  low,  and 
the  degraded,  shall  be  debarred  of  the  right  of  petition,  if  their 
moral  character  is  not  good  ?  Where,  in  the  land  of  freemen, 
was  the  right  of  petition  ever  placed  on  the  exclusive  basis  of 
morality  and  virtue  ?  Petition  is  supplication,  it  is  entreaty,  it 
is  prayer  !  And  where  is  the  degree  of  vice  or  immorality  which 
shall  deprive  the  citizen  of  the  right  to  supplicate  for  a  boon,  or 
to  pray  for  mercy  f  Where  is  such  a  law  to  be  found  ?  It  does 
not  belong  to  the  most  abject  despotism.  There  is  no  absolute 
monarch  on  earth  who  is  not  compelled,  by  the  constitution  of  his 
country,  to  receive  the  petitions  of  his  people,  whoever  they  may 
be.  The  Sultan  of  Constantinople  can  not  walk  the  streets  and 
refuse  to  receive  petitions  from  the  meanest  and  vilest  of  the  land. 
This  is  the  law  even  of  despotism.  And  what  does  your  law  say  ? 


JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Does  it  say  that,  before  presenting  a  petition  you  shall  look  into  it 
and  see  whether  it  comes  from  the  virtuous,  and  the  great,  and  the 
mighty?  No,  sir;— it  says  no  such  thing.  The  right  of  petition 
belongs  to  all.  And  so  far  from  refusing  to  present  a  petition, 
because  it  might  come  from  those  low  in  the  estimation  of  the 
world,  it  would  be  an  additional  incentive,  if  such  incentive  were 
wanting.  But  1  must  admit,  that  when  color  comes  into  the  ques 
tion,  there  may  bo  other  considerations.  It  is  possible  that  this 
House,  which  seems  to  consider  it  so  great  a  crime  to  attempt  to 
offer  a  petition  from  slaves,  may,  for  aught  I  know,  say  that  free 
men,  if  not  of  the  carnation,  shall  be  deprived  of  the  right  of 
petition  in  the  sense  of  the  House." 

In  the  midst  of  the  excitement,  Henry  A.  Wise  was  sent  for  ; 
being  informed  that  the  "Union  was  in  danger,"  he  rushed 
speedily  into  their  deliberations  :  "What's  the  matter?"  he  asked. 
"ADAMS  has  introduced  a  petition  from  slaves."  "And  is  that 
all?"  exclaimed  Wise.  "The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  has 
presented  a  petition  signed  by  slaves!  Well,  what  of  it?  Is 
anybody  harmed  by  it?  Sir,  in  my  opinion,  slaves  are  the  very 
persons  who  should  petition.  Mine  pray  to  me,  and  I  listen  to 
them ;  and  shall  not  the  feeble  supplicate  ?  Sir,  I  see  no  danger  ; 
the  country,  I  believe,  is  safe." 

This  whole  matter  finally  ended  by  the  passage  of  some  reso 
lutions  rejecting  the  petition.  The  petition  was  manufactured,  no 
doubt,  to  place  ADAMS  in  an  unpleasant  predicament ;  but  with 
that  intuitive  sagacity  he  possessed  to  a  remarkable  degree,  he 
saw  through  the  design,  and  determined  to  make  it  recoil  upon 
its  originators. 

Still  maintaining  his  ground  upon  this  subject,  and  anxious,  at 
least,  for  a  full  investigation  of  the  slavery  question,  under  circum 
stances  favorable  to  the  development  of  truth,  ADAMS,  in  1839, 
presented  the  following  amendment  to  the  Constitution : 

"Resolved,  ly  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  in 
Congress  assembled,  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  concurring  therein, 
that  the  following  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  be  proposed  to  the  several  States  of  the  Union,  which,  when 
ratified  by  three-fourths  of  the  legislatures  of  said  States,  shall 
become  and  be  a  part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States: 

;1.     From,  and  after  the  4th  day  of  July,  1842,  there  shall 
be,  throughout  the  United  States,  no  hereditary  slavery ;  but  on, 


JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS.  (J17 

and  after  that  day,  every  child  born  within  the  United  States, 
their  territories  and  jurisdiction,  shall  be  born  free. 

"2.  With  the  exception  of  the  territory  of  Florida,  there  shall, 
henceforth,  never  be  admitted  into  this  Union  any  State,  the 
Constitution  of  which,  shall  tolerate  within  the  same  the  existence 
of  slavery. 

"  3.  From,  and  after  the  4th  day  of  July,  1845,  there  shall  be 
neither  slavery  nor  slave  trade  at  the  seat  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States." 

The  merits  or  demerits  of  these  propositions,  it  is  not  our 
province  to  discuss.  According  to  the  generally  admitted  prin 
ciple,  that  slavery,  being  recognized  as  comprehending  property, 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  country,  and  is  essentially  a  domestic 
institution,  they  could  not  have  been  adopted,  and  if  they  could, 
would,  no  doubt,  have  resulted  in  influences  injurious  in  the 
extreme.  Though  contrary  to  his  anticipations,  these  propo 
sitions  did  not  eventuate  in  a  general  discussion  of  the  principles 
involved,  he  maintained  his  position  as  their  avowed  advocate, 
undaunted  by  the  torrent  of  opposition  encountered.  His  manly 
heroism,  won  the  profound  respect  of  even  his  bitterest  political 
opponents,  who  were  first  to  load  him  with  abuse  and  vituperation. 
On  every  occasion,  when  the  silver  tones  of  his  voice  rang  through 
the  House,  members  eagerly  bent  their  listening  ears  to  catch  the 
lowest  intonation.  The  high  respect  he  commanded,  was  shown 
in  the  famous  New  Jersey  contested  election  case,  in  1839.  The 
incident  has  been  preserved  in  a  manner  so  characteristic  of  the 
occasion,  that  we  prefer  quoting  entire.  It  is  as  follows : 

"  On  the  opening  of  the  Twenty-sixth  Congress,  in  December, 
1839,  in  consequence  of  a  two-fold  delegation  from  New  Jersey, 
the  House  was  unable,  for  some  time,  to  complete  its  organization, 
and  presented  to  the  country  and  the  world,  the  perilous  and  dis 
creditable  aspect  of  the  assembled  representatives  of  the  people, 
unable  to  form  themselves  into  a  a  constitutional  body.  On  first 
assembling,  the  House  has  no  officers,  and  the  clerk  of  the  preced 
ing  session  acts,  by  usage,  as  chairman  of  the  body,  till  a  speaker 
is  chosen.  On  this  occasion,  after  reaching  the  State  of  New 
Jersey,  the  acting  clerk  declined  to  proceed  in  calling  the  roll, 
and  refused  to  entertain  any  of  the  motions  which  were  made  for 
the  purpose  of  extricating  the  House  from  its  embarrassment. 
Many  of  the  ablest  and  most  judicious  had  addressed  the  House 


(518  JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

in  vain,  and  there  was  nothing  but  confusion  and  discord  in 
prospect. 

uThe  fourth  day  opened,  and  still  confusion  was  triumphant. 
But  the  hour  of  disenthrallment  was  at  hand,  and  a  scene  was 
presented  which  sent  the  mind  back  to  those  days  when  Cromwell 
uttered  the  exclamation:  'Sir  Harry  Vane!  wo  unto  you,  Sir 
Harry  Vane!'  and  in  an  instant  dispersed  the  famous  Rump 
Parliament. 

"  ADAMS,  from  the  opening  of  this  scene  of  confusion  and  anarchy, 
had  maintained  a  profound  silence.  He  appeared  to  be  engaged, 
most  of  the  time,  in  writing.  To  a  common  observer,  he  seemed 
reckless  of  every  thing  around  him, — but  nothing,  not  the  slightest 
incident,  escaped  him.  The  fourth  day  of  the  struggle  had  now 
commenced ;  Hugh  Garland,  the  clerk,  was  directed  to  call  the 
roll  again. 

"  He  commenced  with  Maine,  as  was  usual  in  those  days,  and  was 
proceeding  toward  Massachusetts.  I  turned,  and  saw  that  Mr. 
ADAMS  was  ready  to  get  the  floor  at  the  earliest  moment  possible. 

"His  keen  eye  was  rivited  on  the  clerk ;  his  hands  clasped  the 
front  edge  of  his  desk,  where  he  always  placed  them  to  assist  him 
in  rising.  He  looked,  in  the  language  of  Otway,  like  the 

' Fowler  eager  for  his  prey/ 

" '  New  Jersey,'  ejaculated  Hugh  Garland, c  and  the  clerk  has  to 
repeat  that .' 

"  Mr.  ADAMS  sprang  to  the  floor.  c  I  rise  to  interrupt  the  clerk,' 
was  his  first  remark. 

"'Silence!  silence!!  resounded  through  the  hall ;  '  hear  him, 
hear  hiuu  Hear  what  he  has  to  say;  hear  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,' 
was  the  ejaculation  on  all  sides.  In  an  instant  the  most  profound 
silence  reigned  throughout  the  hall,— you  might  have  heard  a  leaf 
of  paper  fall  in  any  part  of  it,  and  every  eye  was  riveted  on  the 
venerable  Nestor  of  Massachusetts,— the  purest  statesman,  and 
the  noblest  of  men.  He  paused  for  a  moment ;  and  giving  Gar 
land  a 

' Withering  look,' 

he  proceeded  to  address  the  multitude. 

'  It  was  not  my  intention,'  said  he, '  to  take  part  in  these  extra 
ordinary  proceedings.  I  had  hoped  that  this  House  would  succeed 
in  organizing  itself;  that  a  speaker  and  a  clerk  would  be  elected, 
and  that  the  ordinary  business  of  legislation  would  be  progressed 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

in.  This  is  not  the  time,  or  place,  to  discuss  the  merits  of  the 
conflicting  claimants  for  seats  from  New  Jersey;  that  subject 
belongs  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  which,  by  the  Consti 
tution,  is  made  the  ultimate  arbiter  of  the  qualifications  of  its 
members.  But  what  a  spectacle  we  here  present!  We  degrade 
and  disgrace  our  constituents  and  the  country.  We  do  not,  and 
can  not  organize ;  and  why  ?  Because  the  clerk  of  this  House, — 
the  mere  clerk,  whom  we  create,  and  whom  we  employ,  and  whose 
existence  depends  upon  our  will,  usurps  the  throne,  and  sets  us, 
the  representatives,  the  vicegerents  of  the  whole  American  people, 
at  defiance,  and  holds  us  in  contempt!  And  what  is  this  clerk 
of  yours  1  Is  he  to  control  the  destinies  of  sixteen  millions  of 
freemen  ?  Is  he  to  suspend,  by  his  mere  negative,  the  functions 
of  government,  and  put  an  end  to  this  Congress  ?  He  refuses  to 
call  the  roll.  It  is  in  your  power  to  compel  him  to  call  it,  if  he 
will  not  do  it  voluntarally.'  (Here  he  was  interrupted  by  a 
member,  who  said  the  clerk  would  resign  rather  than  submit  to 
coercion.)  '  Well,  sir,  let  him  resign,'  continued  Mr.  ADAMS,  '  and 
we  may  possibly  discover  some  way  by  which  we  can  get  along 
without  the  aid  of  his  all-powerful  talent,  learning,  and  genius. 
If  we  can  not  organize  in  any  other  way, — if  this  clerk  of  yours 
will  not  consent  to  our  discharging  the  trusts  confided  to  us  by 
our  constituents,  then  let  us  imitate  the  example  of  the  Virginia 
House  of  Burgesses,  which,  when  the  colonial  governor,  Din- 
widdie,  ordered  it  to  disperse,  refused  to  obey  the  imperious  and 
insulting  mandate,  and  like  men .'  Before  he  could  finish 

O 

the  sentence,  the  House   shook  with  the  thunders  of  applause, 
loud  and  prolonged. 

Soon  as  the  enthusiasm  subsided,  ADAMS  moved  that  the  clerk 
call  the  roll.  The  same  motion  had  been  several  times  submitted 
without  action  or  result.  "How  shall  the  question  be  put?  Who 
will  put  the  question?" asked  several  members.  "I  intend  to  put 
the  question  myself,"  exclaimed  ADAMS,  sternly.  The  excitement 
was  now  subsiding.  Khett,  (E.  B.,)  of  South  Carolina,  sprang 
upon  a  desk,  and  with  a  commanding  wave  of  the  arm,  exclaimed : 
"  I  move  that  the  Hon.  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  take  the  chair  of 
the  speaker  of  this  House,  and  officiate  as  presiding  officer,  till 
the  House  be  organized  by  the  election  of  its  constitutional  officers. 

As  many  as  are  agreed  to  this  will  say  ay  ;  those, ."  "  He  had 

not  an  opportunity,"says  the  narrator  of  the  scene, "to  complete 


JOHN     QUINCY     ADAMS. 

the  sentence,"—4  those  who  are  not  agreed  will  say  wo,'— for  one 
universal,  deafening  ay  responded  to  the  nomination.  Being 
thus  selected  to  preside  over  their  deliberations,  order  was  soon 
restored  and  organization  consummated. 

" Henry  A.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  exclaimed  to  ADAMS:  "Sir,  I 
regard  it  as  the  proudest  hour  of  your  life ;  and  if,  when  you 
shall  be  gathered  to  your  fathers,  I  were  asked  to  select  the  words 
which,  in  my  judgment,  are  best  calculated  to  give,  at  once,  the 
idea  of  the  character  of  the  man,  I  would  inscribe  upon  your 
tomb,  this  sentence :  c  I  WILL  PUT  THE  QUESTION.'  " 

We  can  not  follow  the  veteran  statesman  minutely  through  his 
congressional  career.  Space  will  not  permit  us  to  dwell  upon 
each  and  all  the  events  of  this  period,  that  form  his  fadeless  coro 
net.  In  every  instance  he  advocated  the  right  of  petition  with 
energetic  boldness.  His  acts  in  this,  should  not  be  miscon 
strued, — by  posterity  they  will  not  be.  The  right  to  petition,  he 
considered  sacred  and  inherent,  and  he  always  presented  petitions, 
whether  favoring  the  sentiments  of  the  petitioners  or  not.  No  man 
was  more  firmly  opposed  to  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  than  he ; 
yet  when  a  petition  from  Haverhill,  Massachusetts,  reached  the 
House,  praying  such  an  event,  it  found  in  him  a  ready  medium 
of  presentation,  and  a  stern  advocate  of  the  principle  involved. 
Upon  this,  resolutions  of  censure  were  drawn  up,  and  advocated 
with  marked  ability.  In  January,  1842,  Thomas  F.  Marshall, 
then  a  member  of  Congress  from  Kentucky,  presented  his  famous 
resolutions  of  censure,  the  last  of  which  read  as  follows : 

"  Resolved,  further.  That  the  aforesaid  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS, 
for  this  insult,  the  first  of  the  kind  ever  offered  to  the  government, 
and  for  the  wound  which  he  has  permitted  to  be  aimed,  through 
his  instrumentality,  at  the  Constitution  and  existence  of  his 
country,  the  peace,  the  security  and  liberty  of  the  people  of  these 
States,  might  well  be  held  to  merit  expulsion  from  the  national 
councils ;  and  the  House  deem  it  an  act  of  grace  and  mercy  when 
they  only  inflict  upon  him  their  severest  censure,  for  conduct 
BO  utterly  unworthy  of  his  past  relations  to  the  State,  and  his 
present  position.  This  they  hereby  do  for  the  maintenance  of 
their  own  purity  and  dignity;  for  the  rest,  they  turn  him  over  to 
his  own  conscience  and  the  indignation  of  the  American  people." 
These  resolutions  were  urged  upon  the  House  with  all  the  force  and 
eloquence  for  which  their  author  was  so  justly  distinguished.  Yet 


JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS.  Q21 

to  his  honor,  be  it  said,  there  was  nothing  abusive  or  malicious  in 
his  language,  closing  with  the  remark :  "  I  am  the  last  man  on  this 
earth  who  would  strike  wantonly  at  that  venerable  head,  around 
which  there  rally  so  many  associations  to  intercept,  even  a  merited 
blow."  The  resolutions  did  not  pass,  though  they  created  intense 
excitement  in  the  House. 

By  many,  ADAMS,  in  the  fearless  discharge  of  duty,  was 
threatened  with  violence.  Grand-juries,  penitentiaries  and  mobs, 
were  pictured  before  him.  Still  unmoved  by  the  tempest,  he 
exclaimed : 

u  Do  the  gentlemen  from  the  South  think  they.can  frighten  me 
by  their  threats  ?  If  that  be  their  object,  let  me  tell  them,  sir, 
they  have  mistaken  their  man.  I  am  not  to  be  frightened  from 
the  discharge  of  a  sacred  duty  by  their  violence ;  nor,  sir,  by  all 
the  grand  juries  in  the  universe.  I  have  only  done  my  duty ; 
and  I  shall  do  it  again  under  the  same  circumstances,  even  though 
they  recur  to-morrow."  In  this  bold  stand,  he  was  encouraged  by 
his  faithful  constituents,  and  others  of  the  New  England  States. 

ADAMS'  connection  with  the  Amisted  slave  case  must  not  be  pas 
sed  by.  This  case  drew  the  consideration  of  men  from  all  parts  of 
the  Union.  A  slaver  had  succeeded  in  stealing  a  cargo  of  slaves 
from  Africa  and  smuggling  them  into  Cuba.  Two  Spaniards, 
Don  Jose  Ruiz  and  Don  Pedro  Montes,  purchased  a  number  of 
the  negroes  from  their  piratical  captor,  and  shipped  them  on  board 
the  Amisted  for  Guanaja.  On  the  voyage  the  negroes  rebelled, 
and  killing  the  captain  and  crew,  commanded  their  purchasers  to 
steer  direct  for  Africa,  which  they  agreed  to  do.  Deceiving  them, 
however,  they  made  for  the  United  States,  and  landed  in  Connecti 
cut.  The  Spaniards  claimed  the  negroes,  and  accused  them  of 
piracy  and  murder,  and  asked  President  Yan  Buren  to  have 
them  conveyed  back  to  Havana  for  trial.  The  negroes'  version 
of  the  affair  won  considerable  credence,  and  the  matter  was  taken 
to  the  District  Court.  The  verdict  of  the  court  was  against  the 
Spaniards,  and  affirmed  that  the  negroes  should  be  taken  back  to 
Africa. 

Not  satisfied  with  the  proceedings,  the  affair  was  carried  to  the 
Supreme  Court.  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  then  in  his  seventy-fifth 
year,  undertook  the  defense  of  the  negroes.  It  was  the  first  time 
his  voice  had  been  heard  there  for  over  a  quarter  of  a  century. 
He  entered  into  the  cause  with  all  the  energy  and  power  of  his 


(J22  JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

younger  years,  and  showed  that  his  mind  was  unimpaired,  and 
still  well  stored  with  legal  knowledge.  He  succeeded  in  the  case, 
and  the  liberation  of  the  negroes. 

In  1843,  ADAMS  made  a  brief  tour  through  western  New  York 
and  Canada.  All  along  the  route  people  nocked  to  see  and  catch 
a  word  from  the  lips  of  the  "  Old  Man  Eloquent."  Public 
ovations  were  extended,  and  every  conceivable  demonstration  of 
respect.  At  Pittsfied  he  was  received  with  the  same  imposing 
manifestations  that  had  attended  him  elsewhere.  Replying  to  the 
address  delivered  on  the  occasion,  by  Hon.  George  N".  Briggs,  and 
adverting  to  the  stirring  times  of  the  Revolution,  he  said : 

"In  1775,  the  minute  men  from  a  hundred  towns  in  the  pro 
vince,  were  marching  at  a  moment's  warning  to  the  scene  of 
opening  war.  Many  of  them  called  at  rny  father's  house  at  Quincy, 
and  received  the  hospitality  of  John  Adams.  All  were  lodged  in 
the  house  which  the  house  could  contain ;  others  in  the  barns,  and 
wherever  they  could  find  a  place.  There  were  then  in  my  father's 
house  some  dozen  or  two  of  pewter  spoons ;  and  I  well  recollect 
going  into  the  kitchen  and  seeing  some  of  the  men  engaged  IN 

RUNNING   THOSE   SPOONS  INTO    BULLETS   FOR  THE   USE  OF  THE  TROOPS  ! 

"  Do  you  wonder,"  he  added,  "  that  a  boy  of  seven  years  of  age 
who  witnessed  this  scene  should  be  a  patriot?"  How  his  aged 
heart,  tender  to  every  noble  emotion,  must  have  swelled  as  he 
recurred  to  the  mighty  events  of  his  early  life. 

About  this  time,  also,  he  was  invited  to  the  city  of  Cincinnati, 
then  assuming  her  proud  position  as  Queen  of  the  West,  to  deliver 
the  address  at  the  laying  of  the  corner  stone  of  an  astronomical 
observatory  upon  Mt.  Ida,— or  Mt.  Adams,  as  it  is  now  more 
appropriately  called.  He  accepted,  and  on  his  route  to  that  city 
met  the  same  cordial  greetings  always  extended  to  him.  On  his 
arrival,  he  was  received  with  the  honor  and  hospitality  for  which 
her  people  are  proverbial.  On  the  9th  of  November,  1843,  he 
delivered  the  address,  which  glowed  with  the  author's  character 
istic  beauties  and  research. 

We  now  approach  the  close  of  this  great  man's  career.  For 
one  of  his  age,  his  health  continued  remarkably  good.  His  long 
life  and  vigorous  health  was  owing,  greatly,  to  his  unexception 
able  habits.  He  had  always  been  strictly  temperate,— never 
indulging  in  any  of  the  vices  of  youth.  "He  took  pleasure  in 
athletic  amusements,  and  was  exceedingly  fond  of  walking. 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  (523 

During  his  summer  residence  in  Quincy,  he  has  been  known  to 
walk  to  his  son's  residence  in  Boston  (seven  miles,)  before  break 
fast.  While  President  of  the  United  States,  he  was,  probably, 
the  first  man  up  in  Washington,  lighted  his  own  fire,  and  was 
hard  at  work  in  his  library,  while  sleep  yet  held  in  its  oblivious- 
ness  the  great  mass  of  his  fellow-citizens.  He  was  an  expert 
swimmer,  and  was  in  the  constant  habit  of  bathing,  whenever 
circumstances  would  permit.  Not  unfrequently  the  first  beams 
of  the  morning  sun,  as  they  fell  on  the  beautiful  Potomac,  would 
find  Mr.  ADAMS  buffeting  its  waves  with  all  the  sportiveness  and 
dexterity  of  boyhood,  while  a  single  attendant  watched  upon  the 
shore.  When  in  the  Presidency,  he  sometimes  made  a  journey 
from  Washington  to  Quincy  on  horseback,  as  a  simple  citizen, 
accompanied  only  by  a  servant." 

He  still  continued  his  public  duties,  never  once  thinking  of 
quitting  his  post.  Though  over  eighty  years  of  age,  he  continued 
to  represent  his  constituents  in  the  national  Congress.  He  had, 
in  the  summer  of  1840,  fallen  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
to  which  the  origin  of  his  final  disease  was  ascribed.  From  this 
accident,  he  continued  to  suffer  more  or  less  until  November,  1846, 
when,  walking  out  with  a  friend  in  Boston,  he  was  struck  with  par 
alysis.  He  felt  its  ultimate  results,  and  having  kept  a  diary  many 
years,  each  entry  subsequent  to  this  attack,  was  made  under  the 
head  of  "  Posthumous  Memoirs." 

Soon  as  his  health  would  permit  he  returned  to  Washington,  to 
enter  again  upon  his  duties.  Though  he  continued  in  Congress, 
he  did  not  participate  in  the  proceedings  of  the  House  to  the  same 
extent  as  formerly.  Passing  another  season  at  Quincy,  in  No 
vember,  1847,  he  started,  for  the  last  time,  to  Washington,  and 
again  reached  his  post,  at  which  he  was  destined  to  fall. 

Sunday  evening,  February  20th,  1848,  was  spent  in  the  library 
with  his  devoted  wife,  who  read  to  him  Wilberforce's  sermon  on 
Time.  The  next  morning  he  arose  early,  as  usual,  wrote  his 
letters,  and  proceeded  to  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
His  step  seemed  rapid  and  unsteady,  while  considerable  trepi 
dation  was  evinced  in  his  movements.  Motion  had  been  made, 
giving  thanks,  and  awarding  medals  to  several  gallant  officers  of 
the  Mexican  war,  for  which  ADAMS  voted  in  a  very  emphatic 
manner.  That  was  his  last  vote.  No  more  would  his  voice  be 
heard  in  the  capitol.  Soon  after,  the  speaker  was  putting  another 
42 


024  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

question,  when  suddenly "Stop!  stop!  Mr.  ADAMS!"  was 

uttered  in  terror-stricken  tones.  The  fallen  statesman  was  soon 
surrounded  by  numerous  friends,  pale,  and  trembling  with  anxiety. 
"What's  the  matter  ?"  "  Has  he  fainted  ?"  "  Is  he  dead  ?"  were  the 
simultaneous  and  anxious  inquiries.  He  had,  again,  been  struck 
with  paralysis.  The  sudden  appearance  of  the  plague  would  have 
created  no  greater  confusion  than  prevailed  in  the  House.  His 
wife,  being  apprized  of  his  condition,  was  soon  by  his  side.  He 
continued  in  a  state  of  comparative  unconsciousness  through  the 

day.     At  three  o'clock,  he  exclaimed:  "I  thank  the  officers " 

Here  the  sentence  ended.     Immediately  after,  he  said  faintly: 

"  TlIIS  IS  THE  LAST  OF   EARTH  ; 1  AM   CONTENT,"    which    last  Words 

of  the  dying  patriarch,  fully  vindicated  his  past  name, — the  "Old 
Man  Eloquent."  The  two  succeeding  days  he  lay  in  the  speaker's 
room,  unconscious  of  friends,  who  anxiously  came  to  whisper, 
"how  is  he."  At  seven  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  23d  of 
February,  1848,  he  breathed  his  last,  and  a  frail  tenement,  serene 
in  death,  was  all  that  remained  on  earth  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 
On  the  26th  of  February  his  funeral  took  place  in  the  city  of 
Washington,  when  his  remains  were  taken  to  the  Congressional 
burying  ground,  whence  they  were,  soon  after,  conveyed  to  Quincy, 
and  buried  with  every  attestation  of  grief,  and  public  honor. 
Among  the  graves  of  his  fathers,  he  needs  no  sculptured  inscrip 
tions  to  perpetuate  his  name.  The  legacy  of  his  country,  his  deeds 
are  history,  and  will  be  pondered  through  distant  generations. 


JOHN  C.  CALHOUK 


JOHN  C.  CALHOUN. 


OLIVER  Cromwell  had  a  mole  on  his  face,  that  gave  to  his 
marked  countenance  additional  sternness  of  expression.  When 
he  sat  for  his  portrait,  the  artist  questioned  him  as  to  the  mole 
being  omitted  on  the  canvas:  " Paint  me  as  I  AM,"  exclaimed 
the  statesman,  with  a  vehemence  that  permitted  no  further  remark. 
In  grand  individuality,  the  subject  of  the  present  pages  has  left 
the  impress  of  his  character  on  the  history  of  his  country,  just  as 
he  was.  Careless  of  himself,  he  reached  elevated  stations  without 
pandering  to  popular  prejudices,  and  sacrificed  place  in  preference 
to  principle.  Ambitious  to  rank  among  the  first  statesmen  of  his 
day,  he  did  so  without  the  aid  of  purchased  favor,  and  threw  aside 
all  vestments  nature  did  not  intend  him  to  wear.  Among  all  his 
eminent  cotemporaries,  no  one  was  more  honest  in  his  opinions, 
nor  consistently  determined  in  their  maintenance,  than  JOHN  C. 
CALHOUN. 

He  was  the  son  of  Patrick  Calhoun,  and  was  born  on  the  18th 
day  of  March,  1782,  in  the  Abbeville  District,  South  Carolina. 
His  father  was  of  Irish  descent,  his  grandfather  having  come 
from  Ireland  to  this  country  in  the  year  1733.  His  mother  was  a 
native  of  Virginia,  and  according  to  genealogy,  the  daughter  of 
"  a  Scotch-Irish  Presbyterian."  Patrick  Calhoun  was  married  in 
Charlotte  County,  Virginia,  in  1770,  to  Martha  Caldwell,  but  about 
the  time  of  Braddock's  defeat  removed  to  South  Carolina,  and 
founded  the  "  Calhoun's  settlements."  The  Indians  were  then 
very  troublesome,  and  the  "settlements"  were,  for  a  time, 
abandoned.  He  was  chosen  leader  of  a  band  of  rangers,  and 

(625) 


JOHN     C.     CALIIOUN. 

fought  bravely  against  the  Indians,  until  their  defeat  enabled  him 
to  return  to  the  "settlements."  Patrick  Calhoun  was  dis 
tinguished  from  most  of  the  pioneers  by  a  love  for  intelligence, 
and  by  a  self-acquired  education.  He  had  studied  the  English 
branches,  read  a  great  deal  of  history,  and  made  himself  an 
excellent  surveyor,  and  man  of  business  generally.  He  was 
elected  to  the  provincial  Legislature  of  South  Carolina,  of  which 
he  was  a  member  for  thirty  years,  was  a  stanch  Whig  in  politics, 
and  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  His 
objection  wat,  "that  it  gave  rights  to  Congress  which  conflicted 
with  those  of  the  States."  Thus,  it  is  seen,  that  one  of  the  great 
political  principles  of  his  son  was,  in  part,  hereditary.  He  had  a 
proper  appreciation  of  educational  advantages,  and  determined, 
as  far  as  possible,  to  confer  them  upon  his  children. 

Firmness  of  purpose,  and  energy  of  character,  were  promi 
nent  traits  of  his  ancestry,  and  young  CALHOUN  very  early  gave 
evidences  of  possessing  them  to  a  remarkable  degree.  In  child 
hood,  he  was  of  a  quiet,  meditative  turn  of  mind,  yet  possessed 
of  ready  perception,  and  a  remarkable  faculty  of  investigating 
thoroughly  whatever  subject  was  presented  to  him.  The  struggles 
and  hardships  endured  by  the  pioneers  of  his  native  State,  left  a 
lasting  impression  on  his  youthful  mind,  and  doubtless  had  their 
influence  in  the  formation  of  its  bold,  dauntless  character.  After 
receiving  instructions  from  his  father  and  mother  in  the  primary 
branches,  which  proved  of  solid  service,  he  was,  in  his  thirteenth 
year,  placed  at  the  high  school  of  a  Mr.  Waddell.  The  death  of 
his  father,  and  discontinuance  of  the  academy,  made  it  necessary 
that  he  should  reside,  for  a  time,  with  a  brother-in-law.  During 
this  brief  residence,  however,  he  was  not  idle.  His  kinsman  had 
collected  a  small,  but  choice  library,  that  afforded  him  fine  oppor 
tunities  for  reading.  He  seized  upon  Eollin,  the  Life  of  Charles 
XII  of  Sweden,  and  Voltaire,  and  devoured  their  contents  with 
eager  avidity.  His  desire  for  knowledge,  whetted  rather  than 
diminished  by  the  perusal  of  these  works,  he  turned  to  Cook's 
Voyages,  and  Locke's  Essay  on  the  Understanding.  This  was  the 
exercise  of  but  little  over  a  year,  and  though  he  read  rapidly, 
nothing  was  passed  by  without  being  thoroughly  understood. 
During  this  time,  his  application  was  so  intense,  "  that  his  eyes 
became  red  and  swollen,  his  countenance  pallid,  and  his  frame 
emaciated,"  so  much  so,  that  his  mother  sent  for  him  to  return 


JOHN     C.     CALHOUN.  £27 

home.  For  the  succeeding  four  years  he  gave  himself  to  amuse 
ments  and  farm  exercises.  With  his  gun  or  fishing  tackle,  he 
would  spend  days  on  the  stream  or  in  the  forest,  both  of  which 
sports  he  enjoyed  with  high  relish.  These  exercises,  varied  with 
agricultural  duties,  developed  a  fine,  athletic  frame,  and  added 
fresh  strength  to  his  mental  powers.  But  these  employments 
were  destined  to  cease.  In  the  summer  of  1800,  obeying  the 
wishes  of  his  brother  James,  he  returned  to  the  school  of  Mr. 
Waddell,  and  resumed  his  studies,  with  a  view  of  preparing  himself 
for  the  law.  Notwithstanding  his  education  had  been  limited  to 
reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic,  in  two  years  he  was  enabled  to 
enter  Yale  College,  where  he  graduated  with  credit,  in  1804:. 
His  conduct,  application,  and  indications  of  talent,  won  the  esteem 
of  President  Dwight,  who  bestowed  upon  him  high  encomiums. 
Though  the  President  and  most  of  his  associates  were  Federalists, 
he  adhered  with  unwavering  tenacity  to  his  early  avowed  Repub 
lican  principles,  and  had  frequent  and  animated  discussions  upon 
political  issues.  As  ominous  of  his  future  career,  it  may  be 
remarked  that,  for  the  theme  of  his  oration  when  he  graduated, 
he  selected  "  the  qualifications  necessary  to  constitute  a  statesman." 
The  very  embodiment  of  his  theme,  he  was  destined  to  exemplify 
in  forum  and  Senate,  the  ''necessary  qualifications."  After 
graduating,  three  years  were  devoted  to  the  study  of  law  and 
miscellaneous  reading,  being  the  greater  part  of  the  time  under 
the  tuition  of  Judge  Reeve  and  Mr.  Gould,  of  Litchfield,  Con 
necticut.  Returning  to  South  Carolina,  he  carefully  studied  the 
State  laws,  and  obtained  license  to  practice  in  the  courts,  in  1807. 

About  this  time,  the  attack  upon  the  Chesapeake,  by  the  British 
vessel  Leopard,  excited  the  country  from  one  end  to  the  other. 
The  occurrence  produced  a  deep  impression  on  the  mind  of 
CALHOUN.  The  citizens  held  a  meeting  in  his  district,  at  which, 
according  to  appointment,  he  presented  a  report,  of  such  marked 
ability,  that  he  was  invited  to  address  the  next  meeting.  His 
speech  was  considered  better  than  the  report,  and  exhibited  so 
much  force,  eloquence,  and  research,  that  he  at  once  drew  upon 
himself  the  attention  of  the  people.  Soon  after,  he  became  a 
candidate  for  the  State  Legislature,  and  was  elected  with  ease, 
from  a  district  that  had  uniformly  refused  to  vote  for  lawyers  for 
a  number  of  years. 

Here  begins  his  long  and  illustrious  political  life.     The  road  to 


(J28  JOHN  C.  CALHOUN. 

fame  was  broad  before,  and  though  competitors  were  on  the  list, 
he  entered  it  with  a  purpose  and  ability  that  showed  he  would 
not 

" Pause  till  the  hight  was  won/' 

He  took  his  seat  in  the  Legislature,  and  was  not  long  in  dis 
tinguishing  himself  from  his  associates.  It  was  about  the  time 
Madison  received  the  nomination  for  the  presidency.  Fully 
identified  with  the  Republican  party,  after  Madison  had  received 
the  nomination,  and  the  candidates  for  Vice-President  were  being 
talked  of,  he  advocated  the  claims  of  John  Langdon,  of  New 
Hampshire,  over  those  of  George  Clinton,  and  gave  his  views  of 
national  politics,  and  the  course  essential  for  his  party  to  pursue, 
in  a  manner  so  clear  and  masterly,  that  he  was  considered  as 
among  the  leaders.  Henceforth,  legal  pursuits  were  to  receive 
little  attention.  At  the  bar,  from  the  reputation  he  had  acquired, 
there  was  no  room  to  doubt  but  he  could  have  attained  high 
distinction ;  but  he  had  turned  his  thoughts  to  politics,  to  which 
his  life  and  talents  were  mainly  given.  He  had  great  command 
of  language,  a  sagacity  almost  intuitive,  profound  research,  unsur 
passed  presence  of  mind,  energy  indomitable,  high  ambition,  and 
an  unflinching  nerve.  With  these  requisites  he  could  not  fail. 
So  much  credit  had  he  gained  in  the  Legislature  by  his  burning 
words  and  correct  reasoning,  that  he  was  looked  upon,  for  higher 
stations.  In  1810,  as  an  avowed  advocate  of  the  war  of  1812,  the 
expediency  of  which  was  then  agitating  the  public  mind,  he  was 
presented  as  a  candidate  for  Congress,  and  elected  by  an  over 
whelming  majority.  He  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  November 
4th,  1811,  at  a  time  when  difficulties,  incident  to  the  Jay  treaty, 
were  rendering  administrative  duties  perplexing  in  the  extreme. 
Henry  Clay  was  speaker  of  the  House,  and  being  the  advocate 
of  hostilities  with  Great  Britain,  vindicated  his  reputation  for 
sagacity  and  judgment,  by  placing  CALHOUN  on  the  Committee 
of  Foreign  Affairs.  He  engaged  with  enthusiasm  and  ardor,  in 
discussing  the  various  political  questions  of  the  day,  and  particu 
larly  our  affairs  with  Great  Britain. 

The  committee,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  soon  after  the 
session  commenced,  presented  resolutions  urging  immediate 
preparations  for  war.  His  first  speech  in  Congress  was  made  in 
favor  of  these  resolutions.  It  was  a  withering  rebuke  against  the 
ambitious,  grasping  policy  of  Great  Britain,  an  able  review  of 


JOHN     C.     CALHOUN.  029 

international  relationship,  and  a  triumphant  vindication  of  the 
course  urged  by  the  party  favoring  a  resort  to  arms.  Though  his 
name  as  a  legislator  had  reached  the  capitol  from  his  native  State, 
this  speech,  for  its  depth,  logic,  research  and  eloquence,  took  the 
members  by  surprise.  His  stand  was  now  taken,  and  he  rose 
immediately  to  a  position  of  prominence  and  influence. 

Among  such  men  as  Henry  Clay  and  John  Kandolph,  Felix 
Grundy,  William  Lowndes,  and  Josiah  Quincy,  experienced  in 
legislation,  and  fine  parliamentarians,  he  at  once  won  respect  and 
consideration.  "  We  hail  this  young  Carolinian,"  said  the  leading 
journalists,  who  were  acquainted  with  his  maiden  effort,  "  as  one 
of  the  master  spirits,  who  stamp  their  names  upon  the  age  in' 
which  they  live." 

The  tone  of  the  war  party  now  became  more  bold  and  defiant, 
and  preparations  were  immediately  entered  into.  Army  enlist 
ments  and  naval  equipments  were  speedily  resolved  on,  and  none 
were  more  bold  or  determined  in  advocating  every  measure 
deemed  essential  to  the  prosecution  of  hostilities,  than  CALHOUN. 
The  restrictive  system, — the  Embargo,  he  opposed,  upon  principles 
he  thought  correct  and  politic.  In  this  he  showed  that,  though 
generally  a  friend  of  the  administrative  party,  he  knew  no  party 
shackles,  when  conflicting  with  his  own  convictions  of  right. 

In  the  summer  of  1812,  with  warmth  and  effect,  he  supported 
the  declaration  of  war,  and  continued  a  firm  advocate  to  its  suc 
cessful  prosecution.  Many  difficulties  grew  out  of  the  Embargo, 
of  a  serious  nature  to  those  exporting  commodities  abroad,  the 
proceeds  accruing  therefrom,  being  interdicted  by  the  non-impor 
tation  system.  Those  who  had  exported,  being  thus  cut  off  from 
their  proceeds,  ordered  the  foreign  consignees  to  return  their  cors* 
modities.  The  returns  consisted  principally  in  goods,  which, 
under  the  non-importation  act,  were  subject  to  forfeiture.  The 
owners  petitioned,  praying  remission  of  forfeiture.  Contrary  to 
the  views  of  many,  CALHOUN  took  sides  with  the  petitioners,  and 
with  characteristic  independence  and  zeal,  urged  the  remission, 
which  was  finally  acquiesced  in,  the  owners  consenting  to  the  pay 
ment  of  regular  duties.  Opposition  to  the  Embargo  was  becom 
ing  strong,  and  efforts  were  made  to  effect  its  repeal.  CALHOUN, 
though  opposed  to  the  whole  restrictive  system,  when  the  ques 
tion  came  finally  up,  cast  his  vote  for  its  continuance,  believing,  that 


JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

of  two  evils, — Embargo,  or  internal  divisions, — the  first  would  bo 
the  lesser. 

The  disasters  of  Napoleon  in  the  snow-wilds  of  Kussia,  changed 
the  lace  of  things  materially.  Her  enemy  of  giant  might  subdued 
on  the  continent,  England  could  turn  her  warrior  legions,  with 
every  resource,  against  this  country.  Those  opposed  to  the  war, 
painted,  in  dark  colors,  the  train  of  evils  incident  to  its  prose 
cution.  When  the  bill,  requiring  a  loan  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
war  came  up,  the  peace  party  arrayed  themselves  against  it  with 
bitter  asperity.  Speeches  were  made,  able,  eloquent,  and  well 
digested,  against  the  war,  and  every  movement  suggested  for  its 
continuance.  These  events  were  favorable  to  CALHOUN.  He 
replied  to  these  arguments  in  a  most  clear,  lucid,  and  statesman 
like  manner.  No  speech  during  the  session,  of  these  discussions, 
evinced  greater  strength,  vigor,  or  force  of  argument.  Commen 
cing  back  to  the  fruitful  source  of  so  many  evils,  the  "  Orders  in 
Council,"  adopted  and  enforced  by  Great  Britain,  in  1796,  he 
dwelt  with  matchless  power  and  cogent  reasoning,  upon  the 
long  train  of  subsequent  evils  and  acts  of  oppression  inflicted 
upon  this  county  by  the  aggressive  policy  of  England,  in  her  asser 
tions  of  the  right  to  impress  our  seamen  and  search  our  vessels, 
and  showed,  unquestionably,  that  her  primary  design  was  to  main 
tain  undisputed  supremacy  of  the  seas,  and  dictate  commercial 
regulations  to  the  world. 

The  attack  upon  the  Chesapeake,  and  other  vessels  engaged  in 
the  commerce  of  the  United  States,  was  adverted  to  in  strong  and 
denunciatory  language.  The  whole  speech  was,  in  fact,  one  of 
the  most  masterly  and  able  made  on  the  floor  of  the  House  during 
alXthe  discussions  that  took  place.  It  closed  as  follows  :-— 

u  This  country  is  left  alone  to  support  the  rights  of  neutrals. 
Perilous  is  the  condition,  and  arduous  the  task.  We  are  not 
intimidated.  We  stand  opposed  to  British  usurpation,  and  by  our 
spirit  and  efforts  have  done  all  in  our  power  to  save  the  last  ves 
tige  of  neutral  rights ;  yes,  our  embargoes,  non-intercourse,  non 
importation,  and  finally  war,  arc  all  mainly  exertions  to  preserve 
the  rights  of  this  and  other  nations  from  the  deadly  grasp  of 
British  maritime  policy.  But,  (say  our  opponents,)  these  efforts 
are  lost,  and  our  condition  hopeless.  If  so,  it  only  remains  for  us 
to  assume  the  garb  of  our  condition.  We  must  submit, — humbly 
submit,— crave  pardon,  and  hug  our  chains.  It  is  not  wise  to 


JOHN  C.  CALHOUN. 

provoke  where  we  can  not  resist.  But  first,  let  us  be  well  assured 
of  the  hopelessness  of  our  state,  before  we  sink  into  submission. 
On  what  do  our  opponents  rest  their  despondent  and  slavish 
belief?  On  the  recent  events  in  Europe?  I  admit  they  are  great, 
and  well  calculated  to  impose  on  the  imagination.  Our  enemy 
never  presented  a  more  imposing  exterior.  But  I  am  admonished 
by  universal  experience,  that  such  prosperity  is  the  most  preca 
rious  of  human  conditions.  From  the  flood  the  tide  takes  its  ebb. 
From  the  meridian  the  sun  commences  its  decline.  Depend  upon 
it,  there  is  more  of  sound  philosophy  than  of  fiction  in  the  fickle 
ness  which  poets  attribute  to  fortune.  Prosperity  has  its  weakness, 
adversity  its  strength.  In  many  respects,  our  enemy  has  lost  by 
those  very  changes  which  seem  so  very  much  in  his  favor.  He 
can  no  more  claim  to  be  struggling  for  existence  ;  no  more  to  be 
fighting  the  battles  of  the  world  in  defense  of  the  liberties  of  man 
kind.  The  magic  cry  of  French  influence  is  lost.  In  this  very 
hall  we  are  not  strangers  to  that  sound.  Here,  even  here,  the  cry 
of  'French  influence,'  that  baseless  fiction,  that  phantom  of  faction, 
now  banished,  often  resounded.  I  rejoice  that  the  spell  is  broken 
by  which  it  was  attempted  to  bind  the  spirit  of  this  youthful  nation. 
The  minority  can  no  longer  act  under  cover,  but  must  come  out 
and  defend  their  opposition  on  its  own  intrinsic  merit.  Our 
example  can  scarcely  fail  to  produce  its  effects  on  other  nations 
interested  in  the  maintenance  of  maritime  rights.  But  if,  un 
fortunately,  we  should  be  left  alone  to  maintain  the  contest,  and 
if,  which  may  God  forbid,  necessity  should  compel  us  to  yield  for 
the  present,  yet  our  generous  eiforts  will  not  have  been  lost.  A 
mode  of  thinking  and  a  tone  of  sentiment  have  gone  abroad, 
which  must  stimulate  to  future  and  more  successful  struggles. 
What  could  not  be  effected  with  eight  millions  of  people,  will  be 
done  with  twenty.  The  great  cause  will  never  be  yielded, — no 
never,  never !  Sir,  I  hear  the  future  audibly  announced  in  the 
past, — in  the  splendid  victories  over  the  Guerriere,  Java,  and 
Macedonian.  We,  and  all  nations,  are  taught  a  lesson  by  these 
victories  never  to  be  forgotten.  Opinion  is  power.  The  charm 
of  British  naval  invincibility  is  gone." 

Such  were  the  style  and  character  of  CALHOUN'S  extraordinary 
appeals  to  the  national  Congress  in  favor  of  carrying  on  the  war 
with  all  possible  energy  and  efficiency.  Having  labored  faithfully 
in  representing  his  district,  and  done  all  in  his  power  to  elevate 


632 


JOHN  C.  CALHOUN. 


the  national  dignity,  he  retired  from  the  halls  of  Congress,  wear 
ing  golden  honors.  He  returned  to  his  native  State,  but  was  not 
permitted  to  stand  aloof  from  political  matters.  Too  well  had  he 
convinced  his  constituents  of  his  capacity  to  serve  them  with  zeal 
and  efficiency.  In  1812,  he  was  re-elected  to  Congress,  and  in 
1814,  also.  During  these  sessions  he  was  a  stanch  friend  of  all 
measures  adapted  to  a  speedy  and  successful  termination  of  the 
war.  When  the  treaty  of  peace  came  to  be  ratified  and  pro- 
niulged,  he  was  equally  warm  in  its  favor.  It  was  during  the 
discussions  growing  out  of  this  measure,  that  he  took  occasion  to 
give  his  views  upon  existent  laws  in  regard  to  duties  and  col 
lections.  The  speech  was  drawn  out  by  the  bill  of  Forsythe,  of 
Georgia,  urging  the  abrogation  of  these  regulations,  and  one  of 
the  ablest  of  the  session.  CALHOUN  affirmed  that  no  provision 
was  required  with  reference  to  tunnage  and  duty  equalization, 
inasmuch  as  the'equal  rights  of  citizens  was  more  the  matter  of  dis 
pute  than  levies  and  imposts.  Forsythe's  bill  passed,  however, 
and  was  the  subject  of  considerable  legislation  in  both  Houses. 
It  was  finally  arranged  by  the  passage  of  an  act,  providing  ua 
higher  duty  of  tunnage  or  of  imposts,  on  vessels,  and  articles  im 
ported  in  vessels  of  Great  Britain,  than  on  vessels,  and  articles 
imported  in  vessels  of  the  United  States." 

We  have,  already,  had  something  to  say  of  the  depressed  state 
of  finances  during  the  war  of  1812.  The  prostration  of  finance 
and  public  credit,  created  a  desire,  on  the  part  of  many,  to  renew 
the  old  bank  charter  of  1791 ;  but  the  well-known  hostility  of 
Jefferson  and  Madison  to  any  such  institution,  had  tended  to  deter 
definite  action  on  the  subject.  During  the  session  of  1813-14,  the 
subject  of  finance  was  a  leading  one  in  the  House.  Petitions  came 
in,  praying  the  establishment  of  a  national  bank  at  New  York ; 
these  were  not  favorably  received  by  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  to  which  they  were  referred,  upon  the  ground  that  the 
creation  of  such  an  institution  within  the  area  of  any  of  the  States 
was  unconstitutional.  Though  to  CALHOUN  the  subject  was  new, 
he  turned  his  attention  to  it  with  all  the  force  of  his  grasping 
mind.  The  majority  of  his  party  were  hostile  to  the  measure,  yet 
he  had  precedent  legislation  for  his  course,  and  thouglrt  the  measure 
demanded  by  the  extraordinary  exigencies  of  the  times.  To  obvi 
ate  the  objections  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  that  the 
bank  could  not  be  constitutional^  located  within  the  limits  of 


JOHN     C.    CALHOUN. 

the  States,  he  brought  in  resolutions,  on  the  4th  of  February, 

1814,  urging  the  establishment  of  one  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
These  were  adopted,  but  in  consequence  of  the  refusal  of  the  two 
Houses  to  so  modify  them  as  to  create  various  branches,  no  further 
action  was  had.     Treasury  issues  were  seventeen  per  cent.,  and 
government  stock  near  twice  that  amount  below  par.     General 
depression  prevailed  everywhere.     Again,  the  thoughts  of  states 
men  were  turned  to  a  national  bank  ;  for  the  purpose  of  consider 
ing  which,  efforts  were  made  to  appoint  a  committee  :  these  efforts 
did  not  succeed,  though  CALHOUN  voted  in  favor  of  such  action. 

On  the  re-assembling  of  Congress,  in  1814,  the  bank,  again, 
became  a  question  of  leading  interest,  and  a  general  plan  for  its 
creation  at  Philadelphia,  was  proposed  by  Dallas.  Notwithstand 
ing  CALHOUN'S  views  were  favorable  to  such  an  institution,  this 
plan,  he  regarded  as  odious  in  the  extreme,  and  after  full  investi 
gation,  resolved  to  identify  himself  with  the  opposition,  and  voted 
accordingly.  In  November,  the  general  discussion  of  the  subject 
came  up  in  the  House,  in  a  debate  upon  the  bill,  authorizing  sub 
scriptions  to  the  United  States  Bank.  CALHOUN  made  a  speech 
of  great  ability  in  opposition.  His  views,  as  expressed  at  the 
time,  and  which  may  be  found  on  page  495  of  the  History  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  were  as  follows : 

"The  capital  of  the  Bank  remaining  unchanged,  at  fifty 
millions,  the  payment  of  subscriptions  to  this  capital  stock  to  be 
made  in  the  proportion  of  one-tenth  in  specie  (which  he  afterward 
varied  to  six-fifteenths),  and  the  remainder  in  specie  or  in  treasury 
notes,  to  be  hereafter  issued  ;  subscriptions  to  be  opened  monthly 
in  the  three  last  days  of  each  month,  beginning  with  January, 

1815,  for  certain  proportions  of  the  stock,  until  the  whole  is  sub 
scribed ;  payment  to  be  made  at  the  time  of  subscribing;  the 
shares  to  consist  of  one  hundred,  instead  of  five  hundred  dollars, 
each ;  the  United  States  to  hold  no  stock  in  the  Bank,  have  no 
agency  in  its  disposal,  nor  control  over  its  operations,  nor  right 
to  suspend  specie  payments.     The  amount  of  treasury  notes  to  be 
subscribed,  viz :  forty-five  millions  to  be  provided  for  by  future 
acts  of  Congress,  and  to  be  disposed  of,  in  something  like  the 
following  way,  viz:  Fifteen  millions  of  the  amount  to  be  placed 
in  the  hands  of  agents  appointed  for  the  purpose,  or  in  the  hands 
of  the  present  commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund,  to  go  into  the 
stock  market  to  convert  the  treasury  notes  stock ;  another  sum, 


(J34  JOHN     C.    CALHOUN. 

eay  five  millions,  to  be  applied  to  the  redemption  of  the  treasury- 
notes  becoming  due  at  the  commencement  of  the  ensuing  year ; 
the  remaining  twenty  millions,  he  proposed  to  throw  into  circu 
lation  as  widely  as  possible.  They  might  be  issued  in  such  pro 
portions  monthly,  as  to  be  absorbed  in  the  subscriptions  to  the 
Bank  at  the  end  of  each  month,  etc.  This  operation,  he  presumed, 
would  raise  the  value  of  treasury  notes,  perhaps,  twenty  or  thirty 
per  cent,  above  par,  being  the  value  of  the  privilege  of  taking  the 
Bank  stock,  and  thus  afford,  at  the  same  time,  a  bonus  and  an 
indirect  loan  to  the  government;  making  unnecessary,  any  loan 
by  the  Bank,  until  its  extended  circulation  of  paper  shall  enable 
it  to  make  a  loan  which  shall  be  advantageous  to  the  United  States. 
The  treasury  notes  so  to  be  issued,  to  be  redeemable,  in  stock,  at 
six  per  cent.,  disposable  by  the  Bank  at  its  pleasure,  and  without 
the  sanction  of  government ;  to  whom,  neither  is  the  Bank  to  be 
compelled  to  loan  any  money."  This  is,  in  a  few  words,  a  fair 
statement  of  the  project  of  Mr.  CALHOUN,  which  he  supported  by 
a  variety  of  explanations  of  its  operations,  etc.;  "the  notes  of  the 
Bank,  when  in  operation,  to  be  received,  exclusively,  in  the  pay 
ment  of  all  taxes,  duties,  and  debts,  to  the  United  States."  The 
operation  of  this  combined,  Mr.  CALHOUN  conceived,  would  be  to 
afford  ;  "  1st,  Relief  from  the  immediate  pressure  on  the  treasury ; 
2d,  A  permanent  elevation  of  public  credit;  and,  3d,  A  perma 
nent  and  safe  circulating  medium  of  general  credit."  The  Bank 
should  go  into  operation,  he  proposed,  in  April,  1815. 

This  plan  met  with  decided  hostility,  particularly  from  Forsythe, 
and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Mr.  Dallas.  After  being  modi 
fied,  the  Bank  bill  was  again  submitted,  and  received  a  tie  vote, — 
CALHOUN  voting  affirmatively.  It  devolved  on  the  speaker  now  to 
give  the  casting  vote,  which  being  in  the  negative,  it  was  lost. 
This  continued  to  be  the  question  of  leading  interest  till  the  close 
of  the  session,  which  took  place  without  definite  action  on  the 
bill.  On  the  assembling  of  Congress,  December,  1815,  the  sub 
ject  was  again  taken  up,  with  strong  indications  that  conflicting 
opinions  would  harmonize  upon  some  plan  of  establishing  the 
institution. 

Early  in  January,  1816,  CALHOUN  made  a  report  of  rare 
ability,  introducing,  at  the  same  time,  a  bill  favorable  to  a 
national  bank,  "as  the  most  certain*  means  of  restoring  to  the 
nation  a  specie  currency."  This  bill  was  the  subject  of  continued 


JOHN    C.    CALHOUN.  Q35 

discussion,  till  the  14th  of  March,  when  it  passed  by  a  vote  of 
eighty  ayes  to  seventy-one  nays, — CALHOUN  voting  in  its  favor. 
During  all  the  debates  had  upon  the  measure,  CALIIOUN  was  one 
of  the  most  active  participants,  and  made  some  of  the  ablest 
efforts  of  his  life.  The  bill,  having  passed  and  received  the 
sanction  of  the  President,  established  the  Bank  charter  of  1816, 
and  became  the  law  of  the  land. 

Another  question  came  up,  during  the  session,  of  considerable 
national  importance.  Daring  the  war  of  1812,  a  direct  tax  had 
been  levied  to  meet  the  necessities  of  the  times.  After  peace  had 
been  declared,  Mr.  Lowndes,  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  brought  in  some  resolutions,  urging  a  continuance  of 
the  direct  tax.  Feeling  that  the  necessities  resulting  in  its  cre 
ation,  were  still,  to  some  extent,  existing,  CALHOUN  supported  the 
resolutions,  which  finally  passed  by  a  fair  majority.  Next,  and 
intimately  connected  with  the  above,  came  the  tariff  of  1816, 
which  also  received  his  support  and  advocacy.  CALIIOUN'S 
favoring  the  tariff  of  1816,  afterward  subjected  him  to  censure, 
and  the  charge  of  inconsistency.  The  duties  upon  most  articles 
subject  to  protection,  were  fixed  at  twenty  per  cent.  But  the 
imposition  of  seventy-five  per  cent.,  upon  iron,  and  the  minimum 
specified  upon  goods  manufactured  of  cotton,  he  admitted,  were 
wrong.  CALHOUN  contended,  in  1816,  that  Congress  had  power 
to  impose  duties  for  revenue,  and  that  the  commercial  prosperity 
of  the  country  demanded  such  a  course, — so  he  contended,  in  1832. 
Thus,  in  the  principle  of  imposing  duties,  his  views  remained  the 
same.  His  interest  in  the  tariff  question  can  not  excite  peculiar 
surprise.  He  lived  in  a  State  that  was  essentially  productive  of 
the  very  articles  for  which  she  had  no  home  consumption  ;  these 
articles  necessarily  sought  markets  elsewhere.  To  guard  against 
manufacturing  monopoly,  and  to  protect  the  producer  as  well  as 
the  consumer,  was  an  object  of  just  solicitude. 

During  this  session,  CALHOUN,  upon  one  measure,  rendered 
himself  unpopular  with  his  constituents.  A  bill  was  brought  in, 
doing  away  with  the  old  system  of  paying  the  members  of  Con 
gress  so  much  per  day,  and  fixing  their  annual  salary  at  fifteen 
hundred  dollars  a  year.  CALHOUN  supported  and  voted  for  it. 
The  measure  proved  unpopular,  particularly  so  in  the  Abbeville 
district  of  South  Carolina.  On  his  return,  his  friends  denounced, 
in  strong  terms,  his  course:  some,  who  still  stood  by  him,  urged 


JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

him  not  to  run  again  for  Congress,  while  others  insisted  that  he 
should  "  apologize  for  his  course."  William  Butler,  availing  him 
self  of  th,e  current  of  disfavor,  presented  himself  as  a  candidate 
in  opposition.  CALHOUN  called  on  his  old  friends  to  give  him,  at 
least,  a  hearing,  and  chance  to  vindicate  his  course,  and  appointed 
days  when  he  would  meet  and  make  them  speeches.  Large 
crowds  convened,  and  he  appeared  before  them  as  on  former 
occasions,  but  not  to  apologize.  He  boldly  defended  his  vote,  and 
showed  so  clearly  the  merits  of  the  Compensation  Bill,  as  it  was 
styled,  that,  instead  of  sinking,  he  rose  higher  than  ever  in  popular 
favor.  At  the  election  he  was  returned  by  a  triumphant  vote. 

As  proof  of  his  independence,  soon  as  Congress  met,  in  1816, 
a  bill  was  reported  repealing  the  compensation  act  of  the  previous 
session.  CALIIOUN  stood  firmly  by  his  previous  course,  and  voted 
as  he  had  done  before.  So  anxious,  however,  were  the  majority 
to  appease  the  indignation  of  their  constituents,  that  it  was  passed, 
and  the  compensation  act  was  repealed. 

Another  source  of  accusations  of  inconsistency  against  CALHOUN, 
was  his  course  upon  the  subject  of  internal  improvement ;  and, 
indeed,  under  this  head,  with  more  reason  than  upon  the  tariff 
question.  CALHOUN,  at  this  time,  did  believe  that  the  power  to 
"levy  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay  the 
debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defense  and  general  welfare," 
embraced  the  construction  of  internal  improvements.  He,  after 
ward,  changed  his  mind  upon  the  subject.  In  regard  to  this, 
however,  it  may  be  said,  that  he  was  a  comparatively  young  man, 
and  not  fully  matured  in  his  views  upon  all  matters  of  legislation, 
—also,  that  there  were  then,  in  his  judgment,  more  necessities 
for  such  appropriations  than  subsequently  existed.  Madison,  too, 
in  his  message  to  Congress,  after  the  close  of  the  war,  urged  the 
exercise  of  "all  constitutional  powers"  in  the  construction  of 
internal  improvements  :  what  those  constitutional  powers  were, 
therefore,  became  a  matter  of  serious  inquiry  among  our  states 
men.  The  resolution  introduced  into  Congress,  recommending 
the  application  of  the  government  money,  and  profits  of  the 
national  bank,  to  internal  improvement  purposes,  originated  with 
CALHOUN,  and  in  December,  1816.  The  resolution  passed,  and  a 
committee,  of  which  its  author  was  chairman,  was  appointed  to 
inquire  into  its  expediency.  They  reported  a  bill  favorable  to  the 
measure,  which  passed  the  House  with  little  discussion;  but  not 


JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

meeting  the  views  of  the  President,  it  was  returned,  and  the 
appropriations  were  not  made. 

With  honor   and  distinction,   CALHOUN  closed   his   labors   in 
Congress,  on  the  17th  of  March,  1817,  and  was,  the  ensuing 
December,  appointed  a  member  of  Monroe's  cabinet,  and  began 
his  duties  as  Secretary  of  War.     His  appointment  was  wholly 
unsolicited,  and  strongly  opposed  by  his  friends,  who  urged  that 
Congress   was   his   proper  sphere  of  action.     His   talents, — the 
peculiar  construction  of  his  deep  metaphysical  mind, — eminently 
fitted  him  for  the  post,  and  thinking  that  he  knew  himself  and 
his  duties  better  than  his  friends,  he  accepted  the  appointment. 
Though  the  labors  were  new,  he  went  to  work  with  the  firmness 
and  judgment  of  a  veteran.     Thoroughly  acquainting  himself  with 
the  varied  duties  and  responsibilities  of  his  position,  he  determined 
upon  remodeling  the  department.     He  organized  and  introduced 
the  Bureau  system,  which,  after  encountering  violent  opposition, 
was  adopted,  and  has  continued  in  operation,  with  few  changes, 
ever  since.     Competent  and  efficient  men  of  well-known  business 
habits  and  unblemished  characters,  were  placed  at  the  head  of  each 
bureau,  with  judiciously  selected  assistants.     A  wisely-designed 
and  efficient  code  of  rules,  for  the  government  of  the  department, 
was  prepared  principally  by  himself,  and  enforced.     He  entered 
the  office  when  its  affairs  were  in  a  miserable  condition,  over  "forty 
millions  of  dollars  of  unsettled  accounts,  many  of  them  of  long 
standing,  running  back  to  the  very  origin  of  the  government,  he  re 
duced  to  less  than  three  millions,  which  consisted,  for  the  most  part, 
of  losses  and  accounts  that  never  can  be  settled.     He  prevented  all 
current  accumulation  by  a  prompt  and  rigid  enforcement  of  accounta 
bility  ;  so  much  so,  that  he  was  enabled  to  report  to  Congress,  in 
1823,  that  of  the  entire  amount  of  money  drawn  from  the  treasury, 
in  1812,  for  military  service,  including  pensions,  amounting  to* 
$4,571,961,94,  although  it  passed  through  the  hands  of  two  hundred 
and  ninety  one  disbursing  officers,  there  had  not  been  a  single  defal 
cation,  nor  the  loss  of  a  single  cent  to  the  government.     He  found 
the  army  proper,  including  the  military  academy,  costing  annually, 
more  than  four  hundred  and  fifty-one  dollars  per  man,  including 
officers,  professors,  and  cadets,  and  he  left  the  cost  less  than  two  hun 
dred  and  eighty-seven  ;  or  to  do  more  exact  justice  to  his  economy, 
he  diminished  such  parts  of  the  cost  per  man  as  were  susceptible 
of  reduction  by  an  efficient  administration,  excluding  pay  and  such 
43 


638  JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

parts  as  were  fixed  in  moneyed  compensation  by  law,  from  two 
hundred  and  ninety-nine  dollars,  to  one  hundred  and  fifty.  All 
this  was  effected  by  wise  reforms  and  not  by  parsimony  (for  he 
was  liberal,  as  many  supposed  to  a  fault)  in  the  quality  and  quantity 
of  the  supplies,  and  not  by  a  fall  of  prices ;  for  in  making  the 
calculation,  allowance  is  made  for  the  fall  or  rise  of  prices  on 
every  article  of  supply.  The  gross  saving  of  the  army  was  one 
million  three  hundred  thousand  dollars  annually,  in  an  expenditure 
which  reached  four  millions  when  he  came  into  the  department. 
This  does  not  include  the  other  branches  of  service,  the  ordnance, 
the  engineer,  the  Indian  bureaus,  in  all  of  which,  a  like  rigid 
economy  and  accountability  were  introduced,  with  similar  saving 
to  the  government." 

These  were  a  part  of  the  services  rendered  by  CALHOUN,  accom 
plished  under  untoward  circumstances  and  in  the  face  of  active 
opposition.  Able  reports  beside  were  made  from  time  to  time 
on  Indian  affairs,  and  every  subject  pertaining  to  his  department. 
The  military  academy  he  found  in  a  bad  condition,  which  he  revived 
and  left  on  a  proper  basis.  The  organization  of  the  medical 
department  received  his  solicitude  and  labors,  which  have  been 
fraught  with  happiest  results  to  the  country.  "  In  every  branch 
of  his  duties  as  the  presiding  officer,  CALHOUN  did  the  State  good 
service;  and  the  influence  of  his  clear  mind,  his  precision,  his 
love  of  order,  his  punctuality  and  integrity,  were  felt  by  all  his 
subordinate  officers  and  agents.  The  improvements  which  he 
introduced  were  not  evanescent  in  their  character,  nor  of  tem 
porary  duration  ;  but  they  were  designed  to  be  permanent ;  and 
the  sequel  proved  them  such  in  reality.  His  purgation  of  the 
Augaean  stable  was  complete.  Unsettled  accounts  were  no  longer 
left  to  accumulate,  till  the  halls  echoed  and  re-echoed  with  the 
clamors  of  the  public  creditor ;  the  re-organization  of  the  army 
was  as  admirable  in  practice  as  in  theory :  the  system  of  fortifi 
cation  which  he  proposed,  maritime  as  well  as  frontier,  afforded  all 
the  protection  needed  or  desired  ;  and  the  removal  of  the  Indians 
beyond  the  Mississippi,  which  he  warmly  recommended,  as  ex 
perience  has  demonstrated,  was  a  boon  and  a  blessing  to  the  red- 
men  of  the  forest. 

uThe  system  of  financial  administration  which  he  first  established, 
is  still  in  operation,— daily  bearing  witness  to  the  practical  talents 
that  first  originated  it.  So  perfect  has  it  been  found,  that,  not- 


JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

withstanding  the  immense  amount  of  money  disbursed  by  the 
department  since  he  was  at  its  head,  exceeding  two  hundred 
millions  of  dollars,  no  losses  of  any  importance  have  happened." 

During  this  time,  CALHOUN  had  little  time  to  devote  to  the 
various  political  questions  of  the  day,  yet  he  was  not  an  inatten 
tive  observer  of  them.  He  approved  of  Monroe's  course  in  regard 
to  the  Missouri  Compromise,  but  opposed  the  tariff  of  1824, 
establishing  regular  rates  of  duty  at  thirty  per  cent.  He  also 
differed  with  President  Monroe  upon  the  internal  improvement 
question, — his  views  having  considerably  changed  on  that  subject 
since  Madison  sent  his  annual  message  to  Congress,  recommend 
ing  the  exercise  of  all  constitutional  powers  in  the  premises. 

With  the  close  of  Monroe's  administration,  CALHOUN'S  labors  as 
secretary  of  war,  ceased.  In  the  Presidential  canvass  of  1824,  he 
supported  Jackson,  though  his  own  name  had  been  mentioned,  in 
connection  with  the  office,  in  the  most  honorable  terms.  The 
result  of  the  campaign  was  the  election  of  John  Quincy  Adams 
to  the  Presidency,  and  himself  to  the  Vice-Presidency.  He 
entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office  as  president  of  the  Senate, 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1825. 

He  presided  over  the  Senate  with  dignity  and  firmness, — was 
always  first  in  his  seat,  and  the  last  to  leave  it.  Often  the  delicate 
duty  of  giving  the  casting  vote  devolved  upon  him,  on  which 
occasions  he  was  never  absent.  His  firmness  in  the  performance 
of  duty,  is  shown  by  his  conduct  in  1828.  He  was  again  a  can 
didate  for  Yice-President  with  Jackson.  The  tariff  bill  was 
before  the  House.  His  friends  alleging,  without  grounds,  that 
Adams'  friends  would  contrive  that  he  should  give  the  casting 
vote  upon  the  measure  in  the  Senate,  advised  him  to  absent  him 
self  for  the  time  being.  They  urged  him  to  the  step,  upon  the 
presumption  that  the  casting  vote  upon  a  bill  of  so  much  impor 
tance,  on  which  the  friends  of  the  two  candidates  were  somewhat 
divided,  would  weaken  the  strength  of  the  Republican  ticket. 
This,  he  refused  to  do,  saying  he  would  never  fail  to  perform  such 
a  duty,  and  would,  if  necessary,  give  the  casting  vote,  defeat  the 
bill,  and  then  withdraw  his  name  from  the  ticket.  The  bill  passed, 
however,  without  a  tie  vote,  making  this  duty  unnecessary. 

It  was  in  this  session  of  Congress,  that  he  took  occasion  to 
declare  that  the  Yice-President  had  no  right  to  prevent  a  senator 
from  expressing  himself  as  he  liked,  though  disorder  grew  out  of 


640  JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

it;  it  was,  during  the  debates  on  the  Panama  question,  and  the 
bitter  party  feelings  incident  to  the  election  of  Adams,  Randolph 
had  indulged  in  one  of  those  famous  withering  philippics  against 
the  administration  and  Henry  Clay.  The  friends  of  Adams  and 
Clay,  affirmed  that  CALHOUN,  as  presiding  officer,  should  have 
called  him  to  order.  CALHOUN  took  the  erroneous  position,  that 
the  Yice-President  had  no  power  to  call  a  senator  to  order.  This 
resulted  in  the  passage  of  the  act,  elsewhere  mentioned,  confer 
ring  such  directly  on  the  presiding  officer.  A  correspondence, 
through  the  press,  between  Adams,  over  the  signature  of  "  Patrick 
Henry,"  and  CALHOUN,  over  the  signature  of  "  Onslow,"  grew  out 
of  the  affair,  in  which  both  parties  evinced  characteristic  ability. 
CALHOUN  was,  in  the  main,  opposed  to  the  measures  of  Adams' 
administration,  and  it  was  alleged  by  his  opponents,  that  he  was 
controlled  by  his  prejudices  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties ;  this, 
however,  seems  inconsistent  with  his  bold  independent  character. 
CALHOUN,  during  his  term  in  the  vice-presidential  chair,  studied 
with  intense  care,  the  principles  of  our  government,  and  modified 
his  views  considerably.  Every  principle  was  thoroughly  analyzed, 
and  its  collateral  influences  understood.  He  judged  that  a  re 
duction  of  duties  to  the  revenue  standard  was  necessary,  and  was 
led  to  consider  what  remedial  agencies  could  be  resorted  to,  in  the 
event  of  the  opposite  course  being  pursued.  To  be  fully  under 
stood  upon  this  and  other  subjects,  he  wrote  a  long  address  to  the 
people  of  his  native  State,  in  which  his  views  were  set  forth 
clearly  and  distinctly.  The  reduction  of  duties,  and  the  rights  of 
the  people  of  the  several  States,  were  contended  for  and  elaborated 
upon. 

The  issue  of  this  document  brings  us  to  the  most  important 
period  in  the  life  of  the  great  statesman,  when  Nullification  was 
rife,  and  the  battle  between  State  and  federal  sovereignty  was 
being  fought.  The  tariff  of  1828  established  high  protective 
duties,  more  favorable  to  the  manufacturing,  than  the  producing 
States.  This  aroused  the  people  of  the  South,  and  resulted, 
finally,  in  nullification,  while  CALHOUN  stood  upon  the  broad 
arena  of  discussion,  the  idolized  champion  of  his  native  State. 
The  session  closed.  CALHOUN  returned  home ;  men  of  distinction 
visited  him,  making  inquiries  as  to  what  was  to  be  done.  He 
seemed  unwilling  to  hazard  the  re-election  of  Jackson  by  any 
premature  movement,  but  felt  that  they  should  await  the  result 


JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

and  if  no  indications  were  visible,  favorable  to  a  reduction  of 
duties,  then  nullification,  was  the  only  alternative.  Forbearance 
was  deemed  the  true  policy ;  though  five  thousand  copies  of  a  pam 
phlet  written  by  CALHOUN,  entitled  a  The  South  Carolina  Exposition 
and  Protest,"  on  the  subject  of  tariff,  was  circulated  by  the  legis 
lature  of  that  State.  Jackson  entered  upon  his  second  official 
term,  with  CALHOUN  for  Yice-President,  with  no  sign  of  a  reduc 
tion  of  duties.  Jackson,  feeling  that  no  satisfactory  change  in  the 
tariff  could  then  be  effected,  recommended  the  distribution  of  the 
surplus  accruing  among  the  several  States,  to  be  applied  to  inter 
nal  improvements  within  their  respective  limits.  This,  CALHOUN 
affirmed,  was  but  a  premium  held  out  to  the  advocates  of  high 
duties,  and  denounced  it  in  unmeasured  terms.  CALHOUN,  though 
looked  upon  by  one  section  of  his  party  as  the  candidate  for  the 
succession,  would  not  sacrifice  his  principles,  and,  instead  of 
endeavoring  to  avoid  the  impending  rupture  between  Jackson 
and  himself,  precipitated  it  by  his  denunciation  of  the  obnoxious 
tariff,  and  the  remedy  proposed  by  the  President.  The  course  he 
had  pursued  toward  Jackson,  during  the  prosecution  of  the  Semi- 
nole  war,  was  another  barrier  to  amicable  feelings  between  them. 
His  casting  vote  against  the  npnination  of  Yan  Buren,  who  was 
also  looked  upon  as  a  candidate  for  the  succession  by  a  portion  of 
his  party,  hightened  animosities  against  him.  All  harmony  was 
now  at  an  end.  The  Cabinet  dissolved  in  1831,  and  CALHOUN 
was  identified  with  the  opposition. 

Subsequent  to  this,  he  wrote  a  lengthy  letter  to  Governor  Hamil- 
tion,  dated  Fort  Hill,  August  28th,  1832,  in  which  his  views  are 
given  with  force  and  clearness.  It  maintained  "the  right  of  a 
State  to  defend  her  reserved  powers  against  the  encroachments  of 
the  general  government,"  with  ability  and  power  surpassed  in  few 
American  State  papers.  Speaking  of  the  subject,  he  says: 

"  The  government  with,  all  its  departments,  is  but  the  agent  of 
the  States,  constituted  to  execute  their  joint  will,  as  expressed  in 
the  Constitution.  In  using  the  term  agent,  I  do  not  intend  to 
derogate,  in  any  degree,  from  its  character  as  a  government.  It  is 
as  truly  and  properly  a  government,  as  are  the  State  governments 
themselves.  I  have  applied  it,  simply  because  it  belongs  strictly 
to  the  relation  between  the  general  government  and  the  States,  as, 
in  fact,  it  does  also  to  that  between  a  State  and  its  own  govern 
ment.  Indeed,  according  to  our  theory,  governments  are,  in  their 


642  JOHN     C.    CALHOUN. 

nature,  but  trusts,  and  those  appointed  to  administer,  trustees  or 
agents  to  execute  the  trust  powers.  The  sovereignty  resides  else 
where, — in  the  people, — not  in  the  government ;  and  with  us  the 
people,  means  the  people  of  tJie  several  States,  originally  formed 
into  thirteen  distinct  and  independent  communities,  and  now  into 
twenty-four.  Politically  speaking,  in  reference  to  our  own  system, 
there  are  no  other  people.  The  general  government,  as  well  as 
those  of  the  States,  is  but  the  organ  of  their  power ;  the  latter, 
that  of  their  respective  States,  through  which  are  exercised,  sepa 
rately,  that  portion  of  power  not  delegated  by  the  Constitution, 
and  in  the  exercise  of  which,  each  State  has  a  local  and  peculiar 
interest;  the  former,  the  joint  organ  of  all  the  States,  confeder 
ated  into  one  general  community,  and  through  which,  they  jointly 
delegated  powers,  in  which  all  have  a  common  interest.  Thus 
viewed,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  concurring  with 
the  government  it  created,  is  truly  and  strictly  the  Constitution, — 
the  Constitution  of  each  State,  as  much  so  as  its  own  particular 
Constitution  and  government,  ratified  by  the  same  authority,  in  the 
same  mode,  and  having,  as  far  as  its  citizens  are  concerned,  its 
powers  and  obligations  from  the  same  source,  differing  only  in  the 
aspect  under  which  I  am  considej^ig  the  subject  in  the  plighted 
faith  of  the  State  to  its  co-States,  and  of  which,  as  far  as  its  citizens 
are  considered,  the  State,  in  the  last  resort,  is  the  exclusive  judge. 
"Such,  then,  is  the  relation  between  the  State  and  general 
government  in  whatever  light  we  may  consider  the  Constitution, 
whether  as  a  compact  between  the  States,  or  of  the  nature  of  the 
legislative  enactment  by  the  first  and  concurring  authority  of  the 
States  in  their  high  sovereignty.  In  whatever  light  it  may  be 
viewed,  I  hold  it  as  necessarily  resulting,  that  in  the  case  of  a 
power  disputed  between  them,\the  government  as  the  agent,  has 
no  right  to  enforce  its  construction  against  the  construction  of  the 
otate  as  one  of  the  sovereign  parties  to  the  Constitution,  any  more 
than  the  State  government  would  have  against  the  people  of  the 
State  in  their  sovereign  capacity/  the  relation  being  the  same 
between  them.  That  such  woulcrbe  the  case  between  agent  and 
principal  in  the  ordinary  transactions  of  life,  no  one  will  doubt, 
nor  will  it  be  possible  to  assign  a  reason  why  it  is  not  as  appli 
cable  to  the  case  of  government  as  to  that  of  individuals.  The 
principle,  in  fact,  springs  from  the  relation  itself,  and  is  appli 
cable  to  it  in  all  its  forms  and  characters" 


JOHN     C.    CALHOUN.  (543 

Continuing  his  letter  at  great  length,  speaking  of  nullification 
and  secession  he  further  adds :  "  There  are  many  who  acknowl 
edge  the  right  of  a  State  to  secede,  but  deny  its  right  to  nullify ; 
and  yet  it  seems  impossible  to  admit  the  one  without  admitting 
the  other.  They  both  presuppose  the  same  structure  of  the  gov 
ernment,  that  it  is  a  union  of  the  States  as  forming  political  com 
munities,  the  same  right  on  the  part  of  the  States  as  members  of 
the  Union,  to  determine  for  their  citizens  the  extent  of  the  powers 
delegated  and  those  reserved,  and,  of  course,  to  decide  whether 
the  Constitution  has  or  has  not  been  violated.  The  simple  differ 
ence  then  between  tnose  who  admit  secession  and  deny  nullification, 
and  those  who  admit  both,  is,  that  one  acknowledges  that  the 
declaration  of  a  State,  pronouncing  that  the  Constitution  has  been 
violated,  and  is  therefore  null  and  void,  would  be  obligatory  on  her 
citizens,  and  would  arrest  all  the  acts  of  government  within  the  limits 
of  the  State,  while  they  deny  that  a  similar  declaration  made  by  the 
same  authority  and  in  the  same  manner  that  an  act  of  the  govern 
ment  has  transcended  its  powers,  and  that  it  is,  therefore,  null  and 
void,  would  have  any  obligation,  while  the  other  acknowledges 
the  obligation  in  both  cases.  The  one  admits  that  the  declaration 
of  a  State  assenting  to  the  Constitution,  bound  her  citizens,  and 
that  her  declaration  can  unbind  them ;  but  denies  that  a  similar 
declaration  as  to  the  extent  she  has,  in  fact,  bound  them,  has  any 
obligatory  force  on  them ;  while  the  other  gives  equal  force  to  the 
declaration  in  the  several  cases.  The  one  denies  the  obligation, 
where  the  object  is  to  preserve  the  Union  in  the  only  way  it  can 
be,  by  confining  the  government  formed  to  execute  the  trust  powers 
strictly  within  their  limits  and  to  the  objects  for  which  they  were 
delegated,  though  they  give  full  force  where  the  object  is  to 
destroy  the  Union  itself  j  while  the  other,  in  giving  equal  rights 
to  both,  prefers  the  one  because  it  preserves,  and  rejects  the  other 
because  it  destroys  /  and  yet  the  former  is  the  union  and  the 
latter  the  disunion  party  !  And  all  this  strange  distinction  origi 
nates,  as  far  as  I  can  judge,  in  attributing  to  nullification  what 
exclusively  belongs  to  secession, — the  throwing  off  the  authority 
of  the  Union  itself.  To  nullify  the  Constitution,  if  I  may  be 
pardoned  the  solecism,  would  indeed,  be  tantamount  to  disunion, 
and  as  applicable  to  such  an  act  it  would  be  true  that  a  State 
could  not  be  in  and  out  of  the  Union  at  the  same  time ;  but  the 
act  would  be  secession.  But  to  apply  it  to  nullification  properly 


JOHN     C.    CALHOUN. 

understood,  the  object  of  which,  instead  of  resisting  or  diminish 
ing  the  powers  of  the  Union  to  preserve  them  as  they  are,  neither 
increased  nor  diminished  thereby  the  Union  itself  (for  the  Union 
may  be  as  effectually  destroyed  by  increasing  as  by  diminishing 
its  powers, — by  consolidation  as  by  disunion  itself),  would  be,  I 
would  say,  had  I  not  great  respect  for  many  who  do  thus  apply  it, 
egregious  trifling  with  a  very  grave  subject. 

"  I  might  here  finish  the  task  which  your  request  imposed,  hav 
ing,  I  trust,  demonstrated  the  power  of  refutation  that  a  State  has 
the  right  to  defend  her  reserved  powers  against  the  encroachments 
of  the  '  general  government,'  and  I  may  add^ttat  the  right  is  in 
its  nature  peaceable,  consistent  with  the  federal  relations  of  the 
State,  and  perfectly  efficient  whether  contested  before  the  courts 
or  attempted  to  be  resisted  by  force.y  But,  he  adds  :  "  There  is 
another  aspect  of  the  subject  yet  untouched,"  and  proceeds  to 
discuss  at  length,  and  with  great  force,  the  power  which  the  States, 
as  a  confederate  body,  acquired  over  each  other.  His  remarks 
upon  this  branch  of  the  subject  are  very  elaborate,  evincing  the 
skillful  economist  and  the  profound  statesman. 

The  federal  Constitution,  CALHOUN  looked  upon  as  a  compact 
between  the  States  ;  that  it  gave  the  general  government  merely  the 
power  of  agency  to  execute  trusts,  the  powers  of  which,  the  States 
themselves  were  to  be  the  judges;  that  the  relation  of  the  general, 
to  the  State  government  was  as  that  of  agent  to  principal  among 
individuals,  and  that  whenever  the  general  government,  as  agent, 
transcended  the  powers  conferred  by  the  States  as  principal,  the 
States  had  the  right  to  declare  all  acts  so  encroaching  upon  them 
null  and  void.  Not  very  dissimilar  was  his  position  from  that 
involved  by  the  famous  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions  of 
Jefferson  and  Madison,  called  forth  by  the  Alien  and  Sedition 
acts.  The  Virginia  resolutions,  affirmed  "  the  right  of  the  States 
to  interpose  whenever  their  reserved  powers  were  infringed  upon, 
and  to  maintain  within  their  respective  limits  the  authorities, 
rights,  and  liberties  appertaining  to  them."  The  Kentucky  reso 
lutions,  drawn  by  the  same  hand  that  nerved  itself  to  pen  the 
Declaration,  said,  "thai?  in  all  cases  of  an  abuse  of  delegated 
powers,  the  members  of  the  general  government  being  chosen  by 
the  people,  a  change  by  the  people  would  be  the  constitutional 
remedy ;  but  where  powers  are  assumed  which  have  not  been  dele 
gated,  a  nullification  of  the  act  is  the  rightful  remedy  that  every 


JOHN     C.    CALHOUN.  (545 

State  has  a  natural  right  in  cases  not  in  the  compact  (casus  non 
fcederis),  to  nullify  of  their  own  authority  all  assumptions  of 
power  within  their  limits." 

Such  were  the  grounds  occupied  by  the  originators  of  his  party, 
and  where  CALHOUN  planted  himself,  regardless  of  consequences, 
to  watch  with  a  keen  eye  each  encroachment  made  upon  the 
rights  of  the  States  on  the  part  of  the  general  government.  CAL 
HOUN,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  was,  in  the  opinion  of  many,  on 
the  eve  of  receiving  a  nation's  homage,  by  elevation  to  the  highest 
office.  When  we  see  him  thus  dashing  such  honors  far  and  for 
ever  from  him,  we  can  but  admire  his  boldness  and  devotion  to 
his  State.  He  loved  his  State,  and  stood  armed  and  equipped, 
with  the  Constitution  for  his  crescent,  upon  the  watch-towers  of 
her  reserved  rights,jeady  to  beat  back  the  encroaching  strides  of 
the  Federal  giant.  ^)f  this  doctrine  of  States'  rights  he  was  the 
most  renowned  champion,  and  stands  proudly  in  history  as  the 
representative  man  among  those  contending  for  itj 

Upon  the  subject  of  excessive  duties,  of  which  nullification  was 
the  legitimate  offspring,-  he  averred  that  they  should  be  appropri 
ated  to  the  payment  of  debts  and  purposes  of  defense, — that  they 
should  be  for  revenue  and  not  protection.  {To  all  the  sophistries 
preached  by  politicians,  that  the  constitutional  clause  of  "general 
welfare"  granted  the  power  to  levy  high  protective  duties,  CAL 
HOUN  replied  that  revenue  was  the  sole  legitimate  object  of  duties, 
and  that  an  accumulated  surplus  was  argument  sufficient  in  favor 
of  reduction^}  The  signs  of  the  times,  in  fact,  began  to  indicate  the 
plausibility  of  his  position.  The  heavy  surplus  accumulating  in 
the  treasury  under  the"  operation  of  the  tariff  of  1828,  convinced 
many  of  those  opposed  to  him,  that  a  reduction  of  duties  was 
essential  to  the  best  interests -of  the  country. 

In  his  annual  message  to  Congress,  in  December,  1831,  Jackson 
gave  notice  that  the  public  debt  would  soon  be  liquidated,  and 
advised  a  reduction  of  the  tariff.  Congress  immediately  went  to 
work  and  passed  the  tariff  of  1832.  This  measure  received  the 
sanction  and  commanding  influence  of  Henry  Clay,  and  was 
deemed  a  satisfactory  settlement.  Not  so,  however.  CALHOUN 
and  his  friends  insisted  that  it  was  no  more  than  a  diminution  of 
duties  upon  unprotected,  and  an  increase  upon  protected  articles, 
without  present  or  prospective  change  favorable  to  the  great 
principle  for'which  they  were  contending.  The  cry  of  resistance 


646  JOHN     C.    CALHOUN. 

was  raised, — an  address  was  issued  to  the  people  of  South  Caro 
lina,  declaring  boldly,  that  nullification  was  the  rightful  remedy. 
The  people  of  that  State,  save  a  fractional  part  calling  themselves 
Unionists,  headed  by  Manning,  Drayton,  Poinsett,  and  others, 
were  unanimous  in  sustaining  CALHODN.  The  struggle  then,  in 
South  Carolina,  was  between  the  States'  rights  men  and  Unionists, 
— the  former  being  largely  in  the  majority.  At  the  State  elec 
tions,  the  States'  rights  party  elected  a  majority  to  both  Houses. 
When  the  legislature  met,  in  October,  1832,  they  appointed  dele 
gates  to  a  general  State  convention,  to  be  held  at  Columbia,  on 
the  19th  of  the  ensuing  November.  The  convention  met,  and 
passed  the  ever-memorable  Ordinance  of  Nullification,  declaring 
null  and  void,  acts  of  the  Federal  Government,  passed  1828  and 
1832.  This  ordinance  assumed  the  high  ground,  that  no  appeal 
could  be  had  at  the  Supreme  Court  in  regard^  to  it ;  disputed  the 
power  of  the  government  to  collect  duties  within  the  State;  and 
that  any  attenipt  to  enforce  compliance  by  the  powers  of  the 
general  government,  within  the  acts  referred  to,  would  result  in 
the  declaration  of  an  independent  government,  on  the  part  of 
South  Carolina.  Two  addresses,  in  keeping  with  the  spirit  of  the 
ordinance,  were  distributed  over  the  State,  after  which,  the  Con 
vention  adjourned  to  meet  the  ensuing  spring.  The  legislature 
then  passed  laws  to  enforce  the  ordinance,  and  placed  the  State 
in  military  preparation  to  prevent  the  threatened  collection  of 
revenue.by  force  of  arms.  4Jhus,  matters  were  verging  to  a  crisis. 
Jackson  now  thundered  forth  his  proclamation,  av'owing  his  de 
termination  to  enforce  the  laws,  if  it  had  to  be  done,  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet,  and  warning  the  people  of  the  refractory  State 
against  giving  countenance  to  the  ordinance^  The  excitement 
became  intense  throughout  the  Union.  Various  State  legislatures 
appointed  committees,  whose  reports,  in  the  main,  were  denunci 
atory  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Columbia  convention,  and  subse 
quent  acts  of  the  South  Carolina  State  Legislature.  In  the  mean 
time,  the  election  of  Robert  Y.  Hayne,  long  a  senator  from  South 
Carolina,  as  governor  of  that  State,  created  a  vacancy  in  the 
Senate.  To  fill  this,  all  eyes  were  turned  to  CALIIOUN.  In  Decem 
ber,  1832,  he  was  elected  to  that  position.  Apprehensions  were 
entertained  that  he  might  be  arrested  when  he  departed  for  Wash 
ington,  as  high  treason  had  more  than  once  been  hissed  upon  his 
ear.  Thinking  that  he  was  only  doing  his  duty, — of  iron  will  and 


JOHN     C.     CALHOUN. 

sincere  purpose, — the  odious  words  moved  him  not.  He  entered 
the  Senate,  December,  1832,  when  it  was  composed  of  a  body  of 
men  of  which  any  nation  might  well  be  proud.  Popularity  he 
had  flung  away,  and  in  a  proud  position  of  independent  isolation, — 
his  old  friends  occupying  grounds  against  him, — threatened  with 
arrest  from  the  President,  he  could  but  be  an  object  of  universal 
interest  in  that  august  assemblage.  He  took  the  oath  of  office, 
though  some  thought  he  would  not,  and  calmly  took  his  seat. 

The  great  subject  soon  came  up.  Very  early  in  the  session, 
CALHOUN  arose  in  a  dignified  manner,  and  introduced  a  resolution, 
requiring  that  the  South  Carolina  ordinance,  and  all  documents 
pertaining  thereto,  be  laid  before  the  House.  The  President's 
special  message  upon  the  subject  was  first  sent  in.  This  breathed, 
in  every  line,  bitter  denunciation  against  South  Carolina  and  her 
entire  proceedings,  and  in  the  mind  of  CALHOUN,  demanded  some 
notice  in  the  shape  of  reply.  He  accordingly  arose,  and  upon 
the  spur  of  the  occasion,  delivered  one  of  the  most  eloquent  and 
effective  speeches  ever  uttered  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  in  defense 
of  South  Carolina,  from  what  he  conceived  the  aspersions  of  the 
President.  The  President's  message  was  referred  to  the  judiciary 
committee, — Felix  Grundy,  of  Tennessee,  chairman.  In  order  to 
enforce  the  collection  of  revenue  in  South  Carolina,  the  "Force 
Bill"  was  now  introduced.  It  extended  the  revenue-collecting 
powers  of  the  United  States,  and  gave  the  President  additional 
authority  in  the  premises.  CALHOUN  wished  to  defer  the  discus 
sion  of  this  bill  for  the  purpose  of  full  and  proper  investigation 
of  the  great  principles  for  which  he  was  contending,  and  to  effect 
this,  brought  in  the  following  resolutions,  covering  the  whole 
ground: 

"  Resolved,  That  the  people  of  the  several  States  composing 
these  United  States,  are  united  as  parties  to  a  constitutional  com 
pact,  to  which  the  people  of  each  State  acceded  as  a  separate 
and  sovereign  community,  each  binding  itself  by  its  own  peculiar 
ratification ;  and  that  the  union,  of  which  the  said  compact  is  the 
bond,  is  a  union  "between  the  States  ratifying  the  same. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  people  of  the  several  States,  thus  united 
by  a  constitutional  compact  in  forming  that  instrument,  in  creating 
a  general  government  to  carry  into  effect  the  object  for  which  it 
was  formed,  delegated  to  that  government  for  that  purpose,  certain 
definite  powers  to  be  exercised  jointly,  reserving,  at  the  same 


£48  JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

time,  each  State  to  itself,  the  residuary  mass  of  powers  to  be 
exercised  by  its  owii  separate  government ;  and  that,  whenever  the 
general  government  assumes  the  exercise  of  powers  not  delegated 
by  the  compact,  its  acts  are  unauthorized,  void,  and  of  no  effect; 
and  that  the  said  government  is  not  made  the  final  judge  of 
the  powers  delegated  to  it,  since  that  would  make  its-  discretion, 
and  not  the  Constitution,  the  measure  of  its  powers ;  but  that,  as 
in  all  cases  of  compact  among  sovereign  parties  without  any 
common  judge,  each  has  an  equal  right  to  judge  for  itself,  as 
well  of  the  infraction,  as  of  the  mode  and  measure  of  redress. 

"  Resolved^  That  the  assertion  that  the  people  of  these  United 
States,  taken  collectively  as  individuals,  are  now  or  ever  have 
been  united  on  the  principle  of  the  social  compact,  and  as  such, 
are  now  formed  into  one  nation  or  people ;  or  that  they  have  ever 
been  so  united  in  any  one  stage  of  their  political  existence ;  or  that 
the  people  of  the  several  States  comprising  the  Union  have  not, 
as  members  thereof,  retained  their  sovereignty ;  or  that  the 
allegiance  of  their  citizens  has  been  transferred  to  the  general 
government ;  or  that  they  have  parted  with  the  right  of  punishing 
treason  through  their  respective  State  governments,  or  that  they 
have  not  the  right  of  judging  in  the  last  resort,  as  to  the  extent  of 
the  powers  reserved,  and  of  consequence,  of  those  delegated,  are 
not  only  without  foundation  in  truth,  but  are  contrary  to  the  most 
certain  and  plain  historical  facts  and  the  clearest  deductions  of 
reason ;  and  that  all  exercises  of  power,  on  the  part  of  the  general 
government,  or  any  of  its  departments  deriving  authority  from 
such  erroneous  assumptions,  must,  of  necessity,  be  unconsti 
tutional;  must  tend  directly,  and  inevitably,  to  subvert  the 
sovereignty  of  the  States,  to  destroy  the  federal  character  of  the 
Union,  and  to  rear  on  its  ruins  a  consolidated  government  with 
out  constitutional  check  or  limitation,  and  which  must  necessarily 
terminate  in  the  loss  of  liberty  itself." 

CALHOUN  was  defeated  in  his  intentions.  The  course  of  South 
Carolina  had  exasperated  the  friends  of  the  tariff  and  the  adminis 
tration.  These  resolutions,  after  considerable  discussion,  were 
laid  upon  the  table,  and  the  "  Force  Bill "  was  urged  upon  the 
House.  Against  this  bill,  Calhoun  made  one  of  the  most  elabor 
ate  speeches  of  his  life,  or  ever  delivered  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States.  Very  truly,  during  the  speech,  did  he  remark: 
"  As  to  myself,  I  clearly  foresaw  what  has  since  followed.  The 


JOHN     C.    CALHOUN.  549 

road  of  ambition  lay  open  before  me, — I  had  but  to  follow  the 
corrupt  tendency  of  the  times, — but  I  chose  to  tread  the  rugged 
path  of  duty."  Again  he  said,  in  reply  to  some  remarks  of 
Grundy, — that  it  (the  Force  Bill),  was  a  pacific  measure. 

"It  has  been  said,  by  the  senator  from  Tennessee,  to  be  a 
measure  of  peace  !  Yes,  such  peace  as  the  wolf  gives  to  the  lamb, 
— the  kite  to  the  dove.  Such  peace  as  Russia  gives  to  Poland,  or 
death  to  its  victim.  A  peace  by  extinguishing  the  political  exis 
tence  of  the  State,  by  forcing  her  into  an  abandonment  of  the 
exercise  of  every  power  which  constitutes  her  a  sovereign  com 
munity.  It  is  to  South  Carolina  a  question  of  self  preservation ; 
and  I  proclaim  it,  that  should  this  bill  pass,  and  an  attempt  be 
made  to  enforce  it,  it  will  be  resisted  at  every  hazard, — even  that 
of  death  itself.  Death  is  not  the  greatest  calamity;  there  are 
other  still  more  terrible  to  the  free  and  brave, — among  them  may 
be  placed  the  loss  of  liberty  and  honor.  There  are  thousands  of 
her  brave  sons,  who,  if  need  be,  are  prepared  cheerfully  to  lay 
down  their  lives  in  defense  of  the  State  and  the  great  principle  of 
constitutional  liberty  for  which  she  is  contending.  God  forbid  that 
this  should  become  necessary  !  It  never  can  be,  unless  the  govern 
ment  is  resolved  to  bring  the  question  to  extremity,  when  her  gallant 
sons  will  stand  prepared  to  perform  the  last  duty, — to  die  nobly." 

Such  were  the  burning  words  he  uttered  in  the  ears  of  a  listening 
Senate,  in  defense  of  his,"  beloved  and  virtuous  State."  Take  this 
great  speech  throughout,  and  in  purity  of  diction,  soundness  of  logic, 
dignity  and  eloquence,  it  will  favorably  compare  with  Burke's  great 
speech  on  "  Conciliation  with  America."  This  speech  is  an  honor 
to  the  archives  of  America,  as  is  its  author  to  her  statesmen. 
CALHOUN  spoke  on  the  15th  of  February,  after  which  the  discussion 
became  general, — Webster  and  others  actively  participating.  He 
was  followed  by  Webster,  who  entered  ably  into  a  review  of  the 
principles  embodied  in  CALHOUN'S  resolutions  just  quoted.  CAL- 
pouN  replied,  on  the  26th,  in  a  speech,  analytical  and  argumen 
tative,  still  maintaining  and  defending  his  original  ground, — that 
the  Union  was  a  compact,  and  quoting  largely  from  former 
speeches  of  Webster  in  support  of  at.  On  this  occasion,  each 
was  worthy  of  his  foeman.  Seldom  have  two  such  men  met  in 
debate  upon  a  question  so  all-important.  It  is  related  of  the  sar 
castic  John  Randolph,  who  witnessed  it,  that  he  took  a  seat  near 
CALHOUN,  when  he  commenced  his  reply,  where  he  could  both 


650  JOHN     C.    CALHOUN. 

hear  CALHOUN  and  see  Webster:  there  was  a  baton  a  desk  im 
mediately  between  him  and  the  latter  senator, — Kandolph  said  to 
some  one  near :  "Take  away  that  hat ;  I  want  to  see  Webster  die 
muscle  by  muscle." 

The  Force  Bill  passed  the  28th  of  February,  1833.  The  excite 
ment  in  South  Carolina  had  somewhat  abated  ;  the  States'  rights 
men  resolving  to  await  the  adjournment  of  Congress  before 
enforcing  the  ordinance,  though  it  was  to  have  gone  into  effect  the 
first  of  February.  This  resolution  was  opportunely  taken  by  the 
convention  of  States'  rights  men,  held  at  Charleston  during  the 
pendency  of  the  Force  Bill,  to  prevent  collisions  between  the 
Federal  and  State  governments. 

Henry  Clay  now  elaborated  the  adjustment  compromise  tariff 
of  1833,  establishing  the  diminutive  scale  of  duties.  This  oper 
ated  as  a  salvo.  Being  generally  acquiesced  in,  by  both  parties, 
it  passed  the  two  Houses,  and  early  in  March,  received  the  signa 
ture  of  the  President,  and  became  the  law  of  the  land.  All  parties 
were  now  satisfied.  Congress  adjourned,  and  CALHOUN  hastened, 
by  the  most  rapid  modes  of  conveyance,  to  Columbia,  which  he 
reached  in  time  to  meet  the  convention,  whose  sitting  was  soon  to 
commence.  Some  were  dissatisfied  with  the  compromise  tariff, 
and  denounced  it  as  a  temporizing  mean  of  restoring  quiet  only 
for  the  time.  CALHOUN,  however,  insisted  that  it  was  the  best 
that  co aid  be  hoped  for,  favorable  to  the  interests  of  the  people 
generally,  and  urged  its  acceptance  without  further  agitation. 
They  finally  acceded  to  his  counsel,  and  became  reconciled  to  the 
compromise  tariff.  Thus  ended  South  Carolina  nullification. 

The  tariff  question  and  nullification  being  now  settled,  poli 
ticians  looked,  with  interest,  upon  CALHOUN,  to  see  what  course  he 
would  pursue,  and  whether  he  would  identify  himself  with  a 
political  party.  He  was  a  ^Republican,  but  had  opposed  the 
administration,— would  he  now  identify  himself  with  the  adminis 
tration  party,  and  labor  with  his  former  political  friends?  This 
question  was  soon  answered.  The  vote  on  the  re-charter  of  the 
United  States  Bank,  and  removal  of  the  deposits  by  Jackson, 
elicited  the  resolutions  of  censure,  presented  by  Clay,  in  Decem 
ber,  1833.  So  far  from  falling  into  the  support  of  Jackson,  CAL 
HOUN,  though  no  friend  to  the  Bank,  joined  himself  with  Clay  in 
trying  to  effect  the  passage  of  these  resolutions.  The  animosity 
between  Jackson  and  CALHOUN  was,  therefore,  no  nigher  healed, 


JOHN     C.    CALHOUN.  (551 

than  during  the  contests  on  nullification.  They  were,  perhaps,  in 
many  respects,  too  much  alike  to  agree.  CALHOUN  did  not  look 
upon  the  removal  of  the  deposits  as  necessarily  involving  the 
question  of  bank  or  no  bank, — he  opposed  the  step  as  a  high 
handed  exercise  of  executive  power,  assumed  for  the  purpose  of 
controlling  the  surplus  revenue.  Having  opposed  the  adminis 
tration  in  this,  he  next  arrayed  himself  against  the  reception  of 
Jackson's  protest, — that  famous  manifesto  that  caused  such  excite 
ment  everywhere. 

CALHOCN,  at  this  time,  disavowed  connection  with  either  of  the 
political  parties, — stating  explicitly,  that  he  was  a  States'  rights 
man, — "  wanted  to  be  nothing  more  and  would  be  nothing  less." 
He,  most  generally,  however,  voted  against  the  measures  of  the 
administration,  unless  he  conceived  his  principles  demanded  an 
opposite  course.  He  now  devoted  himself  to  the  curtailment  of 
executive  power  and  patronage,  and  moved  the  appointment  of  a 
committee  to  consider  its  expediency.  The  committee  was  ap 
pointed  ;  he  was  chosen  its  chairman.  The  President,  at  this  time, 
was  recommending  the  application  of  the  surplus  revenue  to 
public  works  and  military  defenses,  which  CALHOUN  earnestly 
opposed.  He  sustained  and  voted  for  the  ''Deposit  Bill,"  passed 
June,  1836,  regulating  the  deposits  and  distributing  the  surplus 
among  the  several  States. 

CALHOUN'S  first  senatorial  term  expired  in  March,  1835,  but  he 
was  almost  unanimously  chosen  by  his  native  State  for  a  second 
term.  He  was  strongly  opposed  to  the  distribution  of  the  pro 
ceeds  of  the  public  lands  among  the  States,  and  during  the  session 
of  1835-36,  voted  against  Clay's  measure  designed  for  that  pur 
pose.  During  all  the  animosities  prevalent  in  Congress,  incident 
to  the  presentation  of  abolition  petitions,  CALHOUN  was  identified 
with  the  opposition,  and  voted  against  their  reception  on  all 
occasions, — he  also  spoke  against  it,  on  the  floor,  with  marked 
ability  and  force.  The  Senate  concurred  in  his  views  and  tabled 
the  motion  to  receive. 

Meanwhile,  political  changes  were  taking  place.  Martin  Van 
Buren  came  to  the  presidency  by  popular  election.  CALHOUN  did 
not  take  part  in  the  campaign.  His  State  voted  for  neither  of  the 
candidates.  Soon  after  the  accession  of  the  new  President,  the 
great  financial  crisis  of  1837  began  to  exhibit  its  disastrous  in 
fluences  in  the  prostration  of  credit,  and  destruction  of  business. 


652  JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

Congress  was  convened  by  proclamation,  September  4th.  The 
banks  having  suspended  specie  payments,  Yan  Buren  recom 
mended  an  entire  separation  from  them  by  the  government. 
CALHOUN  concurred  with  this  measure,  and  came  forward  to  main 
tain  the  President's  views.  On  the  3d  of  October,  he  made  a 
speech  favoring  the  separation,  that  evinced  a  sound  judgment, 
great  financial  accuracy  and  acquaintance. 

The  crisis  of  1837  left  us  in  a  deplorable  condition.  All  parties 
began,  not  without  cause,  to  seek  a  remedy.  Early  in  September, 
Silas  Wright  brought  in  a  bill  favoring  separation  of  government 
and  banks.  The  bill  was  proposed  to  be  amended  by  CALHOUN, 
so  as  to  prevent  moneys  due  the  government  being  paid  in  paper 
currency.  This  amendment  called  forth  his  speech  alluded  to. 
Two  other  projects  were  formed, — the  one  to  re-incorporate  a 
national  bank,  the  other  recommending  a  system  of  special 
deposits  among  the  various  State  banks,  each  of  which  failed, — 
CALHOUN  voting  against  both. 

CALHOUN'S  disposition  to  favor  the  separation  of  the  government 
from  the  banks,  drew  upon  him  severe  attacks  from  various 
sources.  It  led  to  a  debate  between  himself  and  Clay,  in  which 
the  latter  did  not  win  many  additional  laurels.  Webster,  also, 
threw  down  the  gauntlet  at  the  feet  of  the  South  Carolinian ; 
though  he  met  with  a  little  better  success,  he  could  have  found  a 
less  worthy  antagonist. 

CALHOUN  had  now  attained  a  position  in  the  United  States 
Senate  among  the  most  eminent,  and  second  to  none.  During  the 
session  of  1837-38,  the  slavery  question  arose.  CALHOUN,  in  a 
series  of  resolutions,  introduced  as  definitive  of  the  position  of 
the  Eepublican  party,  gave  his  views  upon  that  subject.  They 
are  as  follows : 

"Resolved,  That  in  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
the  States  adopting  the  same,  the  States  acted  severally  as  free, 
independent  and  sovereign  States  ;  and  that  each  for  itself  and  by 
its  own  voluntary  assent,  entered  the  Union  with  a  view  to  its 
increased  security  against  all  dangers,  domestic  as  well  as  foreign, 
and  the  more  perfect  and  secure  enjoyment  of  its  advantages, 
natural,  political,  and  social. 

"Resolved,  That  in  delegating  a  portion  of  her  powers,  to  be 
exercised  by  the  federal  government,  the  States  retained  severally, 
the  exclusive  and  sole  right  over  their  own  domestic  institutions 


JOHN  C.  CALHOUN. 

and  police,  and  are  alone  responsible  for  them ;  and  that  any 
intermeddling  of  one  or  more  States  or  a  combination  of  their 
citizens  with  the  domestic  institntions  and  police  of  the  others, 
on  any  ground,  or  under  any  pretext,  whatsoever,  political,  moral, 
or  religious,  with  a  view  to  their  alteration  or  subversion,  is  an 
assumption  of  superiority  not  warranted  by  the  Constitution, 
insulting  to  the  States  interfered  with ;  tending  to  disturb  their 
domestic  peace  and  tranquillity;  subversive  of  the  objects  for 
which  the  Constitution  was  formed,  and  by  necessary  consequence, 
tending  to  weaken  the  Union  itself. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  government  was  instituted  and  adopted 
by  the  several  States  of  this  Union  as  a  common  agent,  in  order  to 
carry  into  effect  the  powers  which  they  had  delegated  by  the 
Constitution  for  their  mutual  security  and  prosperity ;  and  that 
in  fulfillment  of  this  high  and  sacred  trust,  this  government  is 
bound  so  to  exercise  its  powers  as  to  give,  as  far  as  may  be  practi 
cable,  increased  stability  and  security  to  the  domestic  institutions 
of  the  States  that  compose  the  Union ;  and  that  it  is  the  solemn 
duty  of  the  government  to  resist  all  attempts  by  one  portion  of 
the  Union  to  use  it  as  an  instrument  to  attack  the  domestic  insti 
tutions  of  another,  or  to  weaken  or  destroy  such  institutions, 
instead  of  strengthening  and  upholding  them,  as  it  is  in  duty 
bound  to  do. 

"  Resolved,  That  domestic  slavery  as  it  exists  in  the  southern 
and  western  States  of  this  Union,  composes  an  important  part  of 
their  domestic  institutions,  inherited  from  their  ancestors,  and 
existing  at  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  by  which  it  is  recog 
nized  as  constituting  an  essential  element  in  the  distribution  of 
its  powers  among  the  States ;  and  that  no  change  of  opinion  or 
feeling,  on  the  part  of  the  other  States  of  the  Union,  in  relation 
to  it,  can  justify  them  or  their  citizens  in  open  and  systematic 
attacks  thereon,  with  a  view  to  its  overthrow ;  and  that  all  such 
attacks  are  in  manifest  violation  of  the  mutual  and  solemn-  pledge 
to  protect  and  defend  each  other,  given  by  the  States  respectively, 
on  entering  into  the  Constitutional  compact  which  formed  the 
Union,  and  as  such,  is  a  manifest  breach  of  faith  and  a  violation 
of  the  most  solemn  obligations,  moral,  and  religious. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  intermeddling  of  any  State  or  States,  or 
their  citizens,  to  abolish  slavery  in  this  District  or  any  of  the  terri 
tories  on  the  ground  or  under  the  pretext  that  it  is  immoral  or 


654  JOHN    C.    CALHOUN. 

sinful,  or  the  passage  of  any  act  or  measure  of  Congress  with  that 
view,  would  be  a  direct  and  dangerous  attack  on  the  institutions 
of  all  the  slave-holding  States. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  union  of  these  States  rests  on  an  equality 
of  rights  and  advantages  among  its  members ;  and  that  whatever 
destroys  that  equality  tends  to  destroy  the  Union  itself;  and  that 
it  is  the  solemn  duty  of  all,  and  more  especially  of  this  body, 
which  represents  the  States  in  their  corporate  capacity,  to  resist  all 
attempts  to  discriminate  between  the  States  in  extending  the 
benefits  of  the  government  to  the  several  portions  of  the  Union  ; 
and  that  to  refuse  to  extend  to  the  southern  and  western  States  any 
advantage  which  would  tend  to  strengthen  or  render  them  more 
secure,  or  increase  their  limits  or  population  by  the  annexation  of 
new  territory  or  States,  on  the  assumption,  or  under  the  pretext 
that  the  institution  of  slavery  as  it  exists  among  them,  is  immoral, 
or  sinful,  or  otherwise  obnoxious,  would  be  contrary  to  that 
equality  of  rights  and  advantages  which  the  Constitution  was 
intended  to  secure  alike  to  all  the  members  of  the  Union,  and 
would,  in  effect,  disfranchise  the  slave-holding  States,  withholding 
them  from  the  advantages,  while  it  subjected  them  to  the  burdens 
of  the  government." 

Such  were  his  views  upon  this  vexed  question,  which  were 
maintained  in  a  general,  though  desultory  debate  at  the  time  of 
their  introduction.  The  resolutions  passed,  except  the  last  one, — 
the  speedy  admission  of  Florida,  and  the  contemplated  acquisition 
of  Texas,  it  was  said,  prevented  the  reception  of  the  last, — it  hav 
ing  direct  bearing  upon  these  territories.  CALIIODN  was  emphati 
cally  a  pro-slavery  man,  opposed  to  interference  with  the  insti 
tution  by  national  legislation  in  any  shape  or  form.  He  expressed 
it  as  his  opinion,  that  "in  no  other  condition,  or  in  any  age,  had 
the  negro  race  ever  attained  so  high  an  elevation  in  morals, 
intelligence,  or  civilization." 

"  Slavery,"  he  was  accustomed  to  say,  "  existed  in  some  form  or 
other  in  all  countries  ;  and  he  was  disposed  to  doubt  the  assertion 
in  the  Declaration,  that  '  all  men  are  born  free  and  equal.' "  He 
considered  the  colored  population  as  "  constituting  an  inferior  race, 
and  that  slavery  was  not  a  degradation,  but  had  the  direct  tendency 
to  improve  their  moral,  social,  and  intellectual  condition.  The 
situation  of  the  slaves  was  an  enviable  one  in  comparison  with 
that  of  free  negroes  at  the  north,  or  with  that  of  the  operatives  in 


JOHN    C.   CALHOUN  (J55 

the  manufactories  of  Great  Britain."  "Ofwhat  value,"  he  asked, 
"  except  relatively,  were  political  rights,  where  he  saw  thousands  of 
voters  in  the  northern  States  in  the  service  of  powerful  monopolies, 
or  employed  on  public  works,  fairly  driven  to  the  polls  with 
ballots  in  their  hands.  The  negro  slave,"  he  contended,  "  felt  his 
inferiority,  and  regarded  his  position  as  a  proper  and  natural  one. 
The  two  races  in  the  southern  States  were  almost  equal  in  number, 
they  could  not  live  on  terms  of  equality.  It  may,  in  truth,  be 
assumed  as  a  maxim,"  he  said,  u  that  two  races  differing  so  greatly, 
and  in  so  many  respects,  can  not  possibly  exist  together  in  the 
same  country  where  their  numbers  are  so  nearly  equal,  without 
one  being  subject  to  the  other.  Experience  has  proved  that  the 
existing  relation  in  which  the  one  is  subjected  to  the  other  in  the 
slave-holding  States,  is  consistent  with  the  peace  and  safety  of 
both^with  great  improvement  to  the  inferior;  while  the  same 
experience  proves  that  the  abolition  of  slavery  would,  if  it  did 
not  destroy  the  inferior  by  conflicts  to  which  it  would  lead,  reduce 
it  to  the  extremes  of  vice  and  wretchedness.  In  this  view  of 
the  subject,  it  may  be  asserted,  that  what  is  called  slavery,  is  in 
reality,  a  political  institution  essential  to  the  peace,  safety,  and 
prosperity  of  those  of  the  Union  in  which  it  exists."  "With  these 
views  honestly  entertained,  he  could  have  no  political  aflinities 
with  those  who  decried  the  institution  as  a  violation  of  the  laws 
of  God  and  man, — directly  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Declar 
ation  and  the  Constitution. 

During  the  session  of  1839-40,  he  was  an  active  member,  and 
never  failed  to  participate  influentially  in  all  the  important  dis 
cussions  of  the  day.  He  opposed  the  assumption  of  the  State 
debts,  the  leading  features  of  the  bankrupt  bill,  and  in  a  speech 
of  great  vigor  and  eloquence,  called  forth  by  the  seizure  of 
the  Enterprize,  in  the  spring  of  1840, — maintained  that  ships 
engaged  in  a  lawful  trade  or  traffic,  "  were  under  the  exclusive 
jurisdiction  of  the  country  to  which  her  flag  belonged."* 

Meantime,  a  political  revolution  was  taking  place.  Another 
presidential  election  was  approaching.  In  1840,  CALHOUN  warmly- 
supported  Van  Buren.  Harrison  and  Tyler,  however,  were  elec 
ted,  and  by  immense  popular  majorities.  The  death  of  Harrison, 
immediately  after  his  inauguration,  changed  the  political  com- 

*  Jenkins. 


056  JOHN     C.    OALHOUN. 

plexion  of  things  materially.  Congress  convened  at  the  remark 
able  called  session  of  May,  1841, — CALIIOUN  again  appearing  as 
Senator  from  his  native  State,  having  been  re-elected  for  another 
term.  The  Whig  party  leaders  went  into  the  Twenty-seventh 
Congress  with  hopes  of  carrying  their  favorite  measures, — the 
distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  the  public  lands, — a 
national  bank,  and  a  high  protective  tariff.  Of  these  measures 
this  is  not  the  proper  place  to  speak, — Clay  was  the  "stirrer  of 
the  storm,"  and  to  our  sketch  of  that  great  leader,  the  reader  is  re 
ferred.  CALIIOUN  opposed  these  measures.  The  bill,  incorporating 
a  national  bank  passed,  he  voting  negatively, — it  was  vetoed  by 
Tyler,  as  was  another  bill  of  the  same  import,  though  brought  for 
ward  in  a  different  shape.  The  Bankrupt  bill  was  again  agitated 
CALHOUN  again  opposing  it.  Tyler  was  abused  for  an  alleged 
unwarrantable  exercise  of  the  veto  power.  His  cabinet  was 
broken  up  and  Congress  adjourned. 

The  regular  session  of  1841—42,  opened  with  a  bitter  party 
spirit  directed  chiefly  against  Tyler, — it  was  one  of  universal 
excitement.  The  attacks  upon  the  President,  by  Clay,  were  able, 
vehement,  and  relentless.  CALIIOUN  took  up  the  gauntlet  in  de 
fense  of  the  administration  and  his  executive  privilege, — the  veto. 
His  speech,  on  this  occasion,  was  pronounced  by  the  adminis 
tration  men  as  a  triumphant  vindication  of  Tyler  from  the  charges 
of  his  assailants.  The  most  important  act  of  this  session  was  the 
passage  of  the  tariff  of  1842, — establishing  average  duties  at  near 
forty  per  cent.  It  barely  escaped  defeat,  receiving  only  one  vote 
majority  in  each  House.  CALHOUN  made  an  able  speech  against 
this  tariff,  denouncing  it  as  ua  bill  of  abominations,  etc." 

In  the  spring  of  1843,  CALHOUN  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate 
and  returned  to  his  home,  where  he  remained  until  February, 
1844.  Polk,  in  the  meantime,  had  been  elected  President,  arid 
the  annexation  of  Texas  was  the  leading  feature  in  national  poli 
tics, — a  measure  to  which  CALIIOUN  was  a  warm  friend.  On  the 
28th  of  February,  1844,  Upshur,  Secretary  of  State,  was  killed 
by  the  melancholy  accident  on  the  Princeton.  Tyler's  term  was 
just  expiring,  and  CALIIOUN  was  tendered  the  position  of  the  State 
department.  After  some  hesitation  he  accepted,  and  entered  upon 
its  duties.  Polk  came  to  the  Presidency,  March  4th,  1845,  the 
avowed  friend  of  annexation, — his  views  according  with  those  of 
CALHOUN  upon  the  subject.  As  Secretary  of  State,  the  latter, 


JOHN     C.    CALHOUN.  £57 

early  the  ensuing  April,  had  the  pleasure  of  signing  an  annexation 
treaty.  Soon  after  the  accession  of  Polk,  CALIIODN  was  tendered 
the  mission  to  England,  which,  in  view  of  the  Oregon  boundary 
difficulties  was  then  one  of  importance.  Opposing  any  and  all 
steps,  tending  to  produce  a  rupture  between  the  two  countries,  he 
averred  that  Washington  was  the  place  where  peace  was  to  be 
preserved,  and  declined  acceptance. 

Huger,  who  succeeded  him  in  the  Senate,  now  resigned  his  seat, 
and  CALHOUN,  by  the  unanimous  will  of  the  people  of  his  State, 
was  elected  to  fill  his  unexpired  term.  He  again  took  his  seat  in 
that  body,  his  frame  a  little  worn  and  infirm,  but  his  intellect 
clear  and  unbeclouded. 

In  1845,  he  attended  as  a  delegate  from  South  Carolina,  a 
south-western  convention  at  Memphis,  and  was  chosen  president. 
The  object  of  the  meeting  was  to  devise  the  best  means  of  bringing 
out  the  full  resources  of  the  West  and  South-Wesfc.  A  memorial 
was  prepared,  which  he  presented  to  Congress  in  the  summer  of 
1846.  On  the  subject  of.  internal  improvements,  he  thought  that 
the  powers  of  Congress  were  restricted  by  the  clause  in  the  Con 
stitution, — u  to  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  among 
the  several  States,"  and  discarded  the  more  latitudinous  construc 
tion  given  to  powers  conferred  by  the  much  talked  of  clause, — 
"  common  defense  and  general  welfare."  He  cordially,  therefore, 
approved  of  the  course  of  President  Polk  in  his  veto  of  the  River  and 
Harbor  bill  of  1846.  The  re-establishment  of  the  independent 
treasury  of  the  same  session,  also  met  his  warm  approval. 

The  Oregon  question  had  been  settled.  The  tariff  of  1846 
passed,  and  other  important  measures  in  which  he  had  taken  part, 
and  CALHOUN  would  have  gladly  laid  aside  his  senatorial  robe 
and  returned  to  Fort  Hill.  But  the  war  with  Mexico,  in  the 
estimation  of  his  friends,  made  his  stay  at  the  capital  almost 
imperative.  He  was  again  elected  senator  in  1846.  The  acqui 
sition  of  territory,  incident  to  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Mexico, 
involved  the  nation  in  a  delirium  of  political  excitement  never 
before  witnessed.  The  wisest  statesmen, — CALIIOUN  among  the 
number, — had  foreseen  that  the  subject  of  slavery,  in  all  its  aspects, 
would  be  involved  by  the  adjustment  of  territorial  governments, 
and  application  for  admission  into  the  Union.  He  voted  for  rati 
fication  of  the  treaty,  and  nerved  himself  for  the  coming  struggle. 
When  the  contest  for  the  balance  of  power  opened,  and  North 


658  JOHN     C.    CALHOUN. 

and  South  became  fairly  arrayed,  CALHOUN  was  found  where  he 
always  was,  resisting  to  the  death  every  effort  to  rule  slavery  from 
the  newly-acquired  territory.  During  the  stormy  period  prior  to 
the  compromise  of  1850,  he  labored  with  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm 
of  youth,  favoring  the  interests  of  his  beloved  South. 

Taylor  succeeded  to  the  Presidency  in  1849,  at  a  critical  juncture. 
Naturally  of  an  apprehensive  temperament,  CALHOUN  looked  upon 
the  pending  storm  with  gloomy  foreboding.  He  was  now  sixty- 
eight  years  of  age,  the  greater  part  of  which,  he  had  spent  in 
active  political  life.  He  was  failing  in  strength,  yet  day  after 
day,  would  go  to  that  scene  of  excitement, — the  Senate  chamber. 
Feeling,  at  length,  that  his  remaining  time  was  brief,  and  wishing 
to  raise  once  more  a  warning  voice  against  infringement  of  the 
constitutional  rights  of  the  south,  he  went  to  his  room  and  prepared 
his  last  great  speech.  Though  unable  to  deliver  it  himself,  it  was 
read  to  eager  listeners  by  his  colleague,  Judge  Butler,  March  4th, 
1850.  It  is  long,  elaborate,  and  among  the  ablest  productions 
emanating  from  the  American  mind.  He  warns  his  country 
against  the  danger  of  undue  slavery  agitation,  and  paints,  in 
fearful  colors,  the  results,  if  the  warning  be  unheeded.  From 
this  time  he  grew  more  feeble,  and  life's  lamp  began  to  flicker  and 
grow  dim.  Like  Adams,  he  died  at  his  post,  On  the  13th  of 
March,  1850,  he  appeared,  for  the  last  time,  in  the  Hall  he  had  so 
long  graced  with  the  brightest  ornaments  that  adorn  the  brow  of 
manhood.  Slavery  was  the  all-absorbing  topic, — agitation  the 
order  of  the  day.  His  positions  had  been  assailed  by  several 
Senators.  His  eye  immediately  flashed  with  all  its  former  fire, 
and  he  arose  to  speak,  for  the  last  time,  a  second  Chatham,  in 
an  assemblage  more  august  than  the  English  House  of  Lords.  The 
effort  overcame  him.  He  was  compelled  to  leave  the  Hall, — he 
went  to  his  room, — went  there  to  die.  Notwithstanding  his 
physical  organism  was  fast  sinking,  his  mind  was  undimmed,  and 
he  could  not  be  kept  from  writing,  thinking,  and  conversing.  His 
life  thus  ebbed  gently  away.  His  son,  Dr:  John  B.  Calhoun,  was 
with  him,  and  watched  his  decline  with  filial  fondness.  On  the 
30th  of  March,  speedy  dissolution  became  clearly  apparent.  Stimu 
lants  were  administered,  and  he  continued  to  talk  upon  the 
slavery  question  until  the  evening.  Near  midnight  his  respiration 
became  difficult.  Soon  after,  he  faintly  called  his  sou,  saying: 
"John  come  to  me."  He  then  told  him  to  feel  his  pulse,  which 


JOHN     C.    CALHOUN.  559 

was  almost  gone.  About  five  in  the  morning  of  the  31st,  his  son 
asked  him  if  he  was  comfortable, — "  I  AM  PERFECTLY  COMFORTABLE," 
was  the  reply.  These  were  the  last  words  of  JOHN  C.  CALHOUN. 
He  grew  weaker  till  a  little  after  six,  when  the  pulseless  arm, 
moveless  eye,  and  marble  brow,  showed  the  great  statesman  was 
no  more. 

He  has  been  described  as  the  ''cast-iron  man,  who  looked  as 
though  he  had  never  been  born."  "In  person,  he  was  tall  and 
slender,  and  his  frame  appeared  to  become  more  and  more  atten 
uated  till  he  died .  His  features  were  harsh  and  angular  in  their  out 
lines,  presenting  a  combination  of  the  Greek  and  the  Roman.  A 
serene  and  almost  stony  calm  pervaded  them  when  in  repose,  but 
when  enlivened  in  conversation  or  debate,  their  play  was  remark 
able, — the  lights  were  brought  out  into  bolder  relief,  and  the 
shadow  thrown  into  deeper  shade.  His  countenance,  when  at  rest, 
indicated  abstraction,  or  a  pre-occupied  air,  and  a  stranger  on 
approaching  him,  could  scarcely  avoid  an  emotion  of  fear ;  yet, 
he  could  not  utter  a  word,  before  the  fire  of  genius  flashed  from 
his  eye  and  illumed  his  expressive  features.  His  individuality 
was  stamped  upon  his  acute  and  intelligent  face,  and  the  lines 
of  character  and  thought  were  strongly  and  clearly  defined.  His 
forehead  was  broad,  tolerably  high  and  compact,  denoting  the 
mass  of  brain  behind  it.  Until  he  had  passed  the  grand  climac 
teric,  he  wore  his  hair  short  and  brushed  back,  so  that  it  stood 
erect  on  the  top  of  his  head,  like  bristles  on  the  angry  boar,  or 
'  quills  upon  the  fretful  porcupine,'  but  toward  the  close  of  his 
life  he  suffered  it  to  grow  long,  and  fall  over  his  temples.  But 
his  eyes  were  his  most  striking  feature,  they  were  dark-blue, 
large,  and  brilliant ;  in  repose,  glowing  with  a  steady  light ;  in 
action,  fairly  emitting  flashes  of  fire." 

Of  his  mental  attributes,  it  is  needless  to  speak.  The  death  of 
one  so  justly  honored,  created  a  profound  sensation  through  the 
country.  Henry  Clay  is  said  to  have  approached  the  coffin,  and 
after  contemplating  for  some  time,  said:  "I  was  his  senior  in 
years, — but  in  nothing  else." 

His  funeral  took  place  on  the  2d  of  April,  at  the  capital, 
when  his  remains  were  conveyed  to  Charleston.  They  were 
deposited  in  the  St.  Philip's  Church  cemetery,  Charleston,  whence 
they  were  designed  for  final  interment  at  Columbia,  the  State 
capital. 


OLIVEE  HAZAKD  PEEEY. 


OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY,  the  son  of  Raymond  and  Sarah  Perry, 
was  born  in  Newport,  R.  I.,  on  the  20th  of  August,  1785.  He  was 
early  destined  for  the  naval  service, — his  ancestors  having  been 
for  several  generations,  more  or  less  engaged  ih  the  perils  of  a 
seafaring  life.  His  father's  relatives  were  originally  from  Devon 
shire,  England,  having  emigrated  to  America  at  an  early  period 
of  its  settlement ;  his  mother  was  of  Irish  birth,  though  of  Scotch 
extraction. 

Young  PERRY,  in  his  childhood,  gave  no  signs  of  future  dis 
tinction.  Though  he  was  kept  at  school  in  various  places,  his 
early  education  amounted  to  but  little.  In  the  summer  of  1798, 
his  father  received  a  naval  captaincy  on  one  of  the  vessels  destined 
for  service  against  the  French.  In  1799,  Captain  Perry  received 
the  command  of  the  General  Greene,  a  thirty-two  gun  frigate,  and 
sailed  for  the  West  Indies.  On  this  voyage  young  PERRY  accom 
panied  his  father,  having  already  determined  to  devote  his  life  to 
naval  pursuits.  He  attained  the  rank  of  midshipman  in  April, 
1799.  The  General  Greene  was  directed  to  sail  for  Havana,  but 
the  yellow  fever  breaking  out  soon  after,  she  was  forced  to  return 
to  Newport,  which  she  reached  in  July.  Her  captain  was  next 
engaged  in  circumnavigating  the  Island  of  St.  Domingo,  against 
the  piratical  crafts  of  the  notorious  Rigaud.  Several  of  these 
were  discovered  under  the  protection  of  some  batteries,  and  sharp 
cannonading  was  immediately  opened  by  Captain  Perry,  which 
would  have  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  crafts,  had  not  a  French 
vessel  of  heavy  caliber  arrived  just  in  time  to  compel  him  to  lift 
(660; 


OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY. 


OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY. 

his  anchor.  After  participating  in  the  capture  of  Jaquemel, 
the  General  Greene  was  given  to  the  command  of  Commodore 
Talbot,  and  was  soon  again  at  anchorage  at  Newport. 

Peace  succeeding  soon  after,  Captain  Perry  was  dismissed  from 
the  service,  and  the  General  Greene  laid  up  at  Washington. 
OLIVER  retained  his  midshipman's  warrant,  and  was  continued 
in  the  service.  He  was  now  left  with  little  to  do  but  prosecute 
his  studies,  which  he  did  with  enthusiasm  until  the  year  1802, 
when  he  was  appointed  to  the  Adams,  a  twenty-eight  gun  ship, 
commanded  by  Captain  Campbell,  destined  for  the  Mediterranean 
service,  and  which  sailed  from  Newport,  June  10th,  1802.  She 
joined  the  Chesapeake  in  the  middle  of  the  ensuing  month  at 
Gibraltar,  whence  she  was  sent  to  Malaga  with  an  American 
convoy.  Returning  to  Gibraltar,  she  passed  the  winter  there, 
watching  the  Tripolines.  During  this  time,  cruising  among  the 
straits,  often  under  perilous  circumstances,  excellent  opportunities 
were  afforded  young  PERRY  for  studying  the  principles  of  navi 
gation,  and  qualifying  himself  for  the  scenes  that  were  to  open 
before  his  ambitious  eye.  To  show  how  he  had  won  the  esteem 
of  his  commander,  he  was,  on  his  seventeenth  birth-day,  promoted 
to  the  post,  and  intrusted  with  the  duties  of  acting  lieutenant ;  an 
instance  of  rare  occurrence  in  the  history  of  the  navy.  Soon 
after,  the  Adams  was  again  sent  on  an  expedition  of  convoy. 
Being  compelled  to  pass  many  spots  intimately  associated  with 
naval  history,  Lieutenant  PERKY  was  careful  to  avail  himself  of 
every  opportunity  to  acquire  solid  and  useful  information.  After 
a  brief  appearance  with  other  vessels  before  Tripoli,  the  Adams, 
in  the  spring  of  1803,  again  sailed  for  Gibraltar.  Several  of  the 
vessels  now  returned  home,  and  in  the  ensuing  November,  PERRY 
found  himself  again  in  his  native  land.  He  had  been  cruising 
now  for  eighteen  months,  during  which  time  he  had  seen  much, 
and  added  greatly  to  his  qualifications  as  an  officer  and  a  seaman. 
For  the  period  of  nearly  a  year,  he  was  now  again  inactive,  and 
consequently  did  not  participate  in  the  Tripoline  war.  He  bent 
himself,  however  with,  intense  application,  to  maritime  studies, 
anxious,  when  opportunity  offered,  to  reflect  credit  upon  his  pro 
fession.  In  the  summer  of  1804,  he  received  orders  to  join  the 
Constellation,  under  his  old  commander,  Captain  Campbell.  She 
sailed  for  Tripoli,  and  arrived  there  just  as  operations  were  Deing 
brought  to  a  close.  The  death  of  Somers  making  vacant  the 


C62  OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY. 

first  lieutenancy  on  board  the  schooner  Nautilus,  PERRY  was 
transferred  to  that  position.  In  his  twenty-first  year,  and  with 
six  years'  naval  experience,  he  now  found  himself  in  a  position 
that  would  test  his  capacities  of  seamanship.  He  is  said  to  have 
exercised  his  commission  on  board  the  Nautilus  with  credit  to  him 
self  and  the  discretion  of  one  far  beyond  his  years.  He  remained  in 
this  position  until  the  fall  of  1805,  when  he  was  transferred,  as 
lieutenant,  to  the  Constitution,  Commodore  Rodgers.  The  next  year 
he  went  in  the  same  capacity  on  board  the  Essex,  in  which  he 
returned  home  in  October,  1806.  He  had  now  completly  mastered 
his  profession,  and  was  justly  regarded  among  the  rising  men  of 
the  navy.  After  being  for  some  time  engaged  in  the  unpleasant, 
and  trifling  business  of  preparing  gun-boats  for  the  service,  he 
was,  in  April,  1809,  placed  in  command  of  the  Revenge,  a 
schooner  of  fourteen  guns.  This  was  the  first  command  he  ever 
had,  and  his  selection  to  it  without  consideration  of  seniority, 
was  no  ordinary  compliment  to  his  capacities  and  fitness.  He 
was  engaged,  for  some  time,  cruising  along  the  coast,  to  protect 
American  merchant  vessels ;  after  which,  he  put  in  at  Washington 
for  repairs.  Thence  he  sailed  southward,  and  soon  after,  had  the 
good  fortune  to  seize  an  American  vessel  which  had  been  put 
under  English  colors  and  detained  in  Spanish  waters  near  Amelia 
Island.  Notwithstanding  the  presence,  in  the  vicinity,  of  two 
English  cruisers,  PERRY  took  possession  of  the  vessel,  which  he 
bore  off  in  safety.  On  his  way  to  sea,  he  was  met  by  an  English 
sloop  of  war,  the  captain  of  which,  requested  him  to  stop  and 
come  on  board.  PERRY  replied  by  giving  orders  to  his  men  to 
prepare  for  battle,  arid  refused  to  quit  his  vessel.  The  British 
captain,  however,  did  not  press  his  demand,  and  avoided  an 
action.  In  1810,  the  Revenge  returned  to  Newport,  and  was, 
shortly  after,  wrecked  on  Watch  Hill  Reef,  though  most  of  her 
valuables  were  saved  through  the  exertions  of  her  brave  com 
mander.  PERRY  was  now  temporarily  deprived  of  first  command. 

In  May,  1811,  he  was  married  to  Elizabeth  Mason,  of  Rhode 
Island,  to  whom  he  had  been  warmly  attached  for  a  number  of 
years.  Soon  after  this  event,  he  was  appointed  commander,  and 
took  charge  of  a  number  of  gun-boats  at  Newport,  when  war  with 
England  was  declared  in  1812. 

Always  disliking  the  gun-boat  service,  and  anxious  to  be 
actively  engaged  during  the  coming  naval  struggle,  he  asked 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY. 

permission  to  be  transferred  to  the  Lake  service.  This  was 
granted,  and  he  made  immediate  preparations  to  depart  for  the 
theater  of  his  fame.  His  first  destination,  under  Commodore 
Chauncey,  was  Sackett's  Harbor,  which  he  reached  with  his 
commander  on  the  3d  of  March,  1813.  On  the  27th  of  the  same 
month,  PERRY  was  dispatched  to  Lake  Erie,  to  the  port  of  Presque 
Isle  or  Erie,  with  instructions  to  have  a  good  force  upon  its  waters. 
He  entered  upon  duties  of  an  extended  range  with  alacrity 
and  the  highest  hopes  of  success.  By  great  diligence  he  over 
came  the  difficulties  incident  to  the  preparation  and  equipment 
of  suitable  vessels.  Scarcely  were  these  services  accomplished, 
when  he  learned  that  the  British  designed  a  descent  upon  Fort 
George.  Knowing  that  the  utmost  diligence  was  requisite,  our 
young  commander,  on  receiving  the  intelligence,  jumped  into 
a  small  oar-boat,  and  made  the  passage  from  Erie  to  Buffalo, 
during  a  dark  night,  in  the  brief  time  of  twenty-four  hours.  He 
then  descended  the  Niagara,  running  the  risk  of  being  fired  upon 
by  the  enemy's  batteries,  and  reached  the  American  ship  Madison 
in  safety.  Commodore  Chauncey  received  him  with  great  cordi 
ality,  and  preparations  were  immediately  made  for  descending  the 
river.  The  descent  was  made,  the  troops  landed,  and  overcame 
the  enemy,  who  attempted  to  oppose  them,  and  the  command  of 
the  Niagara  was  secured.  To  these  results  none  more  largely 
contributed  than  PERRY,  nor  exhibited  more  coolness  and  hardi 
hood.  His  next  duty  was  to  get  some  vessels  lying  at  Black 
Rock  up  the  river,  beyond  the  enemy's  positions,  preparatory  to 
concentrating  all  their  force  on  Lake  Erie  at  a  single  point. 
These  duties  were  successfully  performed.  Having  accomplished 
this,  about  the  middle  of  June  he  sailed  from  Buffalo  for  Erie. 
By  great  exertions  and  skillful  maneuvering,  he  succeeded  in 
collecting  all  the  vessels  together,  which  enabled  him  better  to 
dispute  the  asserted  supremacy  of  the  enemy  on  the  Lake.  To 
maintain  authority  on  the  Lake  was  a  matter  of  primary  and  vital 
importance  with  both  parties  to  the  contest.  The  activity  of  PERRY 
in  bringing  together,  almost  creating,  in  fact,  sufficient  forces  to 
effect  this,  can  not  receive  too  high  meed  of  commendation. 
PERRY  was  so  situated  that,  in  putting  out  to  the  Lake,  it  was 
necessary  to  pass  the  enemy  under  command  of  Captain  Barclay, 
and  cross  a  bar,  near  by,  which  presented  dangers  equally  formi 
dable.  In  the  midst  of  this  perplexity,  the  enemy  temporarily 


664  OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY. 

left  their  position.  Perry  immediately  went  to  work,  and  after 
immense  labor,  passed  the  bar  in  time  to  prevent  annoyance 
from  the  enemy,  who  returned  just  as  the  last  vessel  made  the 
passage  over.  Being  now  on  the  Lake,  and  soon  after  reinforced 
by  Elliott  and  some  seamen  from  the  lower  squadron,  he  was 
anxious  to  bring  on  an  engagement,  and  immediately  set  sail  in 
search  of  the  British.  He  came  to  anchorage  at  Put-In  bay, 
near  Maiden,  a  favorable  point  for  watching  the  enemy.  Here,  a 
violent  sickness  broke  out  among  the  crew,  and  PERKY,  with  three 
medical  officers  of  the  squadron  were  among  the  most  severely 
afflicted.  By  September,  however,  he  had  recovered  sufficiently 
to  maneuver  for  an  action.  His  efforts  proving  abortive,  he 
returned  to  Put-In  bay,  where  he  arrived  on  the  6th  of  September. 
He  supposed  the  British  would  aim  to  push  their  vessels  past  Long 
Point,  and  resolved  in  such  case  to  give  battle.  On  the  9th,  a 
consultation  of  his  officers  was  held,  in  which  it  was  resolved,  the 
ensuing  day,  to  attack  the  enemy  at  their  anchorage,  in  case  of 
failure  on  their  part  to  offer  battle.  PERRY'S  force  consisted  of 
nine  vessels  and  fifty-four  guns.  Of  these  vessels  PERRY  com 
manded  the  Lawrence  in  person,  and  Elliott  the  Niagara. 

The  British  armament  consisted  of  seven  vessels  and  sixty-three 
guns ;  of  these,  Barclay  was,  in  person,  in  command  of  the 
Detroit.  On  the  morning  of  the  10th  of  September,  though  the 
wind  was  unfavorable,  PERRY  determined  to  give  battle,  and  made 
preparations  accordingly.  Wishing  to  engage,  in  person,  the 
British  commander,  he  changed  his  original  plan  of  action,  and 
so  arranged  his  vessels  as  to  bring  the  Lawrence  immediately 
alongside  the  Detroit.  This  is  another  instance  of  his  high  chivalric 
spirit.  His  commands  were  promptly  obeyed,  and  he  soon  found 
himself  in  battle  trim.  The  enemy  stood  out  in  gallant  style, 
awaiting  the  approach  of  the  American  vessels.  PERRY  immedi 
ately  brought  the  Lawrence  in  position  to  bear  upon  the  Detroit,— 
the  Niagara  and  Caledonia  coming  forward  at  the  same  time. 
When  more  than  a  mile  distant,  a  twenty-four  pound  shot  came 
whizzing  over  the  water  from  the  Detroit,  and  announced  readi 
ness  for  the  contest.  PERRY  hoisted  his  signal  for  the  different 
commanders  to  engage  as  soon  as  possible,  according  to  previous 
orders.  His  last  order  to  his  other  vessels  was  now  issued. — for 
them  to  close  upon  and  engage  the  enemy  with  all  possible  dis 
patch.  As  they  approached,  a  preconcerted,  though  rather  ineffec- 


OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY.         (565 

tive  fire  opened  from  the  enemy,  which  was  returned  from  the 
long  guns  of  the  Americans.  About  twelve  o'clock,  M.,  the 
action  became  general.  The  Lawrence  not  being  so  heavy  a  craft 
as  the  Detroit,  began  to  suffer  considerably  from  the  fire  of  the 
latter,  and  PERRY  edged  away  a  little.  The  Niagara,  Caledonia, 
Scorpion,  and  Ariel,  now  closing  in,  opened  upon  the  enemy  the 
fire  from  their  long  guns,  telling  with  good  effect,  and  much  to  the 
relief  of  the  Lawrence,  which  being  ahead,  had  hitherto  been  the 
main  object  of  the  British  fire.  FERRY'S  order  of  battle  was,  that 
the  fire  of  each  of  his  vessels  should  be  directed  against  a  certain 
vessel  of  the  enemy.  This  showed  his  sagacity  in  naval  engage 
ments  ;  for  not  being  able  to  mingle  with  his  men  in  the  various 
vessels  as  generals  can  with  land  armies,  each  subordinate  officer 
knew,  beforehand,  precisely  what  he  had  to  do.  In  accordance 
with  these  orders,  the  Niagara  engaged  the  Queen  Charlotte,  and 
the  Caledonia  the  Hunter, — the  Lawrence,  Ariel,  and  Scorpion, 
engaged  the  Detroit,  Chippewa,  and  the  other  vessels  astern  of 
the  British  line.  The  guns  of  the  British  were  superior  and  of 
heavier  caliber  than  those  of  the  Americans, — this  circumstance, 
and  the  fact  of  the  Lawrence  having  got  so  far  ahead  of  her  sup 
porters,  accounts  for  the  suffering  of  that  vessel  in  the  early  part 
of  the  action.  The  bursting  of  one  of  the  Ariel's  guns,  rendered 
the  disparity  still  more  apparent.  The  carronades  of  the  Law 
rence  were  useless  until  she  was  close  to  the  foe,  while,  it  will  be 
remembered,  that  Barclay  hurled  a  twenty-four  pound  shot  at  her 
from  his  vessel  when  over  a  mile  off.  The  greater  part  of  this  dis 
tance,  therefore,  had  to  be  accomplished  under  the  fire  of  the  Detroit, 
without  being  able  to  return  it  with  any  telling  effect.  That  the 
Lawrence  should  suffer  materially  under  such  circumstances  was 
inevitable.  The  wind  calmed  down,  leaving  the  Lawrence,  for  a 
time,  nearly  motionless,  and  exposed  to  the  long  guns  of  her 
adversary.  Had  the  wind  permitted  the  Lawrence  to  bear  im 
mediately  upon  her  antagonist,  and  the  other  vessels  thus  enabled 
to  keep  their  assigned  positions,  this  suffering  of  his  vessel  would 
unquestionably  have  been  avoided,  and  the  victory  made  more 
easy.  Just  as  the  Niagara  was  engaging,  with  effect,  the  Queen 
Charlotte,  the  latter  vessel  shifted  her  position,  and  falling  leeward 
of  the  Detroit,  opened  her  fire  also  upon  the  Lawrence.  If  this 
strange  maneuver  increased  the  perplexity  of  the  Lawrence,  it  also 
did  that  of  the  Detroit,  leaving  the  Niagara  free  to  engage 


666          OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY. 

her.  The  Detroit,  Queen  Charlotte,  and  Hunter,  at  this  move 
ment,  directed  their  fires  against  the  Lawrence,  which  was  literally 
enveloped  in  smoke  and  quivering  under  the  effects  of  the  combined 
attack.  It  seems,  indeed,  that  it  was  the  determination  of  the 
British  commander  to  destroy  the  Lawrence,  regardless  of  the 
presence  of  the  other  vessels.  The  smaller  American  crafts,  gun 
boats,  came  astern  of  the  enemy  and  opened  fire  upon  them.  The 
Niagara,  contrary  to  battle  order,  though  the  movement  seemed 
necessary,  passed  the  Caledonia  and  hastened  to  the  protection  of 
the  Lawrence,  which,  by  this  time,  was  so  riddled  with  shot,  as  to 
render  her  almost  useless  in  the  action.  As  she  approached  suffi 
ciently  near,  her  guns  opened  upon  the  enemy  effectually.  At 
the  same  time  the  Caledonia,  according  to  instructions,  was  engag 
ing  the  Hunter,  while  the  gun-boats  astern  were  giving  a  sweeping 
fire  that  did  good  execution. 

These  movements  took  up  considerable  time,  and  by  the  time 
they  were  completed,  the  Lawrence  was  little  more  than  a  wreck, — 
she  was  nearly  dismantled,  her  guns  were  silenced  and  her  decks 
strewn  with  dead  and  wounded.  The  wind  arose  at  this  juncture, 
and  several  important  changes  in  position  took  place  on  both 
sides.  It  was  evidently  Barclay's  aim  to  bring  his  vessels  round 
to  bear  a  broadside  on  the  Americans,  but  the  Detroit  had  also 
suffered  severely  during  the  action  and  was  not  easily  managed. 
The  Niagara  now  passed  the  Lawrence,  making  ahead  of  the 
enemy's  line,  while  the  Caledonia  passed  inside  still  nearer.  At 
this  moment,  finding  his  own  vessel  no  longer  fit  for  use,  PEKRY 
took  his  flag,  and  with  a  young  brother  leaped  into  a  boat  and  pulled 
for  the  Niagara,  by  this  time  some  distance  ahead,  which  he  reached 
when  a  few  hundred  yards  windward  of  the  enemy.  Taking  com 
mand  of  the  Niagara,  PERKY  directed  Elliott  to  go  in  the  boat  and 
bring  the  gun-boats  forward.  PERRY  now  prepared  for  close  action, 
and  after  having  waited  a  few  moments  for  the  other  vessels  to  get  in 
readiness,  he  bore  directly  upon  the  enemy.  Barclay,  still  intent  on 
getting  so  arranged  as  to  pour  broadsides  into  his  adversary,  en 
deavored  to  wear,1  as  the  Niagara  passed  him.  His  ships  were  in 
too  bad  plight,  and  in  the  attempt  he  was  run  foul  of  by  the  Queen 
Charlotte.  The  Niagara  now  came  up  and  sent  a  close  and  des 
tructive  fire  into  the  two  vessels  while  they  were  entangled  and 
obstructing  each  other's  movements.  Elliott  coming  up  opposite 
with  the  gun-boats,  and  the  Caledonia  engaging,  at  the  same  time, 


OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY. 

the  raking  cross-fire  was  tremendous ;  and  unable  to  stand  such 
a  storm  of  shot,  the  British  vessels  soon  struck  their  colors.  The 
Detroit,  Queen  Charlotte,  Lady  Prevost,  and  Hunter,  hauled 
down  their  colors  about  the  same  time,  while  the  Little  Belt  and 
Chippewa,  not  being  so  exposed,  hoisted  sail  and  tried  to  escape. 
The  Trippe  and  Scorpion  gave  chase,  and  coming  up  with  them 
in  a  short  time,  they  were  also  forced  to  surrender.  The  only 
vessel  belonging  to  PERKY  that  struck  her  colors  was  the  Lawrence, 
which  occurred  soon  after  he  quitted  her  for  the  Niagara.  The 
victory  was  complete,  and  with  it  departed,  forever,  the  last  ves 
tige  of  naval  supremacy  that  lingered  on  the  flag  of  England  as 
it  floated  over  the  Lakes.  PERRY  well  understood  what  was  at 
stake,  and  though  confident  of  victory,  to  provide  against  mis 
fortune  or  accident,  all  his  public  letters  and  documents  were 
thrown  overboard,  previous  to  engaging  in  action,  and  his  private 
letters, — billets  of  affection  from  his  wife, — were  read  and  torn  to 
pieces.  He  truthfully  remarked  before  the  battle  began,  that 
it  was  the  most  important  day  of  his  life.  Throughout  the  action. 
PERRY  gave  evidences  of  the  highest  moral  courage,  heroism,  and 
fortitude.  During  all  the  slaughter  on  board  the  Lawrence,  he 
showed  no  signs  of  fear  or  discouragement.  For  the  engagement, 
all  the  circumstances  taken  into  account,  both  parties  were  about 
equally  matched .  The  heavier  guns  and  better  health  of  the  British 
being,  perhaps,  the  main  advantage.  PERRY,  making  the  attack, 
perhaps,  threw  the  chances  somewhat  in  favor  of  the  enemy. 

"With  this  victory,  he  identified  himself  with  the  heroes  of  the 
country,  and  his  name,  from  comparative  obscurity,  became  at 
once  a  synonym  of  merit  the  world  over.  It  was  a  day  long  to  be 
remembered,  and  its  annual  return  is  yet  celebrated  at  Put-In  bay, 
with  every  demonstration  of  pride  and  joy.  Not  satisfied,  how 
ever,  in  his  laudable  thirst  for  fame,  soon  after  this  victory,  he 
assisted  in  the  capture  of  Detroit  City,  when  he  joined  the  land 
army  of  Harrison,  and  fought  with  spirit,  at  Moravian  Town. 
After  the  surrender  of  the  British,  in  conjunction  with  Harrison, 
he  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people  of  Canada,  specifying 
terms  of  submission  and  release, — the  first  time,  it  is  said,  a  naval 
officer  had  ever  performed  similar  duty.* 

He  now  gave  up  his  command  and  returned  to  more  familiar 


*  Cooper's  Naval  Biography. 

45 


6(58         OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY. 

parts  of  tne  country.  He  was  everywhere  received  with  laudatory 
demonstrations,  and  became  the  object  of  observation  and  regard. 
He  was  liberally  rewarded  by  Congress  for  his  gallant  achievement 
on  the  Lake.  After  spending  some  time  at  Newport,  he  was,  in 
August,  1814,  placed  in  command  of  the  Java,  a  forty -four  gun 
ship  built  at  Baltimore.  This  vessel  was  unable  to  put  to  sea, 
being  too  closely  watched  by  the  enemy  in  the  bay,  and  PERRY 
seems  not  to  have  been  again  engaged  in  active  service  until  peace 
was  concluded. 

In  the  spring  of  1815,  he  was  again  attached  to  the  Java,  in 
which  he  sailed  for  the  Mediterranean  the  ensuing  winter.  We 
next  find  him,  in  conjunction  with  Commodore  Shaw,  preparing 
to  operate  against  the  piratical  Algerines  ;  but  a  speedy  settlement 
of  these  difficulties  prevented  opportunities  of  further  distinction. 
While  on  this  cruise,  PERRY  became  irritated  at  one  of  his  subordi 
nate  officers,  whom  he  struck  in  his  own  cabin.  Sensible,  afterward, 
of  his  wrong,  he  made  an  apology,  which  not  being  accepted,  un 
pleasant  controversies  grew  out  of  the  matter,  which  resulted  in 
both  parties  being  subjected  to  a  reprimand.  Nor  did  it  end 
here, — a  hostile  meeting  resulted.  PERRY  met  the  marine,  whose 
wounded  honor  dictated  his  course,  with  the  determination,  expres 
sed  in  a  letter  to  Decatur  not  to  fire.  "  I  can  not,"  says  he,  "  return 
his  fire,  as  the  meeting  on  my  part,  will  be  entirely  an  atonement 
for  the  violated  rules  of  service." 

This  was  immediately  followed  by  another  difficulty  of  an  equally 
unpleasant  nature.  At  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie,  PERRY,  in  his 
official  report,  had  highly  eulogized  the  conduct  of  Captain  Elliott. 
Afterward,  a  controversy  arose  among  the  officers  engaged  in  the 
battle ;  PERRY  was  charged  with  striking  the  colors  of  the  Law 
rence  and  going  on  board  the  Niagara  in  a  state  of  utter  des 
pondency,  while  Elliott  was  charged  with  unofficer-like  conduct  at 
the  commencement  of  the  action.  A  court  of  inquiry  was  subse 
quently  instituted  by  the  English  upon  the  conduct  of  Barclay 
on  the  occasion.  An  English  newspaper  commenting  upon  the 
proceedings,  made  some  remarks,  highly  disparaging  to  Captain 
Elliott,  giving  them  color,  by  intimating  that  PERRY  would  corrobo 
rate  the  charges.  Elliott  immediately  wrote  PERRY,  demanding 
explanations  of  certain  certificates  reflecting  upon  him.  The  latter 
replied  in  terms  of  bitter  asperity,  preferring  the  same  charges 
from  which  Elliott  wished  to  exonerate  himself.  Elliott  now 


OLIVER    HAZARD     PERRY. 

raged  beyond  measure,  sent  PERRY  a  challenge,  which  the  latter 
declined,  assigning  as  his  reasons,  that  he  intended  bringing  for 
mal  charges  against  the  latter  that  would  preclude  the  possibility 
of  an  honorable  meeting.  Here  the  matter  ended, — awaiting  the 
action  of  the  proper  tribunals.  PERRY  was  now  in  a  bad  position. 
He  had  eulogized  the  conduct  of  Elliott  in  strong  terms, — then 
preferred  charges  against  him  equally  strong.  His  only  excuse, — 
and  a  very  poor  one, — was,  that  at  the  time,  he  praised  him,  he 
was  ignorant  of  the  many  existent  causes  of  censure.  PERRY,  in 
this  matter,  appeared  to  have  acted  from  personal  pique, — his  pride 
was  wounded  at  the  idea  of  losing  his  own  ship  and  taking  com 
mand  of  his  subordinate's,  the  Niagara,  and  no  doubt,  feared 
that  too  much  credit  for  the  victory  would  be  attached  to  the  latter. 
Not  exempt  from  the  infirmities  incident  to  ambition  and  human 
nature,  he  seems  to  have  acted  wholly  from  personal  motives. 
Well  deserved  as  his  laurels  were  on  that  eventful  day,  they  gained 
no  additional  freshness  by  his  course  in  this  matter.  It  forms  a 
leaf  in  his  gallant  history  we  read  with  regret,  and  would  be  glad 
to  omit  altogether. 

It  was  July,  1819,  before  he  was  again  in  active  service.     He 
had  built  a  residence  and  settled  his  family  in  Newport,  when 
in  July  of  that  year,   in   the   capacity  of  commodore   (a  title 
which  he  had  only  borne  through  courtesy  since  the  battle  on 
Lake  Erie),  he  took  command  of  the  John  Adams  and  sailed  for 
Barbadoes,  the  object  of  his  services  being  the  protection  of  the 
equatorial  trade.     Proceeding  to  the  mouth  of  Orinoco  River,  he 
took  command  of  the  schooner  Nonesuch,  and  sent  the  Adams  to 
Trinidad.    He  then  proceeded  to  Angostura,  where  he  anchored  on 
the  26th.     His  business  with  the  Venezuelans  was  partly  diplo 
matic, — which  he  consummated  and  took  his  departure.     The 
yellow  fever  had  made  its  appearance  in  the  meantime,  crippled 
his  crew  for  service,  and  carried  off  several  seamen.     By  the  17th 
of  August,  a  large  portion  of  the  crew  were  suffering  with  the 
malady,  about  one  fourth  of  those  who  became  afflicted,  dying. 
On  the  morning  of  that  day,  PERRY  took  his  gun,  and  in  a  boat 
went  along  the  margin  of  the  river  in  search  of  game.     In  the 
evening  a  damp,  disagreeable  wind  arose,  and  the  schooner  was 
forced  to  anchor  on  a  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.     PERRY  arose 
next  morning  cold  and  benumbed,  the  water,  owing  to  the  high 
wind,  having  wet  him  with  spray  during  his  sleep.     His  chilly 


670  OLIVER    HAZARD     PERRY. 

sensations  were  of  short  continuance,  and  succeeded  by  lancinat 
ing  pains  in  the  head  and  a  burning  skin.  The  hero  of  Lake 
Erie  was  a  victim  of  yellow  fever.  He  was  bled  until  he  fainted 
from  the  effect  of  the  depletion.  His  skin  cooled,  and  breathing 
became  easier, — but  the  worst  symptoms  soon  returned.  He  now 
knew  there  was  no  hope  of  recovery,  and  except  a  desire  to  see 
his  family,  bore  up  under  the  disease  with  great  fortitude.  Before 
he  reached  his  vessel,  the  John  Adams,  at  Trinidad,  he  gave 
signs  of  the  vomit, — infallible  precursor  of  death.  He  now  sank 
rapidly.  A  boat  from  the  Adams  approached  the  schooner,  of 
whom,  PERRY  inquired  the  condition  of  his  crew.  He  then  pre 
pared  to  make  his  will,  but  his  strength  was  too  far  gone.  He 
suffered  intensely  until  toward  evening,  when  his  spirit  fled  for 
other  spheres.  Thus  died  Commodore  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY,  on 
the  23d  of  August,  1819,  in  the  thirty-fifth  year  of  his  age.  His 
remains  were  deposited  at  Trinidad  with  suitable  naval  and  mili 
tary  honors,  but  were  subsequently  removed  to  Newport,  where 
they  were  finally  deposited  to  rest  in  peace  among  the  friends  of 
his  earlier  years.  Lake  Erie  will  remain  the  chart  of  his  deeds, 
till  the  pennant  of  commerce  and  industry  shall  cease  to  float  on 
her  bosom. 


S.  S.  PKENTISS. 


S.  S.  PKENTISS. 


IF  eloquence  consists  in  the  power  of  moving  men's  souls, — then 
the  subject  now  to  be  considered  was  most  truly  eloquent.  On  all 
occasions,  when  circumstances  required  him  to  address  an  audi 
ence,  he  came  glowing  up  to  his  theme,  uin  sublime,  godlike 
action  "  and  literally 

" -Wreaked  himself  in  expression." 

The  idea  of  the  great  poet : 

" Where  fancy  weary  grew  in  other  men, 

His,  fresh  as  morning  rose, — " 

in  reference  to  his  oratory,  may  well  be  applied  to  SEARGENT  S. 
PRENTISS.  He  was  the  son  of  William  Prentiss,  a  respectable 
shipmaster,  and  was  born  on  the  30th  of  September,  1808,  in  Port 
land,  Maine.  His  father  was  a  true  representative  of  the  early 
New  Englanders ;  the  family  emigrating  from  England  to  Massa 
chusetts  in  1614.  A  few  years  after  the  birth  of  SEARGENT,  the 
prostration  of  commerce,  incident  to  the  Embargo  policy,  drove 
his  father  to  Gorham,  where  he  engaged  in  farming.  PRENTISS, 
in  his  youth,  was  very  lame,  and  confined,  for  the  most  part,  to 
the  house.  He  listened  with  delight  to  stories  of  adventures  re 
lated  by  his  father  and  a  Captain  Lewis,  both  of  whom  had  passed 
through  scenes  of  thrilling  interest.  These  narratives  made  a 
vivid  impression  on  his  mind.  He  also  drank  in  the  instructions 
of  his  excellent  mother,  whom  he  loved  almost  to  idolatry  with 
affectionate  eagerness.  The  book,  it  seems,  with  which  he  first 
became  fascinated,  was  that  inimitable  allegory, — Bunyan's  Pil- 

(671) 


572  s-  s- 

grim's  Progress.  It  is  related  of  him,  that  he  knew  by  heart, 
every  ustep  Christian  traveled  from  the  City  of  Destruction  to  the 
Celestial  City." 

PRENTISS,  at  this  age,  was  remarkable  for  his  personal  beauty, 
sprightliness,  and  affectionate  disposition.  As  he  grew  older,  his 
health  improved  and  he  became  less  lame.  At  the  age  of  ten 
years,  he  commenced  going  to  school  in  the  vicinity  of  Gorham — 
being  drawn  to  and  from  the  school-house  by  his  brother  in  a 
small  vehicle  provided  for  the  purpose.  Thus,  for  some  time,  the 
future  orator  might  have  been  seen  pulled  along  an  obscure 
country  road  with  his  cane  and  crutch,  in  a  baby-wagon,  to  the- 
spot  where  his  mind  was  commencing  its  wonderful  development. 
A  little  time  after,  with  the  aid  of  a  single  cane,  he  employed  his 
leisure  time  shooting  squirrels  in  the  forest,  or  catching  fish 
from  "  Jordon's  brook."  For  these  sports,  his  fondness  amounted 
to  a  perfect  passion.  He  did  not  seem  to  relish  manual  labor,  and 
though  the  other  boys  were  accustomed  to  work  on  the  farm,  he 
had  no  notion  of  trying  his  skill  in  that  direction.  His  lameness 
had  caused  him  to  be  the  subject  of  indulgent  solicitude,  and  had 
already  induced,  in  his  parents,  different  plans  for  him  than  that 
of  working  on  a  farm.  He  early  determined  upon  going  to  col 
lege,  and,  notwithstanding  his  aversion  to  labor,  told  his  parents 
that  if  no  other  way  presented,  he  would  "  learn  the  shoemaker's 
trade,"  and  work  his  way  through  by  that  means. 

He  continued  at  the  academy*  for  some  time,  preparing  for  a 
higher  institution.  While  there,  he  greatly  increased  his  acquaint 
ance  with  books,  and  became  very  fond  of  general  literature.  He 
conceived  a  high  passion  for  Lempriere's  Classical  Dictionary, 
which  he  read  and  re-read  with  great  interest.  During  this  pre 
paratory  course,  he  was  quick,  perceptive,  and  studious.  He  was 
a  great  favorite  with  the  other  boys, — though,  in  his  intercourse 
with  them,  he  would  often  indulge  in  some  sarcastic  witticism,  the 
effect  of  which  would  soon  be  healed  by  a  lively,  good-humored 
remark.  It  was  customary  for  the  boys  to  give  weekly  declam 
ations.  PRENTISS  was  very  averse  to  this  exercise,  and  generally 
managed  to  avoid  it.  His  teacher  resolving  to  forbear  with  him 
no  longer,  would  take  no  further  excuse.  PRENTISS  arose,  but 
instead  of  reciting  the  usual  declamation,  delivered  an  original 
burlesque  that  convulsed  the  school  with  laughter, — the  teacher 
being  the  most  appreciative  participant 


S.    S.    PRENTISS.  (573 

In  1824,  ho  passed  examination,  and  entered  the  junior  class 
of  Bowdoin  College.  He  seemed  partly  indifferent  as  to  the 
position  he  occupied  in  his  classes,  but  did  a  vast  amount  of 
general  reading  and  study.  His  manners  were  graceful,  easy, 
and  scholar-like.  In  his  intercourse  with  friends,  all  were 
charmed  and  delighted.  In  1826,  he  lost  his  father,  and  seemed 
to  rouse  himself  to  preparation  for  the  future.  At  college,  he 
joined  a  party  of  six  students,  whose  object  was  to  meet  in  each 
other's  rooms  for  extemporaneous  discussion.  In  this  way,  his 
oratorical  powers  were  first  developed.  In  metaphysical  studies, 
he  excelled,  and  mastered  difficulties  by  an  ordinary  reading,  that 
would  require,  with  most  persons,  the  time  and  patience  of  a 
mathematical  problem.  An  investigation,  of  his  speeches,  indeed, 
would  do  away  with  the  erroneous  idea  entertained  by  some,  that 
he  was  no  more  than  a  fascinatingdeclaimer  of  gorgeous  imagery 
dealing  in  trope  and  figure.  Many  of  his  speeches  are  solid,  pro 
found,  and  logical.  So  rapidly  did  he  read  and  comprehend,  that 
it  w^as  a  common  remark  among  his  friends,  that  u  PKENTJSS  read 
two  pages  at  the  same  time, — the  one  with  his  right  eye  and  the 
other  with  his  left." 

After  graduating,  he  commenced  reading  law  under  the  tuition 
of  Hon.  Josiah  Pierce,  of  Gorham.  His  miscellaneous  reading 
was  also  quite  extensive  at  this  time, — the  writings  of  Walter 
Scott  he  admired  particularly,  and  committed  large  portions  of  his 
poetry  to  memory. 

Having  prepared  himself  for  the  law,  like  many  young  men 
of  that  day,  he  resolved  upon  going  West,  to  try  his  fortunes 
among  the  people  of  the  new  and  growing  States.  He  left  home 
in  August,  1827.  He  passed  through  New  York,  lingered  awhile 
at  Niagara,  went  through  Buffalo,  Cincinnati,  Louisville,  and 
finally  reached  Natchez,  Mississippi,  in  November,  1827.  He 
soon  procured  a  situation  as  a  private  instructor  in  one  of  the 
most  respectable  families  of  the  State.  It  was  the  family  of 
Widow  Shields,  a  lady  of  true  Christian  piety  living  some  twelve 
miles  from  the  city.  This  situation  was  very  agreeable,  and 
afforded  good  opportunities  for  pursuing  his  course  of  law  read 
ing, — she  having  an  excellent  law  library,  formerly  belonging  to 
her  husband,  who  had  been  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court.  His 
letters  to  his  relations  and  friends,  at  this  time,  breathed  the  sin- 
cerest  devotion  and  most  exalted  moral  tone.  He  remained  in 


(574  s-    S.    PRENTISS. 

Natchez  and  its  vicinity,  until  1831,  when  he  resolved  to  go  to 
Vicksburg  and  engage  in  his  profession.  During  his  stay  in  and 
around  the  city,  he  had  studied  well,  both  law  and  general  read 
ing,  he  had  also  made  many  friends,  and  formed  some  of  the 
strongest  attachments  of  his  life. 

There  was  something  in  the  appearance  of  the  limping  young 
lawyer,  that  drew  men  toward  him  on  his  first  appearance  in 
Vicksburg,  whose  curiosity  soon  gave  way  to  unbounded  admir 
ation.  PRENTISS  was  now  thrown  into  a  society,  in  many  respects, 
different  from  that  existing  anywhere  else, — composed  of  settlers 
in  quest  of  fortune,  each  of  whom  had  to  stand  or  fall  on  his  own 
merits.  Daeling,  profanity,  gambling,  and  drinking,  prevailed 
all  over  the  country.  With  a  nature,  ardent,  impetuous,  and 
generous,  to  a  fault,  it  is  not  strange  that  PRENTISS  should,  to  some 
extent,  participate  in  the  scenes  around  him,  particularly  when  he 
was  far  from  those  whose  love  would  have  raised  a  warning  voice. 

In  1833,  he  became  involved  in  a  difficulty  with  General  Henry 
S.  Foote,  of  Mississippi,  which  resulted  in  a  duel.  The  meeting 
took  place  on  the  5th  of  October.  PRENTISS  did  not  wish  to  shoot 
his  antagonist,  but  as  he  raised  his  pistol,  the  ball  took  effect  in 
his  shoulder,  leaving  a  slight  flesh  wound, — he  escaped  himself 
without  harm.  A  subsequent  meeting  took  place,  when  Foote 
was  again  wounded,  leaving  PRENTISS  unhurt.  These  were  his 
only  duels, — the  parties  afterward  became  warm  friends.  The 
melancholy  consequences  upon  him,  of  such  a  state  of  society  as 
then  prevailed  in  Mississippi  need  not  be  told.  By  1834,  PREN 
TISS  was  in  the  full  tide  of  success, — literally  immersed  in  business. 
His  name  went  abroad  over  the  States,  his  praises  were  everywhere 
heard,  and  circles  of  admiring  friends  gathered  around  him.  For 
tune  showered  her  favors  upon  him,  and  his  star  was  rapidly  taking 
its  place  among  the  first  in  the  legal  constellation.  His  practice 
extended  from  the  city  to  the  far  interior  of  the  State, — often 
requiring  long  horseback  rides.  Many  pleasing  reminiscences 
have  been  preserved  by  his  brethern  of  the  bar,  of  these  rides,  and 
the  talk,  wit,  humor,  and  jokes,  incident  to  them.  To  some  of 
these  as  related  in  his  memoirs  we  will  give  place. 

As  they  rode  leisurely  along  through  the  gorgeous  scenery  of  the 
south,  to  attend  distant  courts,  his  soul  would  fire  up  with  the 
poetic  inspiration  of  his  nature.  Stanza  after  stanza  of  Byron 
and  other  favorite  authors,  would  fell  profusely  from  his  lips.  He 


S.    S.    PBENTISS.  675 

could  repeat  poetry  suited  to  his  nature,  in  a  way  that  perfectly 
fascinated  all  who  listened  to  him, — then  changing  into  a  humor 
ous  strain,  all  in  company  would  burst  forth  in  hearty  laughter. 
Sometimes  too,  though  seldom,  and  only  for  a  short  time,  he  would 
sink  into  momentary  fits  of  melancholy ;  these  alway  passed,  and 
left  his  face  calm  as  day.  Illustrative  of  his  humor  and  wit,  an 
anecdote  is  related  that  took  place  at  one  of  the  courts  in  his  cir 
cuits.  "On  one  occasion,"  says  the  narrator,  "he  was  opposed, 

before  Judge  Scott,  by  George  C .     In  the  course  of  the  trial, 

an  altercation  took  place  which  resulted  in  blows.  The  Judge 
immediately  fined  both  of  the  combatants,  and  ordered  them  to  be 

imprisoned  twenty-four  hours   in   the  county  jail.     Mr.  C , 

attempted  by  excuses,  to  get  off,  but  PRENTISS  (who,  by  the  way, 
had  been  knocked  down),  arose  quite  alertly,  and  acknowledging 
to  the  court  the  justness  of  the  sentence,  added  with  significant 
drollery,  that  before  it  was  carried  into  execution,  he  had  one 
request  to  make.  The  court  granted  permission  with  twinkling 
eye  and  ill-concealed  mirth. 

"  '  May  it  please  your  honor,'  said  PKENTISS,  ;  I  have  nothing  to 
say  against  the  sentence  just  pronounced.  I  have  been  guilty  of 
unintentional  disrespect  to  the  court,  as  well  as  great  want  of  self- 
respect.  But, — but  (and  here  he  affected  a  degree  of  naivete 
and  sincerity,  that,  for  a  moment,  deceived  every  one),  I  hope 
your  honor  will  not  disgrace  me  by  putting  me  in  the  same  cell 

with  George  C ! '     The  attorneys   and  bystanders  were,  of 

course,  convulsed  with  laughter,  and  the  Judge  himself,  could 
only  restrain  his  risibles  long  enough  to  order  the  sheriff  to 
adjourn  the  court.  Both  were  conducted  to  their  respective  cells. 
On  that  night,  all  the  members  of  the  bar  and  many  citizens,  re 
paired  to  PRENTISS'  cell,  where  they  spent  the  night  in  partaking 
of  a  sumptuous  supper,  and  enjoying  the  exhaustless  humor  of 
their  captive  guest.  On  the  next  day,  a  multitude  guarded  him 
from  prison  to  the  court-house,  and  in  the  bold  flights  of  the 
liberated  eagle,  every  one  soon  forgot  his  temporary  captivity." 

In  1834,  the  mournful  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Lafayette 
was  received  in  this  country.  The  different  States  joined  in 
testimonials  of  grief  and  respect  for  the  hero  whose  decease 
revived  so  many  proud  memories.  PRENTISS  was  selected  to 
deliver  an  oration,  which  he  did  in  August,  at  the  State  capital. 
It  is  one  of  the  finest  and  most  glowing  tributes  in  the  whole 


676  s-    s-    PRE 

range  of  eulogy.  It  closed  as  follows :  "  He  has  departed  from 
among  us,  but  he  has  again  become  the  companion  of  Washington. 
He  has  but  left  the  friends  of  his  old  age,  to  associate  with  the 
friends  of  his  youth.  Peace  be  to  his  ashes ;  calm  and  quiet  may 
they  rest  upon  pome  vine-clad  hill  of  his  own  beloved  land  ;  and 
it  shall  be  called  the  Mount  Vernon  of  France.  And  let  no  cun 
ning  sculpture,  no  monumental  marble  deface  with  its  mock 
dignity,  the  patriot's  grave ;  but  rather  let  the  unpruned  vine  and 
the  wild-flower,  and  the  free  song  of  the  uncaged  bird, — all  that 
speaks  of  freedom  and  peace  be  gathered  round  it.  Lafayette 
needs  no  mausoleum.  His  fame  is  mingled  with  a  nation's  history. 
His  epitaph  is  engraved  on  the  hearts  of  men." 

He  now  took  a  brief  trip  home.  He  went  by  sea  to  New 
York,  where  being  joined  by  his  sister,  he  proceeded  directly  to 
Gorham,  where  he  arrived  in  July,  1835.  After  an  absence  of 
eight  years,  he  was  ut  the  home  of  his  youth,  where  every  scene 
was  graven  deeply  on  his  heart.  His  visit  was  delightful,  and, 
no  doubt,  the  happiest  episode  in  his  life.  Again  he  fished  in  the 
old  brook,  again  shot  squirrels  in  the  forest,  and  seemed  a  boy. 
To  his  mother  and  sisters  he  was  the  same  tender,  affectionate 
SEARGENT,  he  was  nine  years  before.  Much  of  his  time  was 
devoted  to  beautifying  the  old  homestead,  and  much  with  old 
friends  and  neighbors;  though,  by  far,  his  dearest  hours  were 
passed  within  the  home  circle.  Business  soon  called  him  away, 
and  September  found  him  again  in  Vicksburg.  This  brings  us  to 
a  new  era  in  the  great  orator's  life.  Soon  after  his  return,  he  was 
elected  to  the  State  Legislature,  and  began  his  political  career. 
He  had,  until  within  a  short  time,  paid  little  attention  to  politics ; 
but  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  stand  aloof  from  the  political 
questions  of  the  times.  He  conceived  for  Henry  Clay  the  affec 
tion  of  a  son,  and  a  corresponding  hatred  to  Jackson,  against 
whom,  he  was  particularly  severe  in  his  speeches  and  conver 
sation.  Many  amusing  incidents  resulted  from  his  conversations 
in  regard  to  "  Old  Hickory."  We  will  give  one  to  the  point : 

"  I  just  met  PRENTISS,"  says  the  writer,  "  at  a  Circuit  Court  for 

County  of ,  then  a  newly  settled  and  border  county.     The 

accommodations  at  our  log-cabin  hotel  were  none  of  the  best; 
and  PRENTISS  was  playfully  and  wittily  discoursing  of  their  char 
acter  to  the  lawyers  who  had  gathered  around  him.  Attracted,  by 
peals  of  laughter,  the  host, — a  man  of  giant  proportions,  and 


s.  s.  PRENTISS.  577 

herculean  strength, — approached  in  the  rear  of  PRENTISS,  and 
without  his  knowledge.  He  listened  to  the  exquisite  humor  of 
PRENTISS  as  long  as  he  could  bear  it, — then  suddenly  and  abruptly 
confronting  him, — '  Mr.  PRENTISS,'  he  exclaimed  with  an  oath,  '  if 
you  don't  like  my  house,  sir,  you  can  leave  it, — there  is  another 
tavern  in  town,  sir.'  l  That  other  tavern  is  just  the  place  I  don't 
care  to  go  to,'  quickly  replied  PRENTISS,  'for  it  is  worse  than 
yours  ly  far?  The  other  tavern  keeper  was  at  daggers'  points 
with  our  host,  and  this  was  the  very  best  reply  he  could  have 
made  to  avoid  a  knock  down.  This  was  proved  by  the  event,  for 
the  grim  and  angry  features  of  the  giant  Boniface  soon  relaxed 
with  a  forgiving  and  satisfied  smile;  and  PRENTISS  was  always 
after  this  a  great  pet  with  him." 

"Soon  afterward,"  continues  the  same  writer,  "I  witnessed 
another  display  of  his  self-possession  and  readiness  under  trying 
circumstances.  He  was  making  one  of  his  first  stump  speeches, — 
perhaps  the  very  first  in  the  then  backwoods  county  of  Holmes. 
It  was  a  powerful  invective  against  Jackson  for  his  removal  of  the 
members  of  his  first  cabinet.  While  he  was  summing  up  the 
excuses  the  Democratic  party  alleged  for  the  act,  he  was  suddenly 
confronted  by  a  fellow  holding  up  a  large  flag,  with  the  words : 
'Hurrah  for  Jackson,'  inscribed  with  large  letters.  The  man 
advanced  slowly  toward  the  speaker,  whose  eye  no  sooner  caught 
the  pennant  than  he  exclaimed  without  the  slightest  perturbation  : 
4  In  short,  fellow  citizens,  you  have  now  before  you  the  sum  and 
substance  of  all  the  arguments  of  the  party, — '  Hurrah  for  Jack 
son  /'  The  effect  was  electrical,  and  the  poor  man  slunk  away 
trailing  his  banner  after  him." 

On  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  PRENTISS  was  appointed 
chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee, — one  of  importance  and 
delicacy.  Few  questions  were  discussed  that  presented  an  oppor 
tunity  for  the  display  of  his  wonderful  powers  during  the  session. 
He  spoke  often,  and  with  fluency  and  effect ;  he  was  also  active 
and  diligent  as  a  legislator,  always  at  his  post,  and  watchful  of 
the  rights  of  his  constituents.  He  delivered  two  speeches  during 
the  session,  that  are  said  to  have  been  of  marked  force  and 
eloquence, — they  were  upon  the  resolutions,  allowing  the  New 
Orleans  and  Nashville  Railroad  Company  to  extend  their  charter 
through  the  State  of  Mississippi,  urging  also,  the  location  of  the 


678  s.  s.  PRENTISS. 

Road  east  of  Pearl  River,  thereby  making,  as  he  said,  "  another 
Mississippi." 

His  legislative  duties  were  not  congenial,  as  plainly  seen  in  his 
letters  at  the  time.  After  the  adjournment  of  the  first  session,  he 
thus  wrote  his  youngest  sister:  "  Of  all  the  occupations  I  have 
ever  tried,  I  am  decidedly  of  opinion  that  making  laws  is  the 
most  obnoxious  to  comfort  and  happiness.  I  am  sick  of  it ;  and 
if  the  people  would  permit  it,  would  resign  forthwith :  but  as  my 
constituents  seem  perfectly  satisfied  with  my  services,  I  suppose  I 
shall  have  to  hold  on  another  year, — the  term  for  which  I  was 
elected,"  etc. 

During  the  summer  of  1830,  he  took  a  trip  to  Kentucky,  and 
was  delighted  with  the  exhibitions  of  hospitality  for  which  that 
State  is  so  proverbial.  He  visited  Ashland,  and  deepened  the 
already  existent  attachment  between  Clay  and  himself. 

He  now  enjoyed  a  universally  conceded  high  reputation,  and 
a  very  extensive  acquaintance.  His  numerous  and  long  horse 
back  rides  through  the  country,  attending  the  courts,  introduced 
him  to  the  sturdy  yeomenry  of  the  south.  While  his  rapid  and 
frequent  steamboat  trips  made  his  name  familiar  as  that  of  the 
noble  river  along  which  he  glided.  The  grand  old  river,  the 
luxuriant  foliage,  suggestive  of  the  glorious  and  beautiful,  to 
PRENTISS'  glowing  imagination,  afforded  delightful  sources  for 
soul  contemplation  and  poetic  thought. 

PRENTISS,  after  his  return  from  Kentucky,  devoted  himself  to 
business  and  correspondence,  until  the  Legislature  met,  January, 
1837,  The  session  before,  had  established  ten  new  counties, 
representatives  from  which,  presented  their  credentials  as  entitled 
to  seats.  A  resolution  was  immediately  brought  forward  setting 
their  claims  aside,  and  declaring  their  election  void.  It  came  up 
for  discussion.  PRENTISS  opposed  it  with  his  usual  animation  and 
eloquence.  After  a  hard  struggle,  however,  the  resolution  passed. 
The  speech  of  PRENTISS,  on  this  occasion,  was  among  the  ablest  he 
delivered  in  the  Legislature  ;  being  a  rigid  analysis  of  the  States' 
Constitutional  rights,  and  a  bold  dash  at  the  usurpational  powers 
that  aimed  to  set  them  at  naught.  Soon  after  this,  he  resigned 
his  seat,  and  was  never  again  a  member  of  the  State  Legis 
lature. 

PRENTISS  was  now  (1837),  in  the  prime  of  his  manhood.  His 
literary  attainments  were  vast  and  varied,  his  scholarship  ripe,  and 


S.    S.    TRENTISS.  579 

his  legal  and  political  character  fully  matured.  His  conver 
sational  powers  had  ripened  into  ease,  grace,  and  a  charming 
simplicity  that  won  the  hearts  of  all.  In  his  conversations,  his 
tory,  law,  politics,  his  boyhood,  human  character,  were  all  themes 
upon  which  he  glowed  with  enthusiasm,  and  enchained  eager 
listeners.  Nothing  could  be  more  affectionate  and  artless  than 
his  correspondence  to  his  mother  and  sisters  at  this  time :  "  Tell 
Anna"  (his  sister),  says  he,  "that  the  first  things  I  intend  to  buy 
when  I  get  home,  are  &pony  and  a  piano.  My  best  love  to  all." 
Again  he  says:  "Many  a  time  since  I  have  wandered  forth  into 
the  world,  have  I  been  tired  and  sick  with  the  cold  selfishness  of 
those  around  me,  and  ready  in  perfect  contempt,  to  quit  all  further 
business  with  them  ;  but  the  thought  of  home  and  the  loved  ones 
there,  has  warmed  my  benumbed  feelings  and  encouraged  me  to 
renewed  efforts  by  the  reflection  that  there  were,  though  afar  off, 
those  whose  happiness  was,  in  some  degree,  at  least,  connected 
with  mine." 

In  the  summer  of  1847,  he  again  went  North,  reaching  Portland 
about  the  first  of  July.  During  this  visit,  and  while  engaged  in 
the  sportive  vocation  of  his  boyhood, — catching  trout  from  "  Jor- 
don's  brook,"  he  received  notice  from  Mississippi,  that  he  was 
nominated  as  a  candidate  for  Congress.  This  induced  his  speedy 
return.  Before  returning,  however,  he  delivered,  by  request,  a 
Fourth  of  July  oration,  before  a  Whig  gathering,  that  abounded 
with  all  the  eloquence  of  the  gifted  orator,  and  sparkled  with 
gems  of  the  inspired  poet. 

The  middle  of  August  found  him  again  in  Vicksburg.  He 
immediately  entered  upon  the  canvass  for  Congress,  with  ardor 
and  enthusiasm.  The  main  features  of  the  day  were  the  unex 
ampled  financial  distress,  and  the  National  Bank  question.  PKEN- 
TISS  issued  an  address  to  the  people  of  his  district,  in  which  he 
gave  his  views  on  the  bank  question,  as  follows  :  "If  I  am  elected 
as  your  representative,  I  shall  vote  for  the  immediate  establish 
ment  of  a  National  Bank  : 

"  1st,  For  the  purpose  of  furnishing  the  government  with  a  com 
petent  fiscal  agent ;  2d,  Because  it  will  furnish  a  currency  of 
equal  and  uniform  value  throughout  the  Union ;  3d,  Because  it 
will  restore  the  exchanges  of  the  country,  and  redeem  the  com 
munity  from  the  immense  sacrifices  which  are  now  made  in  the 
transmission  of  funds  from  one  State  to  another ;  4th,  Because  it 


S.    S.    PKENTISS. 

will  keep  in  check  the  State  banks,  repress  undue,  and  inordinate 
issues  of  local  paper,  and  by  that  means,  in  all  likelihood,  prevent 
a  recurrence  to  the  desperate  remedy  of  a  suspension  of  specie 
payments."  He  further  adds:  "I  never  heard  an  objection  to  the 
old  United  States  Bank,  that  can  not  be  obviated  in  chartering  a 
new  one,  except  the  constitutional  objection.  I  know  that  as 
honest  politicians  as  are  in  the  country,  have  denied  the  constitu 
tional  power  of  Congress  upon  this  subject.  I  have  myself,  how 
ever,  always  entertained  a  different  opinion,  and  believe  Congress 
has,  under  the  present  Constitution,  power  to  charter  a  bank.  I 
would,  however,  out  of  respect  for  those  who  differ  from  me,  be 
glad  to  see  the  Constitution  so  amended  as  to  leave  no  doubt  on 
the  point." 

Such  were  his  views  upon  the  leading  feature  of  national  poli 
tics,  and  the  one  that  entered  most  immediately  and  largely  into 
the  canvass.  With  these  views,  he  commenced  stumping  the 
district, — among  a  people  of  heterogeneous  political  doctrines, 
derived  from  the  States  whence  they  had  emigrated,  Clay  Whigs, 
Jackson  Democrats,  Calhoun  and  Webster  men. 

He  opened  the  canvass  at  Natchez, — the  first  theater  of  his 
fame, — w^here  bloomed  his  first  southern  laurels.  His  speech  was 
characteristically  eloquent, — a  withering  rebuke  of  the  party  in 
power,  and  a  tearful  portraiture  of  the  difficulties  into  w?hich  the 
country  had  been  brought.  Other  speeches  of  equal  ability  and 
force  followed  during  the  canvass,  which  was  throughout,  one  of 
the  most  active  ever  made  in  the  State.  The  returns  showed  the 
election  of  PKENTISS  by  a  large  majority.  He  reached  Washing 
ton,— to  use  his  own  quotation,— "the  city  of  magnificent  distances," 
in  December,  1838.  Among  the  members  of  that  Congress,  were 
the  venerable  John  Quiucy  Adams,  the  patriotic  Fillmore,  the 
eloquent  Corwin,  the  rising  Polk,  the  energetic  and  talented 
Wise, — men  endowed  with  varied  and  profound  abilities, — and 
justly  renowned  in  the  annals  of  the  country.  The  seats  of  PKEN 
TISS  and  his  colleague,  Word,  were  contested  in  the  House,  and  a 
resolution  introduced,  rejecting  their  credentials.  The  facts 
in  regard  to  the  matter  wrere  these :  Yan  Buren  had  called  a 
special  session  of  Congress.  Governor  Lynch,  of  Mississippi, 
had  called  a  special  election  in  July,  for  the  election  of  members 
to  fill  the  delegation  till  the  regular  election  in  November.  At 
this  July  election,  Claiborne  and  Gholson  were  elected,  and  got 


S.    S.    PKENTISS.  68] 

their  credentials.  At  the  regular  November  election,  PKENTISS 
and  "Word  were  elected  and  got  theirs.  When  they  arrived  at 
Washington,  the  seats  of  the  latter  were  contested  by  Claiborne 
and  Gholson,  by  virtue  of  the  prior  July  election.  PKENTISS  and 
Word  were  Whigs,  the  other  gentlemen  Democrats, — and  parties 
being  very  nicely  balanced  in  the  House  at  the  time,  the  contest 
was  very  exciting,  and  created  unusual  interest. 

PRENTISS  entered  upon  the  defense  of  his  own  and  colleague's 
seats,  upon  constitutional  grounds,  in  a  three  days'  speech.  His 
fame,  as  an  orator,  was  not  unknown  in  Washington,  and  the  hall 
and  lobbies  of  the  house  were  filled  to  overflowing  with  intensely 
interested  spectators.  Grave  senators,  indeed,  from  the  other  wing 
of  the  Capitol,  crowded  to  hear  him.  The  speech  was  considered 
one  of  the  most  masterly  displays  of  rhetoric  and  reasoning,  ever 
exhibited  in  the  House.  Webster  laconically  remarked, — "  no 
body  could  equal  it."  Clay  listened  with  delight,  and  Fillmore 
and  others  bestowed  upon  it  their  highest  encomiums.  That  single 
speech  made  for  him  a  reputation  at  Washington,  as  a  speaker 
and  parliamentarian,  attained  by  few,  in  years  of  political  life. 

After  the  arguments  had  been  made  on  both  sides,  the  final 
resolution  came  up : 

"Resolved^  That  S.  S.  PRENTISS  and  Thomas  J.  Word,  are  not 
entitled  to  a  seat  in  the  Twenty-fifth  Congress."  A  scene  of  con 
fusion,  and  cries  of  "  order!  order ! "  ensued.  It  resulted  in  a  tie 
vote, — one  hundred  and  seventeen  for  the  resolution,  and  one 
hundred  and  seventeen  against  it.  It  devolved  on  the  speaker, 
James  K.  Polk,  to  give  the  casting  vote.  He  voted  in  the  affir 
mative,  and  thus  the  contest  was  ended.  PRENTISS  and  Word 
were  defeated,  and  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  return  home.  A 
resolution  passed,  soon  after,  allowing  PRENTISS  and  his  colleague 
their  mileage, — they  would  not  accept  it,  however.  So  admirable 
was  the  impression  made  by  PRENTISS,  upon  his  political  friends, 
during  his  brief  stay  at  the  capital,  that  they  extended  to  him  the 
honor  of  a  public  dinner  before  his  departure,  at  which,  Webster 
made  a  powerful  and  effective  Union  speech. 

On  his  return  to  Mississippi,  he  issued  a  circular  to  the  people 
of  the  State,  denouncing  the  action  of  Congress,  in  depriving 
their  delegates,  in  Congress,  of  seats,  and  appealing  to  them  to 
vindicate  their  rights. 

At  several  points,  on  his  route  home,  public  dinners  were  ten- 
46 


682  S.    S.    PRElSTiSS. 

dered  him,  which  he  was  compelled  to  decline.  He  was  received 
at  Vicksburg  amid  the  boom  of  cannon,  the  peal  of  bells,  and 
escorted  to  his  home  by  an  enthusiastic  torch-light  procession. 
Never  was  man  more  idolized  among  his  home  people  than 
PRENTISS. 

For  the  next  Congress,  PKENTISS  and  Word  were  again  enthusi 
astically  put  forward  as  candidates.  The  canvass  opened,  on  the 
part  of  PKENTISS,  in  gallant  style,  at  Vicksburg  and  Natchez.  At 
the  latter  place,  his  speech  was  one  of  the  most  powerful  in  the 
annals  of  stump  oratory.  Crowds  of  all  classes  gathered  around 
him.  The  speech  had  the  happiest  effect.  One  old  Jackson 
Democrat  went  into  ecstasies, — ripped  his  coat  open  behind,  threw 
it  at  his  feet,  and  cried  out:  "Well,  they  may  call  me  a  turn-coat 
if  they  please, — but  I  won't  be  that, — I  shall  just  BACK  out  of  my 
coat,  and  vote  for  S.  S.  PKENTISS  and  T.  J.  Word. 

The  result  of  the  canvass  was  his  election  by  a  good  majority. 
He  left  Vicksburg  for  Washington  city  in  May.  When  he  reached 
the  Capitol,  and  the  oath  of  office  was  about  being  administered, 
he  said  to  the  speaker,  Mr.  Polk,  that:  "Candor  compelled  him 
to  inform  the  House,  on  behalf  of  himself  and  colleague,  that 
they  did  not  claim  their  seats  by  virtue  of  the  recent  election, 
that  they  looked  upon  the  recent  election  as  unconstitutional,  and 
wholly  invalid."  He  further  said,  that  "his  colleague  and  him 
self  could  not  conscientiously  take  the  oath  under  any  other  elec 
tion  than  that  of  November,  and  that  upon  their  consciences, 
they  should  take  their  oaths  and  seats  by  virtue  of  that  election 
alone.  A  high  sense  of  duty,  both  to  himself  and  the  House, 
called  upon  him  for  this  avowal,  that  if  any  wished  to  make 
objection  they  might  have  the  opportunity  for  so  doing." 

No  objection  was  made, — they  were  sworn  in,  and  took  their 
seats  by  virtue  of  the  same  credentials  that  had  been  rejected  but 
a  short  time  previous.  In  regard  to  his  congressional  honors,  he 
was  wholly  indifferent, — "Here  I  am,  at  last,"  he  writes  his  sister, 
"  a  member  of  Congress,  and  no  man,  I  imagine,  ever  labored  as 
hard  for  the  poor  privilege  of  having  M.  C.,  at  one  end  of  his 
name,  and  Hon.  at  the  other.  The  bauble  seems  scarcely  worth 
the  wearing,  notwithstanding,  I  fought  so  fiercely  for  it." 

For  a  time,  he  took  little  part  in  congressional  proceedings. 
The  main  feature  of  discussion  was  the  sub-treasury  bill,  against 
which,  the  Whigs  were  arrayed.  In  this  scheme,  after  a  long 


s.  s.  PRENTISS.  683 

contest,  the  administration  suffered  defeat.  The  speech  of  PREN 
TISS,  in  opposition,  was  considered  among  the  ablest  of  the  session. 

Before  adjournment,  a  bill  was  brought  forward,  making  the 
executive  the  custodian  of  the  public  funds,  and  prohibiting  "  the 
reception  of  votes  under  the  denomination  of  twenty  dollars,  or 
those  of  any  bank  which  issued  notes  of  a  denomination  less  than 
five."  PRENTISS  opposed  this  in  a  sarcastic  impromptu  speech, 
that  was  full  of  pith,  and  created  general  laughter. 

In  1838,  he  again  visited  his  friends  in  Portland, — there  he  met 
warm  solicitations  to  attend  the  "Webster  festival  about  to  be  given 
at  old  Faneuil  Hall.  The  dinner  came  off, — glorious  occasion ! 
In  that  old  Mecca  of  human  liberty,  hallowed  by  the  mightiest 
memories  that  ever  roused  a  nation,  great  men  met  to  honor 
the  "  Defender  of  the  Constitution ;"  Webster,  Everett,  Lawrence, 
Ellsworth,  and  Lincoln,  were  there.  After  several  orators  of 
veteran  fame  had  spoken,  the  following  toast  called  the  southern 
eagle  to  the  stand : 

"Mississippi,  and  Tier  distinguished  representative  in  Con 
gress  :  we  welcome  him  most  cordially  to  this  Hall,  consecrated 
to  the  cause  of  our  country  and  independence.  He  has  fought  a 
good  fight  and  deserves  and  will  receive  the  gratitude  and  admi 
ration  of  his  country." 

PRENTISS  arose  and  responded  in  a  speech  of  eloquence  and 
patriotism.  The  spirit  of  the  place  seemed  hovering  over  him, 
and  imbuing  into  his  soul  the  holiest  inspiration.  Speaking  of 
the  country  and  its  Constitution,  he  said :  "  And  let  it  never  be 
forgotten  that  these  institutions  are  ours  in  trust ;  we  hold  them 
for  a  thousand  generations  yet  to  emerge  from  the  stream  of  time. 
They  are  sacred  heir-looms  confided  to  our  keeping  by  those  who 
are  to  come  after  us, — and  if  we  allow  them  to  be  impaired  or 
sullied  while  passing  through  our  hands,  we  are  guilty  of  a  double 
crime;  we  are  traitors  alike  to  our  fathers  and  our  posterity. 
*  *  *  We  are  one  body,  and  where  one  member  suffers  all 
the  rest  must  suffer  with  it ;  or  one  member  prospers  all  the  rest 
rejoice  with  it ;  and  I  hold  it  a  high  duty  of  those  citizens  who 
come  from  distant  parts  of  our  wide  Union,  to  assure  their  fellow- 
citizens  of  the  perfect  sympathy  and  unanimity  of  feeling  which 
pervades  the  entire  people  of  this  Confederacy ; — yes,  we  are  one 
people  for  weal  or  for  woe.  When  I  can  not  come  from  Missis 
sippi  and  call  the  men  of  Boston  my  fellow-citizens,  my  kindred, 


084  S.    S.    PRENTISS. 

my  brethren,  I  desire  no  longer  to  be  myself  a  citizen  of  the 
Eepublic ; — yes  (amid  enthusiastic  cheers)  we  are  all  embarked 
on  one  bottom ;  and  whether  we  sink  or  swim,  we  will  swim  or 
we  will  sink  TOGETHER  I "  As  he  reached  this  point,  handker 
chiefs  waved,  hands  clapped,  and  shouts  rang  through  the  hall. 
Amid  cries  of  "go  on!  go  on!  don't  stop,"  etc.,  PRENTISS  gave 
the  following  toast,  and  closed  his  remarks, — the  house  literally 
trembling  with  thunders  of  applause : 

"  The  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts, — Foremost  among 
the  States  in  the  formation  of  this  Republic, — second  to  none  in 
the  ability,  integrity,  and  patriotism,  which  she  has  always  con 
tributed  to  .sustain  it."  This  speech,  though  PRENTISS  was  not 
satisfied  with  it,  received  the  highest  eulogiums.  Everett  asked 
Webster  if  he  had  ever  heard  any  thing  like  it:  "  Never."  replied 
the  statesman,  "except  from  PRENTISS  himself." 

He  was  now  beset  on  all  sides  to  accept  public  dinners  and 
deliver  addresses.  In  New  York,  the  people  were  pressing  in 
their  invitations,  begging  him  to  accept  the  hospitalities  of  the 
city,  and  address  the  people.  This,  and  similar  requests,  he 
declined.  In  New  York,  an  incident  occurred,  illustrative  of 
PRENTISS'  nature  to  an  eminent  degree.  Walking  down  Broad 
way  with  a  friend,  he  was  thus  addressed :  "  PRENTISS,  this  is  a 
long  and  lofty  stride  you  have  taken.  Don't  you  feel  a  little  giddy 
at  your  sudden  elevation  ?"  "  No,"  he  answered,  "  I  have  known 
for  years  what  I  know  now, — that  I  could  accomplish  what  I  have 
accomplished.  I  could  not  for  the  opportunity,  but  was  content  to 
live  and  die  unheard  ;  but  opportunity  came  and  I  seized  it.  As 
to  having  my  head  turned  by  this  excess  of  praise,  I  am  really 
sickened  by  it ;  and  to  avoid  it,  intend  to  proceed  from  this  point 
to  Mississippi  by  sea."  "  Were  you  composed  and  self-possessed 
when  you  rose  to  your  feet,  for  the  first  time,  in  Congress  ?"  he 
was  asked.  "  Entirely  so, — as  much  so  as  if  I  had  been  beginning 

a  speech  before  old  Squire ,  of  Yicksburg."  "  Your  style  is 

more  figurative  than  it  used  to  be,"  continued  his  friend,  "  and 
some  say  you  do  not  reason  now  as  well  as  you  declaim."  "  They 
are  mistaken,  I  think.  The  truth  is,  the  natural  bent  of  my  mind 
is  to  dry  and  pure  ratiocination ;  but  finding  early  that  mankind, 
from  a  petit  jury  to  the  highest  deliberative  assembly,  are  more 
influenced  by  illustration  than  by  argument,  I  have  cultivated 
my  imagination  in  aid  of  my  understanding."  This,  it  was 


S.    S.    PRENTISS.  (585 

affirmed  by  his  friend,  was  the  longest  conversation  he  ever  knew 
PRENTISS  to  engage  in  concerning  himself. 

The  intention  of  going  to  New  Orleans  by  water  was  carried  out. 
The  curiosity  to  see  him  everywhere,  and  the  flocking  of  people 
around  him  at  all  points,  made  a  trip  by  land  annoying  in  the 
extreme.  It  is  said,  at  that  time,  the  first  questions  asked  an 
individual  returning  from  -Washington  was,  had  he  seen  S.  S. 
PRENTISS, — had  he  heard  him  speak,  etc. 

On  his  arrival  at  New  Orleans,  he  was  received  with  every 
manifestation  of  public  regard.  Eemaining  there  but  a  brief 
period,  he  hastened  on  to  Yicksburg,  where  he  was  warmly 
welcomed. 

The  assembling  of  Congress,  December,  1838,  found  PRENTISS 
at  his  post.  Among  his  first  labors,  was  the  delivery  of  his  speech 
on  Defalcations.  The  speech  abounds  with  beautiful  figure  and  apt 
illustration,  but  was  not  regarded,  in  depth  and  profundity,  equal  to 
many  of  his  efforts.  He  was  very  bitter  against  Jackson,  and  the 
whole  administration  party.  After  pointing  to  the  defalcations, 
and  suggesting  remedies  to  put  a  stop  to  them,  he  exclaimed : 
"Sir,  I  have  given  you  but  two  or  three  instances  of  defalcation; 
would  time  permit,  I  could  give  you  a  hundred.  Like  the  fair 
Sultana  of  the  oriental  legends,  I  could  go  on  for  a  thousand  and 
one  nights ;  and  even  as  in  those  Eastern  stories,  so  in  the 
chronicles  of  the  office-holders,  the  tale  would  ever  be  of  heaps 
of  gold,  massive  nuggets,  uncounted  riches.  Why,  sir,  Aladdin's 
lamp  was  nothing  to  it, — they  seem  to  possess  the  identical  cap 
of  Fortunatus ;  some  wish  for  fifty  thousand  dollars,  some  for  one 
hundred  thousand,  and  some  for  a  million;  and  behold,  it  lies  in 
glittering  heaps  before  them.  Not  even  . 

"  The  gorgeous  East,  with  richest  hand, 
Showers  on  her  kings  barbaric,  pearl  and  gold" 

in  such  lavish  abundance,  as  does  this  administration  upon  its 
followers.  Pizarro  held  not  forth  more  dazzling  lures  to  his  robber 
band,  when  he  led  them  to  the  conquest  of  the  Children  of  the 
Sun." 

Again,  he  said  :  "  Give  us  the  right  sort  of  a  committee, — one 
that  will  go  throught  the  department  as  Yan  Tromp  swept  through 
the  British  channel,  with  a  broom  at  the  mast  head,  and  some 
thing,  perhaps,  may  be  done." 

Again:    "This    administration  was    conceived    in    sin,   and 


686  s.  s.  PRENTISS. 

brought  forth  in  iniquity ;  it  has  not  belied  its  parentage.  It 
is  essentially  and  radically  corrupt.  In  the  language  of  an 
English,  historian,  describing  the  reign  of  Henry  the  VHIth,  it 
has  attained  as  near  to  perfect  depravity  as  the  infirmities  of 
human  nature  would  permit.  Just  before  an  election,  it  will 
talk  of  reform,  and  deprecate  with  holy  horror,  the  consequences 
of  its  own  misdeeds ;  but  no  sooner. is  its  object  accomplished, 
than  it  returns  to  its  policy  like  a  dog  to  his  vomit.  I  have  no 
hope  of  reform  in  the  party  in  power ;  my  only  hope  is,  that  the 
people,  convinced  of  their  hypocrisy  and  wickedness,  will  hurl 
them  from  the  high  places  they  have  so  long  disgraced.  That  a 
consummation  so  devoutly  to  be  wished  for  may  be  obtained,  let 
us  unite  in  exhibiting  to  the  country  their  true  principles ;  let  us 
fasten  upon  them  the  responsibilities  of  their  actions.  In  this 
patriotic  work,  I  trust  I  shall  find  with  me  my  honorable  friend 
from  South  Carolina,  who  sits  near  me  (Mr.  Pickens) ;  often  has 
he  led  the  fierce  assault  against  these  very  corruptions.  c  Has  his 
hand  waxed  weak  or  his  heart  waxed  cold,  that  his  war-cry  has 
yet  not  tingled  in  our  ears  ?  Surely  the  horn  of  Koland  will 
sound  again ;  surely  in  this  his  favorite  battle  he  will  strike  one  more 
blow  for  Christendom,  before  he  renounces  the  cross  and  assumes 
the  turban.'  Sir,  I  see  by  his  flashing  eye,  his  soul  is  with  us ; 
the  spirit  of  the  past  is  rising  before  him  ;  he  recollects  that  many 
moons  have  not  waxed  nor  waned  since  this  very  party  who  now 
claim  him  as  an  ally,  crouched  and  howled  like  an  exorcised 
demon,  beneath  the  magic  of  his  burning  words.  Let  him  come 
out  from  among  them, — he  and  his  friends, — for  they  are  not  of 
them ;  eagles  mate  not  with  kites  and  carrion  crows." 

With  a  withering  anathema  against  the  President,  he  closed  as 
follows:  " Let  the  present  executive  be  re-elected, — let  him  con 
tinue  to  be  guided  by  the  counsels  of  Mephistophiles  and  Asmo- 
deus,  the  two  familiars  who  are  ever  at  his  elbow, — those  lords,  the 
one  of  letters,  the  other  of  lies, — and  it  will  not  be  long  that  this 
mighty  Hall  will  echo  to  the  voice  of  an  American  representa 
tive.  This  Capitol  will  have  no  other  uses  than  to  attract  the 
curiosity  of  the  passing  traveler,  who  in  melancholy  idleness  will 
stop  to  inscribe  upon  one  of  these  massive  pillars :  '  Here  WAS  a 
Kepublic.' 

This  was  followed  by  an  off-hand  speech  upon  the  navy,  that 
Btruck  all  who  heard  it  as  being  exceedingly  brilliant  and  perti- 


S.    S.    PRENTISS.  (J87 

nent.     Several  pronounced  him  "the  most  naturally  gifted  orator 
they  had  ever  heard." 

It  was,  during  this  session  of  Congress,  that  his  fatal  habits 
fastened  themselves  upon  him  with  relentless  hold.  Generous 
and  good-natured,  courted  by  the  most  refined  and  the  most  reck 
less,  and  without  the  remotest  conception  of  the  value  of  money, 
he  fell  into  habits  of  gaming  and  drinking.  These  causes,  no 
doubt,  operated  to  give  him  a  distaste  for  politics.  He  went  to 
Washington  with  the  finest  prospects  ever  open  to  the  eye  of 
aspiring  genius.  He  left  there  with  a  reputation  wide  as  the 
country.  But  reckless  and  indifferent  of  consequences,  his  private 
affairs  became  embarrassed,  and  he  gradually  became  disgusted 
with  men  and  things  around  him,  and  began  to  exhibit  evidences 
of  care  and  disappointment.  Another  thing  tended  to  produce 
this  result, — his  lameness.  Keenly  sensitive,  and  possessing  for 
the  opposite  sex  the  highest  appreciation,  he  seldom  mingled  in 
their  society.  Deprive  man  of  the  holy  influences  of  female 
society,  and  you  rob  him  at  once  of  the  noblest  incentive  to  exalted 
virtue.  PEENTISS  was  prevailed  on,  by  Mr.  Wise,  on  one  occasion, 
to  receive  an  introduction  to  some  ladies,  and  was  urged  to  join 
in  a  dance ;  his  sensibility  got  the  better  of  him  and  he  retired 
almost  abruptly,  and  was  shortly  after  found  in  his  room  in  a  state 
of  melancholy,  bordering  upon  wretchedness. 

Wise  has  furnished  several  interesting  reminiscences  of  PEENTISS : 
"  The  first  I  knew  of  him,"  says  he,  was  in  the  Mississippi  con 
tested  election.  Word,  his  colleague,  was  a  modest,  amiable,  and 
very  sensible  man,  who  without  reserve,  acknowledged  his  superi 
ority.  When  I  spoke  to  Word  about  the  need  of  study  and 
preparation,  on  PEENTISS'  part,  for  the  approaching  debate,  his 
eye  twinkled  with  mirth.  '  Let  him  alone !  Never  do  you  mind ! 
Wait  and  hear  him !'  That  was  all  the  return  I  got  for  my 
apprehension.  Well,  I  did  wait  to  see;  it  was  all  that  I  was 
allowed  to  do.  The  day,  at  length,  arrived.  PEENTISS'  turn  came. 
He  threw  himself  on  the  arena  at  a  single  bound  ;  but  not  in  the 
least  like  a  harlequin.  He  stepped  no  stranger  on  the  boards  of 
high  debate, — he  raised  the  hand  high  to  Heaven  and  trod  a  giant 
step !  Never  did  I  see  the  qaudia  certaminis  so  beam,  and 
shine,  and  glow  from  mortal  face.  I  never  shall  forget  the  feel 
ings  he  inspired  and  the  triumph  he  won.  But  there's  the  speech, 
or,  at  least,  a  fragment  of  it  surviving  him.  There's  the  figure 


688  s.  s.  PRENTISS. 

of  the  star  and  stripe  /  go,  read  it, — read  it,  now  that  his  eye  is 
dim  and  his  muscles  cease  to  move  the  action  to  the  word ;  then 
imagine  what  it  was  as  his  tongue  spoke,  his  eye  looked  it,  his 
hand  gesticulated  its  thought." 

The  reference  to  the  star  and  stripe,  here  made  by  the  narrator, 
will  be  found  at  the  close  of  his  speech  on  the  Mississippi  con 
tested  election,  which  concluded  as  follows : 

"  Sir,  you  may  think  it  an  easy  and  a  trifling  matter  to  deprive 
Mississippi  of  her  elective  franchise ;  for  she  is  young,  and  may 
not,  perchance,  have  the  power  to  resist ;  but  I  am  much  mistaken 
in  the  character  of  her  chivalrous  citizens,  if  you  do  not  find 
that  she  not  only  understands  her  rights,  but  has  both  the  will  and 
the  power  to  vindicate  them.  You  may  yet  find,  to  your  sorrow, 
that  you  have  grasped  a  scorpion,  where  you  thought  you  were 
only  crushing  a  worm.  This  House  would  as  soon  put  its  head  in 
a"  lion's  mouth,  as  take  the  course  which  is  threatened,  toward  the 
elder  and  more  powerful  States.  And  how  happens  it,  that 
representatives  of  the  States  which  have  always  been  the  readiest 
in  the  assertion  of  their  own  rights,  should  now  be  most  zealous 
in  trampling  upon  the  rights  of  Mississippi  ?  What  has  she  done, 
that  she  should  be  selected  as  a  victim  ?  No  State  is  or  has  ever 
been  more  ardently  attached  to  the  Union ;  and  if  she  is  placed 
beyond  its  pale,  it  will  be  your  fault,  and  not  her  own.  Sir,  if 
you  consummate  this  usurpation,  you  degrade  the  State  of  Missis 
sippi  :  and  if  she  submits,  never  again  can  she  wear  the  lofty  look 
of  conscious  independence.  Burning  shame  will  set  its  seal  upon 
her  brow ;  and  when  her  proud  sons  travel  in  other  lands,  they 
will  blush  at  the  history  of  her  dishonor,  as  it  falls  from  the  sneer 
ing  lip  of  the  stranger.  Sir,  place  her  not  in  that  terrible  and 
trying  position,  in  which  her  love  for  this  glorious  Union  will  be 
found  at  war  with  her  own  honor,  and  the  paramount  obligation 
which  binds  her  to  transmit  to  the  next  generation,  untarnished 
and  undiminished,  her  portion  of  that  rich  legacy  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  which  was  bought  with  blood,  and  which  should  never  be 
parted  with  for  a  price  less  than  what  it  cost.  Is  there  a  State  in 
this  Union  that  would  part  with  it;  that  would  submit  to  have 
her  representative  chosen  by  this  House,  and  forced  upon  her 
against  her  will  ?  Come !  what  says  the  Bay  State, — time-honored 
Massachusetts?  From  the  cradle  in  which  young  Liberty  was 
first  rocked,  even  from  old  Faneuil  Hall,  comes  forth  her  ready 


S.    S.    PRENTLSS. 

answer,  and,  before  it  dies  away,  again  it  is  repeated  from  Bunker 
Hill :  *  It  was  for  this  very  right  of  representation  our  fathers 
fought  the  battles  of  the  Revolution,  and  ere  we  will  surrender  this 
dear-bought  right,  those  battles  shall  again  become  dread  realities.' 
Would  Kentucky  submit?  Ask  her,  Mr.  Speaker,  and  her 
mammotli  cavern  will  find  a  voice  to  thunder  in  your  ear  her 
stern  response:  'No  ;  sooner  than  submit  to  such  an  outrage,  our 
soil  shall  be  re-baptized  with  a  new  claim  to  the  proud  but  melan 
choly  title  of  dark  and  bloody  ground?  And  what  says  Virginia, 
with  her  high  device, — her  '  sic  semper  tyrannisj  the  loftiest 
motto  that  ever  blazed  upon  a  warrior's  shield  or  a  nation's  arms  ? 
How  would  she  brook  such  usurpation  ?  What  says  the  mother 
of  States  and  State-right  doctrine ;  she  who  has  placed  instruction 
as  a  guardian  over  representation  ;  what  says  she  to  the  propo 
sition  that  this  House  can  make  representatives,  and  force  them 
upon  a  State  in  violation  of  its  choice  and  will?  And  there  is 
South  Carolina,  the  Harry  Percy  of  the  Union  ?  On  which  side, 
in  this  great  controversy,  does  she  couch  her  lance  and  draw  her 
blade?  I  trust,  upon  the  side  of  her  sister  State;  upon  the  side, 
too,  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  all  the  States  ;  and  let  her  lend 
the  full  strength  of  her  good  right  arm  to  the  blow,  when  she 
strikes  in  so  righteous  a  quarrel. 

"  Upon  all  the  States  I  do  most  solemnly  call,  for  that  justice  to 
another,  which  they  would  expect  for  themselves.  Let  this  cup 
pass  from  Mississippi.  Compel  her  not  to  drink  its  bitter  ingredi 
ents,  lest,  some  day,  even-handed  justice  should  c  commend  the 
poisoned  chalice '  to  your  lips.  Rescind  that  resolution,  which 
presses  like  a  foul  incubus  upon  the  Constitution.  You  sit  here, 
twenty-five  sovereign  States,  in  judgment  upon  the  most  sacred 
right  of  a  sister  State  ;  and  which  is  to  a  State  what  chastity  is  to 
a  woman,  or  honor  to  a  man.  Should  you  decide  against  her,  you 
tear  from  her  brow  the  richest  jewel  which  sparkles  there,  and 
forever  bow  her  head  in  shame  and  dishonor.  But,  if  your 
determination  is  taken ;  if  the  blow  must  fall ;  if  the  violated 
Constitution  must  bleed  ;  I  have  but  one  request,  on  her  behalf, 
to  make.  When  you  decide  that  she  can  not  choose  her  own 
representation,  at  that  self-same  moment  blot  from  the  spangled 
banner  of  this  Union  the  bright  star  that  glitters  to  the  name 
of  Mississippi,  but  leave  the  stripe  behind,  a  fit  emblem  of  her 
degradation." 


690  S.    S.    PRENTISS. 

We  give  place  to  another  reminiscence  of  Mr.  Wise:  "He. 
Richard  H.  Menefee  and  myself,  were  specially  invited,  after  the 
adjournment  of  Congress  in  the  summer  of  1838,  to  address  a 
mass-meeting  at  Havre  de  Grace,  Maryland.  In  steamers  crowded, 
and  with  flags  streaming,  we  left  Baltimore  and  reached  the  stand 
in  the  morning.  We  waited  hours  and  hours,  and  the  cry  was 
1  still  they  come.'  It  was  a  gathering  of  the  substantial  population 
from  far  and  near, — of  fathers,  sons,  and  daughters, — husbands 
and  wives,  and  a  fairer,  more  respectable,  or  a  more  patriotic 
assembly  of  the  people  I  never  witnessed.  It  was  near  the  middle 
of  July,  and  the  day  sultry  to  wilting.  I  was  sick  and  overcome 
by  the  heat, — so  relaxed,  in  fact,  that  I  could  not  make  a  tolerable 
apology  for  not  attempting  a  speech.  Menefee  followed,  and  was 
not  himself  either.  PRENTISS  was  shouted  for,  and  came  up, — as 
he  always  did,  nothing  affecting  him, — like  a  courser  in  perfect 
keeping.  His  physique  was  wonderful  in  that  respect;  his  diges 
tion  was  good,  his  body  sound,  and  he  could  bear  every  extreme 
variation  of  temperature  and  habit.  He  was  never  out  of  sorts, 
and  at  once  lighted  up  this  scene.  Said  he  :  '  Fellow-Citizens, — 
by  the  Father  of  Waters,  at  New  Orleans,  I  have  said,  Fellow- 
Citizens, — on  the  banks  of  the  beautiful  Ohio,  I  have  said,  Fellow- 
Citizens, — here  I  say,  Fellow-Citizens, — and  a  thousand  miles 
beyond  this,  North,  thanks  be  to  God !  I  can  still  say,  Fellow- 
Citizens!^  Thus,  in  a  single  sentence,  he  saluted  his  audience, 
and  drew  every  man,  woman,  and  child,  near  to  him, — made 
himself  dear  to  them,  and  by  a  word,  covered  the  continent, — by 
a  line  mapped  the  United  States  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Lakes, — by 
a  greeting  warm  from  the  heart,  beaming  from  the  countenance, 
depicted  the  whole  country,  its  progress,  development,  grandeur, 
glory,  and  Union.  Every  hat  was  whirled  in  the  air,  every  handker 
chief  was  waved,  the  welkin  rang  with  applause, — the  multitude 
heaved  up  to  the  stand, — stood  on  tiptoe,  and  shouted,  cheer  after 
cheer,  as  if  wild  with  joy  and  mad  with  excitement.  Never  for  one 
moment  did  he  relax  his  grasp  upon  that  mass  of  human  passions. 
He  rose  higher  and  higher, — went  up  and  up, — on,  on,  far,  far 
away,  like  the  flight  of  the  carrier-pigeon.  It  was  the  music  of 
sweet  sounds,  and  anon  it  was  the  roar  of  the  elements.  Figures 
bubbled  up  and  poured  themselves  forth  like  springs  in  gushing 
fountains,  which  murmur  and  leap  awhile  amid  mountain-rocks, 
then  run  smooth  and  clear  through  green  and  flowery  valleys, 


S.    S.    PRENTISS. 

until,  at  length,  swollen  into  mighty  rivers,  they  roll  onward  to 
the  ocean.  The  human  reeds  bowed  and  waved  before  the  blast, 
or  lifted  their  heads  and  basked  in  his  sunshine."  Such  is  the 
graphic  description  of  the  effect  of  his  oratory  upon  popular 
assemblages. 

On  his  return  south  from  the  seat  of  government,  he  was 
detained  in  Kentucky  as  counsel  for  Judge  Wilkinson,  indicted 
for  murder  before  the  State  tribunals. 

The  trial,  in  pamphlet  form,  which  lies  before  us,  contains  the 
entire  proceedings, — to  that  the  reader  is  referred. 

The  spring  of  1839  found  him  again  in  Yicksburg,  with  a 
determined  purpose  to  have  no  more  to  do  with  politics.  With 
spirits  elastic,  bounding,  and  free  as  an  uncaged  bird,  he  turned 
his  back  upon  political  strifes  and  turmoils,  resolved  to  spend  his 
life  in  legal  and  private  pursuits.  He  was,  soon  after,  however, 
solicited  with  almost  unexampled  unanimity  by  the  Whigs  of  his 
State,  to  become  a  candidate  for  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
This  desire  was  not  confined,  indeed,  to  the  State.  John  J. 
Crittenden  and  others,  who  knew  his  merit,  and  valuable  accession 
to  the  Whig  strength  his  election  would  give,  wrote  kind  and 
urgent  letters,  insisting  upon  his  compliance  with  the  wishes  of 
the  people.  He  conned  the  whole  matter,  and  though  contrary  to 
his  wishes,  he  yielded  a  reluctant  assent,  more  because  he  felt  it 
his  duty,  than  through  any  ambitious  desire.  His  acceptance  was 
hailed  with  enthusiastic  joy,  and  he  entered  the  canvass  with 
characteristic  energy,  though  "  his  heart  was  not  in  the  work." 
He  was  everywhere  treated  with  an  admiration  amounting  to 
idolatry.  His  competitor  was  Eobert  J.  Walker,  a  name  long 
linked  with  the  financial  operations  of  the  government.  PKENTISS 
was  beaten, — the  popular  vote  was  claimed  to  be  in  his  favor,  but 
Walker  was  elected  by  Democratic  preponderance  in  the  Legis 
lature.  PRENTISS  was  not  in  the  least  mortified  at  the  result. 
His  profession  required  his  time, — his  private  affairs,  immediate 
and  personal  supervision.  He  entered  the  contest  through  a  sense 
of  duty, — he  was  beaten,  but  very  indifferent  about  the  matter. 

The  campaign  of  1840  opened  under  very  favorable  auspices  to 
the  Whig  cause.  Harrison,  Tippecanoe,  Log-Cabin,  and  Hard 
Cider,  rang  from  one  end  of  the  Union  to  the  other.  Political 
speakers  on  each  side  were  active  and  untiring  in  their  labors  to 
secure  the  success  of  their  respective  candidates.  PBENTISS,  in 


692  s.  s.  PRENTISS. 

the  summer  of  that  year,  made  a  tour  through  the  northern  States, 
and  addressed  large  assemblies  at  various  points.  His  trip  was  a 
triumphal  ovation, — crowds  flocked  to  hear  him,  and  invitations 
to  speak  poured  upon  him  at  every  stopping-place.  At  Portland, 
he  made  one  of  the  happiest  political  efforts  of  his  life.  At 
various  places,  he  met  and  electrified  the  people  with  his  elo 
quence  and  reasoning. 

Early  in  the  fall  he  reached  Yicksburg,  and  resumed  his  pro 
fession.  He  was  married,  March  3d,  1842,  to  Mary  Jane 
Williams  of  Natchez ;  immediately  after  which,  he  went,  in 
company  with  his  wife  and  sister,  to  Washington  city. 

After  his  return  home,  he  was  honored  with  an  agreeable  and 
highly  interesting  visit  from  Henry  Clay,  who  was  his  guest  for 
a  short  time,  during  his  return  from  the  south-west.  A  pleas 
ing  correspondence  was  afterward  had  between  the  two, — each 
feeling  an  affectionate  interest  in  the  other. 

During  the  years  1840  to  '43,  the  Kepudiation  question  raged 
with  much  intensity  in  Mississippi.  The  Union  Bank  of  that 
State  was  established  in  183T,  with  a  capital  of  fifteen  millions 
five  hundred  thousand  dollars.  To  raise  this  sum,  a  larc;e  amount 

O 

of  State  bonds  were  issued  and  signed  by  the  governor,  for  the 
redemption  of  which,  the  faith  of  the  State  stood  pledged.  Not 
withstanding  this,  however,  strong  efforts  were  made  to  get  rid  of 
the  payment  of  these  bonds,  and  a  bill  was  forced  through  the 
Legislature  to  that  effect.  It  was  defeated  in  the  Senate,  greatly 
to  the  joy  of  right  thinking  men.  Their  joy  was  of  short  duration. 
McNutt,  Governor  of  the  State,  issued  his  proclamation,  repudi 
ating  the  bonds,  declaring  they  would  not,  and  could  not  be  paid 
by  the  State.  Indignation  and  shame  prevailed  among  all  good 
citizens  of  the  State.  PRENTISS,  with  his  high  sense  of  honor  and 
deep  State  pride,  went  into  the  contest,  arrayed  against  the  position 
of  the  governor.  An  indignation  meeting  was  held  in  Adams 
county.  PRENTISS  was  present,  and  made  a  cutting  speech  against 
the  governor  and  his  proclamation.  His  speeches,  on  this  subject, 
during  the  time  it  agitated  the  State  and  the  country,  evinced, 
it  has  been  thought  by  his  friends,  more  profound  research  and 
eloquence  in  their  delivery,  than  any  others  of  his  life.  This 
question  was  long  one  of  interest  before  the  country,  and  was 
discussed,  on  all  occasions,  by  PRENTISS,  with  accustomed  ability  ; 
i  was  not  finally  settled  till  the  summer  of  1853,  when  the  High 


s.  s.  PRENTISS.  593 

Court  of  Errors  and  Appeals  affirmed  the  decree  of  the  Superior 
Court  of  Chancery,  declaring  that  the  State  was  morally  and 
legally  bound  to  redeem  the  Union  Bank  bonds. 

PRENTISS'  marriage  exerted  most  happy  influences.  His  home 
was  his  soul's  paradise,  and  the  heart  long  sealed  to  happiness, 
bloomed  with  flowers  of  purest  affection.  He  devoted  himself  to 
his  profession  with  unremitting  diligence, — threw  open  the  doors 
of  his  home,  and  entertained  visitors  and  friends  in  a  manner 
most  winning  and  agreeable.  « 

On  the  22d  of  February,  1844,  he  addressed  a  Whig  mass 
meeting  at  New  Orleans,  with  so  much  power  and  beauty,  that  he 
was  compelled,  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  those  who  heard  him, 
to  deliver  a  second  address,  which  he  did  in  the  Arcade,  to  one 
of  the  largest  assemblages  ever  enchained  by  the  eloquence  of 
man.  Henry  Clay  was  then  in  the  city.  The  convention,  en 
masse,  proceeded  to  the  St.  Charles  Hotel  to  pay  him  their  homage. 
The  crowd  swelled  till  the  streets  were  one  dense  mass  of  human 
beings.  At  an  obscure  window  above,  sat  PRENTISS,  gazing  on  the 
scene.  Loud  shouts  were  raised  for  Clay.  The  veteran  states 
man  appeared,  and  returned  his  thanks.  Cries  of  "  PRENTISS  ! 
PRENTISS  !"  now  rent  the  air.  He  appeared  amid  cries  of"  speech  ! 
speech  !  "  He  raised  his  hand,  and  lifting  himself  to  full  hight, 
exclaimed:  "Fellow-Citizens,  when  the  eagle  is  soaring  in  the 
sky,  the  owls  and  the  bats  retire  to  their  holes."  Shout  after 
shout  followed  the  remark,  and  before  silence  was  restored,  he 
escaped  from  the  crowd. 

He  soon  again  went  North,  and  was  the  object  of  the  same 
attention  and  enthusiastic  welcome.  He  made,  during  his  trip, 
many  political  and  other  addresses,  which  always  drew  large  and 
delighted  audiences.  When  the  presidential  campaign  of  1844 
opened,  PRENTISS  entered  the  contest  with  the  greatest  ardor  and 
enthusiasm.  Aside  from  political  preferences,  which  were  strong, 
and  fortified  by  experience  and  investigation,  he  was  endeared  to 
Clay  by  the  closest  ties  of  personal  friendship.  He  made  many 
speeches,  eloquent  and  able, — the  subject-matter  of  which, 
embraced  a  close  and  severe  inyestigation  of  the  political  con 
dition  of  the  country,  and  the  imperative  demands  of  its  interests, 
advocating  Clay's  elevation  to  the  presidency. 

On  his  return  to  New  Orleans,  compliant  to  urgent  solicitation, 
he  delivered  an  address  on  the  Fine  Arts.  The  subject  was  con- 


694  s.  s.  PRENTISS. 

genial, — his  audience  large :  he  acquitted  himself  of  his  task  to  the 
delight  of  all.  Politics  were  now  raging  high.  The  Whigs  were 
in  fine  hopes, — cheered  by  signs  of  victory  from  all  sides.  Con 
ventions,  barbecues,  and  club  meetings,  were  being  held  all  over 
the  Union.  PRENTISS  was  overwhelmed  with  invitations  from  all 
sections,  to  deliver  addresses.  He  visited  Nashville,  Tennessee, 
and  was  received  with  unbounded  cordiality ;  returning,  he  spoke 
to  immense  throngs  at  Jackson,  Yicksburg,  and  Natchez.  Few 
men  made  greater  exertions,  or  through  purer  motives,  to  secure 
the  election  of  Clay,  than  did  PRENTISS  ;  nor  was  the  wide-spread 
disappointment  at  his  defeat  to  any  one  more  agonizing.  He  was 
almost  overwhelmed  at  the  result,  and  like  many  others,  felt  less 
confidence  in  the  judgment  of  the  American  people. 

In  one  of  his  speeches,  he  thus  defined  his  views  upon  the 
tariff:  "I  assert,"  he  says,  "and  trust,  before  I  have  finished,  to 
be  able  to  prove  that  a  tariff,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  revenue, 
but  carefully  and  skillfully  discriminating  in  the  articles  upon 
which  the  duty  is  laid,  and  the  amount  of  duty  for  the  protection 
of  American  manufactures,  while  it  is  a  cardinal  Whig  doctrine, 
is  essential  to  the  true  policy  of  our  great  Union."  His  argument 
to  sustain  this  idea,  is  elaborate  and  full  of  profound  thought  upon 
that  feature  of  our  national  policy. 

This  brings  us  to  a  melancholy  era  in  the  life  of  S.  S.  PRENTISS. 
He  had  invested  his  all  in  the  Yicksburg  commons,  and  spent  the 
proceeds  of  his  profession  in  decorating  and  beautifying  the  same. 
He  had  purchased  the  property  years  before,  it  being  originally 
designed  by  Mr.  Yick,  for  the  city  site,  and  designated  for  that 
purpose.  After  PRENTISS  had  improved  it  at  enormous  expense, 
Yick's  heirs  brought  suit.  The  case  reached  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  and  was  finally  decided  against  him.  Thus 
his  all  was  snatched  from  him,  and  he,  to  use  his  own  expression, 
"  left  floundering  like  a  fish  in  a  net,"  embarrassed  with  old  debts. 

Yet,  he  was  not  cast  down.  Having  faith  that  his  profession 
would  yield  him  a  competency  anywhere,  and  considering  that 
New  Orleans  was  a  better  theater  for  the  display  of  his  talents 
than  Yicksburg,  he  resolved  upon  going  to  that  city.  Nothing 
could  have  pained  the  people  of  Mississippi  more  than  this 
announcement.  Public  dinners  were  given  .him  at  various  places 
previous  to  his  departure,  and  every  indication  manifested  of  the 
regret  it  occasioned. 


S.    S.    PRENTISS.  (395 

On  settling  at  New  Orleans,  he  withdrew  entirely  from  party 
politics,  and  gave  himself  up  to  business,  which  flowed  rapidly  in 
upon  him.  On  the  22d  of  December,  1846,  he  delivered  an 
address  before  the  New  England  Society,  that  was  stamped  with 
the  patent  of  his  genius  in  every  sentence.  His  home  memories 
crowded  upon  him,  and  seemed  to  breathe  an  inspiration  into  his 
soul.  It  closed  thus :  "  Glorious  New  England !  thou  art  still 
true  to  thy  ancient  fame,  and  worthy  of  thy  ancestral  honors. 
We,  thy  children,  have  assembled  in  this  far-distant  land  to  cele 
brate  thy  birth-day.  A  thousand  fond  associations  throng  upon  us, 
roused  by  the  spirit  of  the  hour.  On  thy  pleasant  valleys,  rest  like 
sweet  dews  of  morning,  the  gentle  recollections  of  our  early  life ; 
around  thy  hills  and  mountains,  cling  like  gathering  mists,  the 
mighty  memories  of  the  Eevolution;  and  faraway,  in  the  horizon 
of  thy  past,  gleam  like  thine  own  Northern  Lights,  the  awful 
virtues  of  our  Pilgrim  sires.  But,  while  we  devote  this  day  to 
the  remembrance  of  our  native  land,  we  forget  not  that  in  which 
our  happy  lot  is  cast.  "We  exult  in  the  reflection,  that  though  we 
count  by  thousands,  the  miles  which  separate  us  from  our  birth 
place,  still  our  country  is  the  same.  We  are  no  exiles,  meeting 
upon  the  banks  of  a  foreign  river,  to  swell  its  waters  with  our  home 
sick  tears.  Here  floats  the  same  banner  which  rustled  over  our 
boyish  heads,  except  that  its  mighty  folds  are  wider  and  its  glitter- 
ins:  stars  increased  in  number. 

O 

"The  sons  of  New  England  are  found  in  every  State  of  the 
broad  Republic.  In  the  East  and  South,  and  the  unbounded 
West,  their  blood  mingles  freely  with  every  kindred  current.  We 
have  but  changed  our  chamber  in  the  paternal  mansion ;  in  all  its 
rooms  we  are  at  home,  and  all  who  inhabit  it  are  brothers.  To 
us  the  Union  has  but  one  domestic  hearth ;  its  household  gods  are 
all  the  same.  Upon  us,  then,  peculiarly  devolves  the  duty  of 
feeding  the  fires  upon  that  kindly  hearth  ;  of  guarding  with  pious 
care,  these  sacred  household  gods.  We  can  not  do  with  less 
than  the  whole  Union;  to  us -it  admits  of  no  division.  In  the 
veins  of  our  children  flows  Northern  and  Southern  blood ;  how 
shall  it  be  separated  ;  who  shall  put  asunder  the  best  affections  of 
the  human  heart, — the  noblest  instincts  of  our  nature  ?  We  love 
the  land  of  our  adoption,  so  do  we  that  of  our  birth  ;  let  us  ever  be 
true  to  both,  and  always  exert  ourselves  in  maintaining  the  unity 
of  our  country,  the  integrity  of  the  Republic. 


696  s.  s.  PEENTISS. 

"Accursed,  then,  be  the  hand  put  forth  to  sever  the  golden  cord 
of  Union  ;  thrice  accursed  the  traitorous  lips,  whether  of  North 
ern  fanatic  or  Southern  demagogue,  which  shall  propose  its  sever 
ance.  But  no !  the  Union  can  not  be  dissolved :  its  fortunes  are 
too  brilliant  to  be  marred  ;  its  destinies  too  powerful  to  be  resisted. 
Here  will  be  their  greatest  triumph, — their  most  mighty  develop 
ment.  And  when  a  century  hence,  this  Crescent  City  shall 
have  filled  her  golden'  horns ;  when  within  her  broad -armed 
port,  shall  be  gathered  the  products  of  the  industry  of  a  hundred 
millions  of  freemen ;  when  galleries  of  art  and  halls  of  learn- 
shall  have  made  classic  this  mart  of  trade ;  then  may  the  sons  of 
the  Pilgrim,  still  wandering  from  the  bleak  hills  of  the  North, 
stand  upon  the  banks  of  the  Great  River  and'  exclaim  with 
mingled  pride  and  wonder :  Lo !  this  is  our  country :  when  did 
the  world  ever  witness  so  rich  and  magnificent  a  City, — 
so  great  and  glorious  a  Republic!"  Few  extracts  sparkle  with 
richer  gems  than  the  above.  His  next  public  address  was  in 
behalf  of  the  starving  people  of  Ireland,  delivered  in  1847. 
Though  delivered  upon  the  spur  of  the  occasion,  and  in  a  State  of 
depressed  spirits,  caused  by  the  momentary  expectation  of  intelli 
gence  of  his  sister's  death, — it  is  an  outburst  of  eloquence  and 
sympathy,  rarely  equaled:  "Go  home,"  said  he  to  the  assembly, 
"  and  look  at  your  family,  smiling  in  rosy  health,  and  then  think 
of  the  pale,  famine-pinched  cheeks  of  the  poor  children  of  Ireland  ; 
and  I  know  you  will  give  according  to  your  store,  even  as  a  boun 
tiful  Providence  has  given  to  you, — not  grudgingly,  but  with  an 
open  hand,  for  the  quality  of  benevolence,  like  that  of  niercy, 

' Is  not  stained, 

It  droppeth  as  the  gentle  rain  from  Heaven, 
Upon  the  place  beneath  ;  it  is  thrice  blessed, 
Itblesseth  him  that  gives  and  him  that  takes.'" 

It  may  here  be  remarked,  that  it  was  very  difficult  to  report  the 
speeches  of  PRENTISS  correctly,  his  illustrations  were  so  easy  and 
rapid,  that  it  was  difficult  to  follow  him,  and  then, — as  several 
expert  reporters  affirmed,  they  were,  despite  themselves,  some 
times,  so  carried  away,  as  to  lose  sight  of  the  mechanical  opera 
tion  of  reporting.  He  again  delivered  a  public  address  to  the 
volunteers  of  the  Mexican  war,  as  they  returned  through  New 
Orleans.  This  speech  was  a  fine  specimen  of  popular  oratory, 
and  replete  with  patriotic  sentiments. 


s.  s.  PRENTISS.  (597 

An  affair,  by  no  means  pleasant  to  PRENTISS,  occurred  in  1848. 
He  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  Henry  Clay  Erwin,  grand- 
eon  to  Henry  Clay.  In  one  of  his  cases  at  court,  he  used  some 
very  harsh  terms  toward  Erwin's  father,  and  added  that  he  held 
himself  responsible  for  what  he  said.  The  offensive  remarks, 
finding  their  way  into  the  public  prints,  met  the  eye  of  young 
Erwin,  who  was  then  in  Kentucky.  He  hastened  to  New  Orleans, 
and  sent  PRENTISS  a  peremptory  challenge,  leaving  no  alternative 
but  to  fight  or  decline.  His  challenge  was  accepted.  The  matter 
was  finally  referred  to  friends  of  each  party,  who  said  that  the 
objectionable  reflections  upon  Erwin's  father  were  beyond  the  range 
of  PRENTISS'  case,  and  should  be  withdrawn.  This  was  acceded 
to,  on  the  part  of  PRENTISS'  friends,  and  there  the  matter  ended. 
It  was  believed,  that  under  other  circumstances,  PRENTISS  would 
have  permitted  no  retraction,  and  that  he  would  not  fight  a  grand 
son  of  Henry  Clay  if  he  could  honorably  avoid  it. 

Notwithstanding  his  decided  intention  of  standing  aloof  from 
politics,  when  the  campaign  of  1848  opened,  PRENTISS  re-entered 
the  arena  of  discussion.  He  addressed  a  vast  meeting  of  the 
Whig  party  at  New  Orleans,  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  appoint 
ing  delegates  to  the  national  convention.  Though  Clay  was  his 
preference,  as  he  was  with  a  large  portion  of  his  countrymen  for 
the  presidency,  he  spoke  in  terms  of  high  eulogy  of  Taylor,  who 
had  been  much  talked  of  in  connection  with  the  presidential  office. 
He  was  appointed  as  one  of  the  delegates,  and  Clay  wrote  him  a 
friendly  letter,  urging  his  attendance.  Business  prevented  him 
from  going.  When  the  convention  met  at  Philadelphia,  and 
nominated  Taylor,  he  entered  the  canvass  with  the  earnestness 
of  former  times,  as  the  advocate  of  the  ticket.  His  exertions, 
indeed,  broke  down  his  health, — prostrated  him  on  a  sick  bed, 
and  it  was  thought,  hastened  his  death.  The  election  of  Taylor 
caused  him  much  gratification,  and  he  looked  to  the  coming 
administration  for  great  results. 

His  efforts  in  the  campaign  closed,  and  forever,  his  connection 
with  political  matters.  In  fact,  he  was  destined  soon  to  cease 
participating  in  all  earthly  affairs.  During  the  prevalence  of 
cholera  in  New  Orleans,  in  1848,  he  had  a  severe  attack  of  a 
similar  character,  that  came  near  proving  fatal.  In  the  summer 
of  1849,  he  made,  with  his  family,  his  last  visit  North.  They 
reached  Newburyport  in  August.  A  great  change  had  taken 
47 


098  s-  s 

place  in  his  personal  appearance  since  he  was  last  there.  His 
face  was  marked  with  lines  of  care ;  he  was  pale  and  somewhat 
emaciated, — the  portals  of  the  tomb  were  evidently  not  far 
distant. 

He  visited  Boston, — had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  Henry  Clay 
and  Daniel  Webster,  from  each  of  whom,  he  received  the  most 
kind  greetings.  He  drove  along  the  margin  of,  and  fished  in,  the 
old  Merrimac,  and  visited  Martha's  Vineyard, — all  the  scenery 
about  him  tended  to  awaken  recollections  of  the  past,  and  it  was 
evident  that  he  still  cherished  New  England  with  filial  fondness. 
He  returned  to  New  Orleans  in  October,  in  rather  feeble  health. 
By  1850,  he  was  very  much  enfeebled.  His  "  fiery  soul"  battled 
heroically  with  "the  frail  tenement"  that  was  fast  giving  way. 
Never  did  he  labor  at  his  profession  more  assiduously  than  during 
that  gloomy  winter.  Though  sinking  all  the  time,  he  worked 
diligently,  and  nursed  the  fond  hope  that  returning  spring  would 
bring  health, — spring  came,  but  not  health  to  the  invalid. 

He  delivered  a  warm  and  glowing  eulogy  on  Calhoun.  the  news 
of  whose  death  reached  New  Orleans  about  this  time.  He  was 
also  selected  to  deliver  the  annual  address  before  the  Story  Law 
Association  of  Harvard  College,  which  severe  indisposition  com 
pelled  him  to  decline.  He  now  began  to  fail  rapidly.  His  wife 
and  children,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  former,  repaired  to 
Longwood,  whither  he  was  soon  to  follow  and  close  his  earthly 
pilgrimage.  He  still  worked  on  in  the  office,  and  despite  his 
friends'  expostulations,  averred  that  he  would  improve.  Even 
then,  -when  death  was  upon  him,  he  prepared  a  highly  important 
case,  in  a  manner,  not  excelled  by  the  ablest  jurist  and  advocate. 
In  June,  1850,  he  suddenly  became  worse,  and  was  forced  to  take 
his  bed.  But  suddenly  exclaiming  to  his  friends  :  "I must  work; 
why,  good  sirs,  a  man  can  not  lie  in  his  bed  and  make  his  living." 
He  was,  soon  after,  in  the  Federal  Court,  where  he  made  an  argu 
ment  of  some  two  hours'  length.  On  its  close,  he  fainted.  He 
was  taken  to  the  hotel,  where  he  soon  fainted  again.  A  short 
time  after  this,  he  appeared,  for  the  last  time,  in  court.  It  was 
on  the  occasion  of  Lopez's  examination.  His  genius  shone  with 
its  original  luster,  and  bound  listening  hearers  with  the  same  fasci 
nating  spell. 

He  continued  to  sink,  and  finally  consented  to  give  up  all  ideas 
of  business,  and  manifested  much  anxiety  to  set  out  for  home.  He 


S.    3.    PRENTISS.  (J99 

reached  Longwood  about  the  20th  of  June.  Near  the  close  of 
the  month,  he  became  delirious,  in  which  State  he  remained, 
except  at  intervals,  until  his  death.  He  grew  weaker  until  the 
1st  of  July, — when  the  pulse  ceased,  the  breast  heaved,  and, — 
"  MARY,"  quivered  from  the  pale  lips, — the  orator  was  no  more. 
He  was  buried  the  ensuing  Thursday  at  Longwood,  where  he  still 
sleeps  beside  the  Father  of  Waters.  It  is  needless  to  dwell  on  the 
causes  that  threw  a  melancholy  tinge  over  his  declining  years. 
PKENTISS  was,  by  nature,  eminently  endowed  with  qualities  to 
adorn  the  walks  of  public  and  private  life.  u  Every  trait  of  his 
noble  nature  was  in  excess  ;  his  very  virtues  leaned  to  faults,  and 
his  faults  themselves  to  virtue.  The  like  of  him  I  never  shall 
see  again,  so  compounded  was  he  of  all  sorts  of  contradiction, 
without  a  single  element  in  him  to  disgust, — without  one  charac 
teristic  which  did  not  attract  and  charm.  His  public  exhibitions 
were  all  splendid  and  glorious.  He  did  any  thing  he  attempted 
magnificently  well ;  and  yet,  as  I  knew  him,  he  could  hardly  be 
called  a  man  of  business.  He  was  a  natural  spendthrift,  and  yet 
despised  debt  and  dependence.  He  was  heedless  of  all  conse 
quences,  and  yet  of  the  soundest  judgment  in  council,  and  dis 
cretion  in  movement.  He  was  almost  the  only  man  I  ever  saw, 
whom  I  never  heard  utter  a  scandal,  and  he  had  the  least 
charity  of  any  man  I  ever  saw  for  all  kinds  of  baseness  or 
meanness.  He  was  continually,  without  ceasing,  quoting  classic 
lore  and  not  the  least  of  a  pedant.  He  was  brave  to  fool-hardiness, 
and  wouldn  't  hurt  Uncle  Toby's  fly.  His  domestic  affections  were 
truly  tender  and  beautiful.  He  almost  adored  -his  mother.  All 
his  knowledge  of  the  Bible,  especially,  and  all  the  good  and  grace 
that  was  developed  in  him,  he  attributed  to  the  teachings  at  her 
knee.  He  was  most  eloquent  when  her  morale  was  the  subject  of 
discourse.  May  I,  my  dear  sir,  inquire,  as  Joseph  inquired  of  his 
brethren  for  his  father,— is  that  lady  "  still  alive  f"  He  loved  you 
all  with  exceeding  love  and  devotion.*" 

*  Memoirs  of  S.  S.  PRENTISS.    Henry  A.  Wise. 


SILAS  WEIGHT. 


SILAS  WEIGHT  was  a  statesman  in  a  true  sense  of  the  term, — a 
profound  thinker,  a  keen  observer  of  events,  energetic,  firm,  con 
sistent,  and  thoroughly  practical.  His  influence  upon  the  political 
destinies  of  this  country  was  not  confined  to  the  State  in  which  he 
lived ; — among  the  prominent  leaders  of  a  powerful  party,  his 
sound  judgment  and  unwavering  fidelity,  marked  him  as  a  national 
man.  Throughout  the  country,  he  was  regarded  as  such,  and  the 
choice  of  many  for  the  presidency,  a  post  which  he  was,  perhaps, 
only  prevented  from  reaching  by  his  lamented  death.  Like  many 
of  our  great  men,  he  sprang  from  humble,  but  respectable  origin. 

His  ancestors  came  from  England  and  settled  in  Massachusetts, 
where  Samuel  Wright,  the  first  of  the  stock,  of  whom  mention  is 
made,  died  in  1665.  From  him  descended  Silas  Wright,  the 
elder.  He  was  a  tanner  and  shoemaker  by  trade,  and  never  re 
ceived  an  education.  He  was  industrious,  and  possessed  a  strong 
practical  mind.  By  close  application  to  business  and  economy, 
he  got  a  start  in  the  world,  married,  and  settled  in  the  town  of 
Amherst,  Massachusetts.  Here  SILAS  WEIGHT, — the  future  states 
man  was  born,  May  24th  1795.  Soon  after  the  birth  of  SILAS, 
his  father  removed  to  Vermont  and  settled  on  a  farm  ;  his  youth, 
therefore,  was  passed  amid  the  scenes  of  rural  life.  He  worked 
with  his  father  during  the  summer,  and  attended  school  during 
the  winter  months,  until  he  was  fourteen  years  old,  when  exhibit 
ing  a  desire  for  books,  he  was  placed  in  the  Academy  of  Middle- 
bury.  He  afterward  entered  college.  His  studentship  was 
marked  by  a  close  application  to  his  lessons,  correct  habits,  and 
(700) 


SILAS  WEIGHT. 


SILAS    WRIGHT.  701 

quickness  of  perception, — combining  with  these  an  excellent 
memory,  he  was  sure  to  make  good  progress.  To  assist  in  defray 
ing  his  college  expenses,  he  resorted  to  teaching,  which  he  prac 
ticed  successfully. 

While  at  college,  the  war  of  1812  broke  out,  and  party  politics 
raged  fiercely.  He  early  adopted  the  principles  of  the  Republi 
can  party,  and  more  than  once  showed  his  zeal  and  earnestness  in 
discussion  with  the  other  students  upon  the  questions  of  the  day. 

He  graduated  with  honor,  in  1815,  and  immediately  commenced 
reading  law  with  Henry  C.  Marteudale,  in  the  State  of  New  York. 
"With  this  gentleman  and  Mr.  Skinner,  he  completed  his  legal 
studies.  He  was  admitted  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York, 
in  1819,  and  at  once  opened  a  career  of  brilliancy  and  usefulness. 
His  first  duty  was  to  seek  out  a  location  that  promised  fair  for  the 
exercise  of  industry  and  talent.  He  traveled  on  horseback, 
through  a  portion  of  western  New  York,  and  finally  settled  at  Can 
ton,  St.  Lawrence  County,  the  county  seat  of  which  was  Ogdens- 
burg.  This  place  continued  to  be  his  home  through  life.  Though 
but  a  small  village,  and  the  population  of  the  county  mostly 
farmers,  he  soon  had  plenty  to  do,  and  rose  to  professional  respec 
tability.  One  fact  connected  with  the  commencement  of  his  career 
should  deeply  impress  the  mind  of  every  young  attorney, — he 
determined  to  live  strictly  a  virtuous  life,  exert  every  energy,  and 
be  patient  of  results.  From  this  determination  he  never  departed. 
It  was  said  of  him  also,  that  "his  law  was  all  common  sense;" 
and  he  always  gave  plain  sensible  reasons  for  his  opinions  on  any 
subject.  Through  indomitable  perseverance,  strict  integrity,  good 
sense,  and  fine  manners,  though  without  the  aid  of  superior 
oratorical  powers,  in  two  years  he  reached  the  hight  of  his  pro 
fession,  and  was  acknowledged  the  best  lawyer  in  that  part  of  the 
country.  In  his  habits,  which  were  every  way  unexceptionable, 
he  was  purely  natural  and  unafFected.  He  mingled  with  the  old 
and  young  with  familiarity  and  ease, — engaged  in  the  conversations 
of  the  former  and  the  sports  of  the  latter.  His  friendships  were 
strong,  ardent,  and  from  the  heart. 

He  entered  the  field  of  politics,  attached  to  the  interest  of  Mr. 
Yan  Buren  ; — political  parties  in  New  York,  were  designated  as 
Clintonians  and  Bucktails, — he  belonging  to  the  latter.  This 
placed  him  with  the  minority  in  his  county,  where  he  maintained 
his  views  fearlessly  and  with  zeal.  In  1821,  he  received  the  office 


702  SILAS    WRIGHT. 

of  Surrogate,  and  shortly  after,  that  of  Justice  of  the  Peace.  He 
was  also  chosen  town  Clerk  and  School  Inspector,  the  same  year, 
and  afterward  made  Post-master.  The  duties  of  these  stations 
were  discharged  with  fidelity  and  promptness.  He  also  figured 
in  military  matters, — being  Captain  of  a  company,  Major  of  a 
regiment,  and  finally  Brigadier-General.  So  bright,  however, 
became  his  civic  fame,  that  the  application  of  either  of  these  titles 
would  sound  oddly  enough.  The  Clintonians,  in  1721,  by  oppos 
ing  the  call  for  a  convention  to  revise  the  Constitution,  placed  the 
Bucktails  in  the  majority.  This  resulted  in  the  partial  amalga 
mation  of  the  two  factions ;  they  assembled  in  convention,  and 
nominated  SILAS  WRIGHT  as  candidate  for  the  State  Senate.  He 
was  elected  over  his  competitor,  Moore,  by  a  large  majority,  and 
took  his  seat  as  senator,  in  1824.  The  most  important  sub 
ject  then  before  the  Legislature,  was  the  electoral  question.  The 
opponents  of  Crawford,  who  was  a  candidate  for  the  presidency, 
were  endeavoring  to  procure  the  passage  of  a  law,  transferring  the 
power  of  choosing  electors  from  the  State  Legislature,  and  giving 
it  directly  to  the  people.  As  a  friend  of  Crawford,  though  not 
opposed  to  the  principle  involved  in  the  proposed  change,  WEIGHT 
thought  it  unwise  for  New  York  to  pursue  that  course,  unless  the 
other  States  would  do  likewise.  The  bill,  after  being  modified  so 
as  to  require  a  majority  of  votes,  passed  the  Assembly,  but  was 
lost  in  the  Senate, — WRIGHT  making  himself  conspicuous  in  the 
discussion.  After  much  debate  and  wrangling,  in  which  no  defi 
nite  result  was  arrived  at,  motion  was  made  that  the  whole  ques 
tion  be  postponed,  which  was  done  by  a  majority  of  seventeen, — 
WRIGHT  being  one  of  the  number.  The  "seventeen"  were  the 
recipient  of  much  abuse,  of  which  WRIGHT  came  in  for  a  large  share. 
Governor  Yates  convened  the  Legislature,  in  extra  session,  Sep 
tember  1824.  The  subject  of  choosing  electors  again  came  up. 
WRIGHT  favored  the  plan  of  making  choice  by  the  people,  but 
affirmed  that  the  time  for  action  had  not  arrived.  This  subject 
was  finally  settled  by  an  act,  passed  in  1826,  providing  for  the 
choice  of  electors  by  districts.  As  a  partisan,  WRIGHT  acquiesced 
in  the  decisions  of  his  party  to  an  eminent  degree,  when  such 
submission  exacted  the  sacrifice  of  no  great  principle.  When 
candidates  came  to  be  nominated  for  governor,  he  favored  the 
continuance  of  Yates, — his  party  differed  with  him,  and  nominated 
Young,  to  whom  he  gave  hearty  and  cordial  support.  Many 


SILAS    WRIGHT.  703 

instances,  illustrative  of  this  trait  in  his  character,  could  be  given 
were  it  necessary. 

He  established  no  ephemeral  reputation  in  the  Senate.  So 
much  prudence,  wisdom,  and  sagacity,  had  he  displayed,  and  so 
strongly  had  he  endeared  himself  to  the  people,  that  they  began 
to  look  to^,  wider  sphere  of  usefulness  for  him.  In  1826,  he  was 
nominated  by  the  Republicans  of  St.  Lawrence,  Oswego,  Jefferson, 
and  Lewis  Counties,  as  their  candidate  for  Congress.  The  canvass 
was  a  vigorous  one.  Many  obstacles  were  to  be  overcome; — the 
prejudice  against  the  old  "seventeen."  of  which  he  was  one,  still 
existed.  Notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  of  the  opposition,  how 
ever,  he  was  elected  by  over  five  hundred  majority.  March  the 
4th,  1829,  he  resigned  his  position  in  the  State  Senate,  to  enter 
upon  his  labors  as  a  member  of  Congress.  He  had  been  made 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  canals,  and  before  his  resignation, 
brought  in  an  able  report,  which  enlarged  upon  the  financial  policy 
of  the  State  generally.  As  a  financier,  he  possessed  great  ability. 
New  canals  were  being  projected,  and  he  took  the  ground  worthy 
the  consideration  of  all  legislators,  that  the  State  should  incur  no 
more  indebtedness,  till  existent  liabilities  were  liquidated. 

Though  favoring  the  paper  currency,  if  sustained  by  a  legiti 
mate  specie  basis,  he  was  generally  opposed  to  banks,  and  an 
indiscriminate  banking  system. 

In  December,  1827,  he  took  his  seat  in  Congress,  where  he  was 
warmly  welcomed  as  a  valuable  accession  to  the  strength  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  placed  on  the  committee  on  manufactures. 
The  tariff  was  the  question  of  most  absorbing  interest.  It  was  a 
contest  between  the  wool  growers  and  hemp  raisers  ; — the  manu 
factures,  and  iron  interests, — each  insisting  that  the  acts  of  1825, 
and  1826,  favored  the  one  at  the  expense  of  the  other.  A  high 
protective  tariff  was,  in  many  sections,  loudly  called  for.  WRIGHT 
went  to  work  to  investigate,  and  act  upon  the  subject.  He  moved 
that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  profits  of  manu 
facturers.  The  motion  prevailed.  He  took  an  active  part  in 
forming  the  tariff  of  1828,  to  which  he  gave  his  support  in  several 
able  speeches,  and  finally  voted  for  it,  when  it  became  a  law.  He 
afterward,  however  admitted,  that  its  requirements  demanded 
exorbitant  rates  of  duty,  and  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  "a  great 
error." 

In  1828,  he  supported  Jackson  for  the  presidency,  Van  Buren 


704  SILAS     WEIGHT. 

for  governor  of  New  York,  and  was  himself  re-elected  to 
Congress.  "While  a  member  of  the  Twentieth  Congress,  resolu 
tions  were  brought  in,  recommending  the  repeal  of  the  tariff  of 
1828,  which  he  strongly  opposed.  Resolutions  were  also  brought 
forward  in  regard  to  the  propriety  of  abolishing  slavery  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia.  He  voted  for  these.  He  was,  no  doubt,  in 
favor  of  abolishing  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  but 
opposed  the  attempts  to  the  exercise  of  such  power  in  the  slave- 
holding  States,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  people. 

While  a  member  of  Congress,  he  was  elected  Comptroller  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  He  obtained  leave  of  absence  to  attend  to 
its  duties,  which  he  did  with  ability  and  faithfulness.  He  filled 
this  office  in  a  manner  that  reflected  credit  upon  his  State  bnd 
himself.  In  1832,  he  recommended  a  direct  tax  to  supply  the 
general  fund  deficiency.  The  Legislature  differed  with  him  on 
the  subject,  and  found  relief  by  negotiating  short  loans.  Some 
years  after,  his  views  on  this  subject  were  carried  out.  He  was 
again  elected  Comptroller  in  18i2.  His  election  to  the  United 
States  Senate,  soon  after,  compelled  him  to  resign  this  office.  He 
was  now  at  the  goal  of  his  ambition ;  and  worthy  of  being  there. 
He  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  the  14th  of  January,  1833.  This 
was  an  important  moment, — a  crisis  in  the  life  of  the  rising  states 
man.; — it  was  an  important  time,  too,  in  the  history  of  the  coun 
try.  He  had  been  elevated  to  one  of  the  most  respectable  stations 
allotted  to  man.  High  hopes  were  entertained  of  him, — great 
expectations  created  in  regard  to  his  course, — the  former  must  not 
be  blasted  nor  the  latter  disappointed.  He  was  there,  too,  in  a 
new  field,  to  drive  his  lance  and  draw  his  blade  with  veterans  of 
experience  and  ability.  Among  this  array  of  talent  and  states 
manship,  however,  he  did  not  mean  to  dash  like  a  Mameluke,  nor 
flounder  like  a  wounded  steed,  struck  down  in  the  charge.  With 
steady  nerve,  firm  will,  cool  and  deliberative  energy,  he  made 
sure  approaches,  and  forced  from  all  the  admission  that  his  was  a 
mind  of  no  "  common  might."  When  Nullification  was  raging  in 
the  South,  and  Calhonn  argued,  in  words,  each  of  which,  to  com 
mon  minds  was  a  page,  the  principle  of  State  sovereignty, 
WRIGHT  opposed  it,  and  stood  firmly  by  Jackson  and  the  proclam 
ation.  He  also  sustained  the  Force  Bill,  against  which,  the  ana 
lytical  South  Carolinian,  poured  such  a  torrent  of  invective.  He, 
afterward,  favored  the  compromise  adjustment,  by  which  the 


SILAS     WRIGHT.  705 

excitement  was  allayed.  Some  features  of  these  measures  he 
regarded  objectionable,  but  sacrificed,  as  all  true  men  should,  a 
portion  of  personal  preference  for  public  good,  believing  that  the 
mandate  of  imperative  necessity  demanded  immediate  reconcili 
ation  of  the  conflicting  interests.  In  September,  1833,  WEIGHT 
was  married  to  Clarissa  Moody,  the  daughter  of  one  of  his  first 
acquaintances  and  friends  in  the  County  of  St.  Lawrence.  This 
union  resulted  in  no  offspring. 

When  Congress  convened,  the  subject  of  the  removal  of  the 
deposits  was  agitating  the  legislative  halls,  and  the  country. 
WEIGHT  stood  by  the  administration,  sustaining  Jackson,  against 
Clay's  resolutions  of  censure.  Possessing  the  entire  confidence 
of  his  party  and  great  financial  ability,  and  being  on  the  committee 
of  agriculture  and  finance,  he  was  bold  and  efficient  in  the  stand 
he  took.  He  presented,  in  person,  the  New  York  resolutions 
sustaining  the  administration,  and  took  the  occasion  to  give  his 
views  upon  the  subject  in  a  clear  and  forcible  speech,  of  which, 
the  following  extract  will  give  some  idea : 

"But,  Mr.  President,  while  I  highly  approve  of  the  open  and 
manly  ground  taken  by  the  senator  from  Massachusetts,  I  differ 
with  him  toto  ccelo  as  to  the  remedy  he  proposes.  There  is  no 
inducement  which  can  prevail  on  me  to  vote  for  a  re-charter  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States.  I  would  oppose  this  bank  upon  the 
ground  of  its  flagrant  violations  of  the  high  trust  confided  to  it; 
but  my  objections  are  of  a  deeper  and  graver  character.  I  go 
against  this  bank,  and  against  any  and  every  bank  to  be  incorpor 
ated  by  Congress,  whether  to  be  located  at  Philadelphia,  or  New 
York,  or  anywhere  else  within  the  twenty-four  independent  States 
which  compose  this  confederacy,  upon  the  broad  ground  which 
admits  not  of  compromise,  that  Congress  has  not  the  power,  by 
the  Constitution,  to  incorporate  such  a  bank. 

"  I  may  be  over-sanguine,  Mr.  President,  but  I  do  most  firmly 
believe  that,  in  addition  to  the  valuable  services  already  rendered 
to  his  country  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  he  is,  under 
Providence,  destined  still  to  render  her  a  greater  than  all,  by 
being  mainly  instrumental  in  restoring  the  Constitution  of  the 
country  to  what  it  was  intended  to  be  by  those  who  formed  it,  and 
to  what  it  was  understood  to  be  by  the  people  who  adopted  it ;  in 
relieving  that  sacred  instrument  from  those  constructive  and  im 
plied  additions,  under  which  Congress  have  claimed  the  right  to 


706  SILAS    WRIGHT. 

place  beyond  the  reach  of  the  people,  and  without  responsibility, 
a  moneyed  power,  not  merely  dangerous  to  public  liberty,  but  of 
a  character  so  formidable  as  to  set  itself  in  open  array  against,  and 
to  attempt  to  overrule  the  government  of  the  country.  I  believe 
the  high  destiny  is  yet  in  store  for  that  venerable  man,  of  disprov 
ing  the  exalted  compliment  long  since  paid  him  by  the  great 
apostle  of  republicanism,  '  that  he  had  already  filled  the  measure 
of  his  country's  glory,'  and  that  he  is  yet  to  accomplish,  what 
neither  Thomas  Jefferson  nor  his  illustrious  successors  could 
accomplish,  by  adding  to  the  proof  which  he  has  so  largely  con 
tributed  to  afford,  that  his  country  is  invincible  by  arms,  the  con 
solatory  fact  that  there  is,  at  least,  one  spot  upon  earth  where 
written  constitutions  are  rigidly  regarded,  I  know  sir,  that  this 
work,  which  the  President  has  undertaken,  and  upon  the  success 
of  which  he  has,  with  his  usual  moral  courage,  staked  the  hard* 
earned  fruits  of  a  glorious  life,  is  full  of  difficulty.  I  know  well 
that  it  will  put  the  fortitude  and  patriotism  of  his  countrymen  to 
the  severest  test ;  but  I  am  happy  also  to  know  that  he  has,  in  this 
instance,  as  heretofore,  put  himself  upon  the  fortitude  arid  patriot 
ism  of  a  people  who  have  never  yet  failed  him,  or  any  man  who 
was  himself  faithful  to  his  country  in  hours  of  peril."  *  *  * 

"I  have  thus  responded,  and  I  hope  the  senator  from  Massa 
chusetts  will  allow,  fully,  to  so  much  of  his  appeal.  I  will  go  on, 
sir,  and  cover  the  whole  ground.  He  has  asked,  if  you  will 
neither  re-charter  the  present  bank  nor  establish  a  new  one,  what 
will  you  do  ?  As  an  individual,  sir,  and  speaking  for  myself  only, 
I  say  I  will  sustain  the  executive  branch  of  the  government,  by 
all  the  legal  means  in  my  power,  in  the  efforts  now  making  to 
substitute  the  State  banks  instead  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States, 
as  the  fiscal  agent  of  the  government.  I  believe  they  are  fully 
competent  to  the  object.  I  am  wholly  unmoved  by  the  alarms 
which  have  been  sounded,  either  as  to  their  insecurity,  or  influ 
ence,  or  any  other  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  their  employ 
ment.  I  hope  the  steps  so  far  taken  in  furtherance  of  this  object, 
well  warranted  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  land,  and  I 
believe  that  the  honor  and  best  interests  of  the  country,  imperi 
ously  require  that  they  should  be  fully  sustained  by  the  people, 
and  by  their  representatives  here." 

On  the  20th  of  March,  1834,  leave  was  asked  to  introduce  a 
resolution,  re-chartering  the  United  States  Bank  for  a  limited 


SILAS    WRIGHT.  7Q7 

period.  WEIGHT  took  grounds  against  it,  in  a  speech,  powerful 
and  argumentative, — so  much  so,  that  Clay  and  Webster  bestowed 
upon  it  the  highest  praises.  Averring,  in  regard  to  Clay's  reso 
lutions  of  censure,  that  it  was  beyond  the  power  of  the  Senate  to 
"  condemn  the  President  unheard,"  he  made  a  speech,  from  which 
the  following  is  an  extract : 

"  But  we  are  still  called  upon  to  vote  for  this  resolution ;  and 
who,  Mr.  President,  is  it  upon  whom  the  sentence  of  the  Senate 
is  thus  to  be  passed  without  a  trial  ?  The  officer,  sir,  is  none  other 
than  the  chief  executive  officer  of  the  Government, — the  President 
of  the  United  States ;  he  whom  the  people  elected  to  that  high 
station,  by  their  free  suffrages,  against  the  popularity  and  power 
of  a  competitor  holding  the  office,  and  wielding  its  patronage, — a 
patronage  now  represented  to  be  so  immense  and  irresistible  and 
dangerous  ; — and  wielding  it  too  with  the  aid  of  skillful  and  ex 
perienced  advisers.  It  is  no  other  than  that  President,  who  after 
four  years  of  official  trial  before  the  people,  was  re-elected  against 
another  competitor,  selected  from  among  the  distinguished  of  his 
countrymen,  for  his  superior  hold  upon  the  popular  feeling  of  the 
country,  too,  by  a  vote  more  decisive  than  any  which  had  ever 
before  marked  the  result  of  a  long  and  severe  political  contest. 
Such,  Mr.  President,  is  the  officer, — I  had  like  to  have  said, — upon 
his  trial.  No,  sir,  it  is  not  so, — who  is  not  to  be  allowed  a  trial ; 
but  who  is  about  to  receive  the  condemnatory  sentence  of  the 
Senate  unheard. 

"Who,  sir,  is  the  man,  the  citizen  of  our  republic,  upon  whom 
we  are  about  to  pronounce  our  high  censure  ?  Is  it  Andrew  Jack 
son  ?  Is  it  that  Andrew  Jackson,  who,  in  his  boyhood,  was  found 
in  the  blood-stained  fields  of  the  Revolution  ?  Who  came  out 
from  that  struggle  the  last  living  member  of  his  family?  Who, 
when  the  sound  to  arms  again  called  our  citizens  around  the  flag 
of  our  country,  posted  himself  upon  the  defenseless  frontiers  of 
the  South  and  West,  and  bared  his  own  bosom  to  the  tomahawks 
and  scalping-knives,  sharpened  for  the  blood  of  unprotected  women 
and  children  ?  Who  turned  back  from  the  city  of  the  West,  the 
confident  advance  of  a  ruthless,  and  until  then,  unsubdued  enemy, 
and  closed  the  second  war  against  American  liberty  in  a  blaze  of 
glory,  which  time  will  not  extinguish?  Who,  when  peace  was 
restored  to  his  beloved  country,  turned  his  spear  intc  a  pruning 
hook,  and  retired  to  his  Hermitage,  until  the  spontaneous  voice  of 


708  SILAS    WRIGHT. 

his  fellow-citizens  called  him  forth  to  receive  their  highest  honors, 
and  to  become  guardian  of  their  sacred  trust?  Is  this  the  man 
who  is  to  be  condemned  without  a  trial  ?  Who  is  not  entitled  to 
the  privilege  allowed  him  by  the  Constitution  of  his  country? 
Sir,  this  surely  should  not  be  so.  For  the  very  act  which  saved  a 
city  from  pillage  and  destruction,  and  the  soil  of  his  country  from 
the  tread  of  an  invading  enemy,  this  individual  was  accused  of  a 
violation  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  his  country.  For  the 
very  act  which  entitled  him  to  the  proud  appellation  of  'the 
great  captain  of  the  age,'  he  was  convicted  and  condemned  as  a 
criminal.  But,  Mr.  President,  he  was  not  then  denied  a  trial. 
Then  he  was  permitted  to  face  his  accusers,  to  hear  the  charges 
preferred  against  him,  to  offer  his  defense,  and  to  be  present  at  his 
sentence.  In  gratitude  for  these  privileges  of  a  freeman,  he  stayed 
back  with  his  own  arm  the  advancing  wave  of  popular  indignation, 
while  he  bowed  his  whited  locks  to  the  sentence  of  the  law,  and 
paid  the  penalty  imposed  upon  him  for  having  saved  and  honored 
his  country. 

"Grant  to  him,  I  beseech  you,  Mr.  President;  I  beseech  the 
Senate,  grant  to  that  old  man  the  privilege  of  a  trial  now.  Con 
demn  him  not  unheard,  and  without  the  pretense  of  a  Consti 
tutional  accusation.  His  rivalships  are  ended.  He  asks  no  more 
of  worldly  honors.  'He  has  done  the  State  some  service.'  Age 
has  crept  upon  him  now,  and  he  approaches  the  grave.  Let  him 
enjoy,  during  the  short  remainder  of  his  stay  upon  earth,  the  right 
secured  to  him  by  the  Constitution  he  has  so  often  and  so  gallantly 
defended,  if  indeed,  he  be  criminal,  let  his  conviction  precede  his 
sentence." 

Like  the  above,  all  his  speeches,  though  they  flashed  with  no 
brilliant  sparks  of  oratory  and  flowery  illustrations,  evinced  the 
soundest  practical  knowledge,  deep  research,  and  profound  logic. 
During  the  session  of  1834-'35,  he  was  kept  on  the  most  impor 
tant  senatorial  committees,  and  was  one  of  the  most  working  men 
in  that  body.  He  supported  Jackson  on  all  questions  of  national 
policy,  vindicating  his  course  through  the  agitations  with  France, 
and  opposing  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands, 
and  defending  his  financial  views  with  manly  firmness. 

He  attended  the  National  Democratic  Convention  in  the  spring 
of  1835,  that  nominated  Yan  Buren  as  the  successor  of  Jackson. 
In  the  canvass,  he  gave  him  his  warm  support, — was  gratified  at 


SILAS    WRIGHT.  709 

his  election,  and  supported  his  administration  with  the  same  zeal 
and  ability  he  had  that  of  his  great  predecessor.  The  suspension 
of  specie  payments  by  the  banks,  and  the  consequent  financial 
depression  of  1837,  induced  grave  attention  to  methods  of  public 
relief.  WEIGHT  recommended  the  independent  treasury,  and  the 
reception  of  nothing  for  public  dues,  except  constitutionally  recog 
nized  currency.  He  also  wrote  some  pointed  and  vigorous  articles 
for  the  press,  under  the  captions  of  "  Probable  continuance  of  the 
suspension  of  specie  payments  \)y  the  banks,"  and  "the  duties  and 
responsibilities  imposed  upon  the  national  government  by  the 
suspension  of  specie  payments  by  the  State  banks."  These  articles 
created  considerable  sensation,  and  indicated  pretty  clearly  the 
ultimate  course  of  the  new  President.  His  style  as  a  writer  was 
bold,  lucid,  terse,  and  masculine.  His  views  were  well  matured, 
and  if  in  speaking  or  writing  he  condensed  them  into  a  convin 
cing,  clear  shape,  he  paid  little  attention  to  the  selection  of  words 
by  which  the  result  was  attained. 

He  was  re-elected  to  the  Senate  in  1837,  and  at  the  extra  Sep 
tember  session,  reported  the  independent  treasury  bill.  It  failed 
in  the  lower  House.  At  the  regular  session,  he  brought  in  another 
bill,  embracing  more  fully  the  details  than  the  former,  and  con 
taining  the  specie  clause.  Of  this,  the  following  extract  is  a  brief 
history : 

"  The  one  previously  introduced  had  constituted  each  officer  a 
receiver;  but  this  proposed  the  appointment  of  persons  to  be 
charged  with  the  special  duty  of  keeping  and  paying  out  the 
public  funds.  This  provision  was  intended  to  obviate  the  objec 
tion  which  had  been  raised,  that  the  administration  was  desirous 
of  establishing  an  army  of  office-holders,  who  would  have  the 
means  of  the  government  at  their  disposal.  Severe  penalties 
were  also  prescribed,  for  neglect  of  duty,  or  breach  of  trust ;  and 
every  precaution  taken  to  provide  against  losses.  The  opponents 
of  the  measure  were  free  to  admit  that,  waiving  the  principle 
upon  which  the  bill  was  founded,  nothing  could  be  better  calcu 
lated  to  carry  into  effect  the  object  had  in  view.  Mr.  WEIGHT 
made  several  able  speeches  while  this  question  was  agitated  in 
Congress  ;  but  that  delivered  on  the  31st  of  January,  1838,  prob 
ably  exceeded  them  all.  In  his  speech  on  that  occasion,  he  re 
viewed  the  whole  subject  of  the  collection,  keeping,  and  disburse 
ments  of  the  public  revenue.  He  avowed  it  as  his  firm  and 


710  SILAS    WRIGHT. 

settled  conviction,  that  the  State  banks  coulcl  not  be  relied  upon 
as  the  fiscal  agents  of  the  government;  for  the  reason  that  as 
State  institutions,  Congress  would  be  unable  to  exercise  that  con 
trol  over  them  which  was  absolutely  requisite.  He  also  declared 
that  there  could  be  no  middle  ground, — that  a  system  based  on 
the  principles  of  the  bill  before  the  Senate  must  be  established,  or 
they  would  be  compelled  to  resort  to  a  national  bank.  The  bill 
reported  by  Mr.  WEIGHT  was  discussed  for  a  long  time  in  the 
Senate,  and  on  the  24:th  of  March  the  specie  clause  was  stricken 
out, — yeas  thirty-one,  nays  fourteen.  Several  of  the  democratic 
senators  voted  for  the  motion,  in  obedience  to  the  instructions  of 
their  State  Legislatures.  Mr.  WEIGHT,  with  Mr.  Benton  and  Mr. 
Calhouu,  resisted  it  to  the  end.  On  the  26th  the  bill  passed  the 
Senate  by  a  vote  of  twenty-seven  to  twenty-five.  Like  its  prede 
cessor,  this  bill  was  laid  upon  the  table  in  the  House, — yeas  one 
hundred  and  six,  nays  ninety-eight, — the  Whigs  and  Conservatives 
voting  for  the  motion.  At  the  next  session,  in  1838-'39,  Mr. 

cD  '  > 

WEIGHT  again  brought  forward  the  independent  treasury  project, 
without  the  specie  clause,  in  the  hope  of  securing  a  favorable  vote, 
as  some  law  on  the  subject  was  deemed  necessary ;  but  it  was  a 
third  time  defeated.  The  elections  for  members  of  the  Twenty- 
sixth  Congress,  however,  terminated  in  the  choice  of  a  reliable 
majority  for  the  administration,  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives ; 
and  soon  after  the  commencement  of  its  first  session,  Mr.  WEIGHT 
brought  forward  a  bill  establishing  the  system  which  he  had  so 
earnestly  advocated  since  the  extra  session  in  1837.  The  specie 
clause  wras  added,  with  his  vote,  and  in  that  shape  it  passed  the 
Senate.  On  the  1st  of  July,  1849,  a  final  vote  was  taken  in  the 
House,  which  resulted  in  its  passage, — yeas  one  hundred  and 
twenty-four,  nays  one  hundred  and  seven.  The  law  thus  enacted 
was  known,  by  its  title,  as  'An  act  to  provide  for  the  collection, 
safe-keeping,  transfer  and  disbursement,  of  the  public  revenue.'"* 
Such  was  his  course  in  regard  to  this  subject,  which,  for  a  time, 
proved  one  of  considerable  importance.  Upon  the  question  of 
slavery,  engendering  at  the  time  bitter  animosities,  in  consequence 
of  the  abolition  petitions  pouring  in  upon  Congress,  he  occupied 
about  the  same  position  that  Clay  did, — opposing  all  agitation,  as 
dangerous  to  the  harmonious  union  of  the  States,  and  the  liberties 

Life  of  SILAS  WRIGHT,  p.  122. 


SILAS    WRIGHT. 

of  the  people.  His  personal  preferences  were  favorable  to  the  Wil- 
mot  Proviso,  preventing  the  extension  of  slavery  in  a  territory  where 
it  did  not  exist, — but  were  equally  opposed  to  agitation  and  inter 
ference  when  it  was  recognized  as  a  State  institution.  "If,"  said 
he  in  a  patriotic  oration  delivered  at  Canton,  N.  Y.,  July  4th,  1839, 
"  there  be  those  among  us  who,  misled  by  a  mistaken  sympathy 
or  by  sudden  excitement  upon  any  subject,  are  forgetting  their 
obligations  to  the  whole  country,  to  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union,  let  us  use  every  effort  of  persuasion  and  example  to 
awaken  them  to  a  sense  of  their  dangerous  error.  If  these,  who, 
for  the  sake  of  private  interest,  personal  ambition,  or  momentary 
political  success,  are  willing  to  experiment  upon  the  public 
passions,  to  treat  lightly  their  constitutional  obligations,  to  foster 
sectional  jealousies,  and  raise  up  geographical  distinctions  with 
in  the  Union;  let  the  absence  of  our  countenance  and  support 
convince  such,  that  the  personal  gratification  of  public  services  of 
any  living  man,  are  not  objects  of  sufficient  magnitude  to  be 
gained  at  the  expense  of  harmony  of  the  country,  the  peace  of 
Union,  or  a  single  letter  in  the  list  of  our  constitutional  duties." 

He  continued,  in  the  main,  an  ardent  supporter  of  Van  Buren's 
administration.  His  favor  of  specie  currency,  and  opposition  to 
compensation  for  French  spoliation,  marked  him  particularly  in 
the  Senate.  One  of  his  ablest  speeches  was  made  in  1838,  upon 
the  necessity  of  specie  currency.  He  favored  the  recognition  of 
the  independence  of  Texas,  but  opposed  the  ratification  of  Cal- 
houn's  treaty  of  Annexation,  upon  the  ground,  that  no  formal 
treaty  had  been  made  adjustive  of  the  claims  of  Mexico,  and  of 
apprehended  war  with  that  power,  in  the  event  of  its  consum 
mation.  The  election  of  Harrison,  in  1840,  placed  him  in  oppo 
sition  to  all  administrative  measures.  Revenue  distribution 
among  the  States,  and  the  National  Bank  he  opposed  decidedly, 
and  with  ability.  He  supported .  the  tariff  of  1842,  though  it  did 
not  conform  in  every  particular  to  his  views  upon  the  subject. 

On  the  death  of  Harrison,  and  the  accession  of  Tyler  to  tho 
presidency,  he  stood  somewhat  aloof  from  party  cliques  at  "Wash 
ington.  The  President's  vetoes  of  the  various  bank  measures, 
elaborated  by  Clay  and  his  co-operators,  met  his  sanction,  though 
he  did  not  wish  to  be  understood  as  identified  with  the  adminis 
tration.  In  1843,  he  was  again  elected  to  the  Senate  without 
opposition.  In  1844,  the  National  Convention  again  met  to 
48 


712  SILAS     WRIGHT. 

nominate  presidential  candidates.  At  this  meeting,  WEIGHT'S 
disinterested  devotion  to  his  party  shone  most  conspicuously.  He 
went  to  the  convention  the  warm  friend  of  YanBuren.  That 
gentleman,  like  himself,  opposed  the  speedy  annexation  of  Texas, — 
preferring  first  amicable  settlement  of  boundary  with  Mexico. 
Polk  favoring  the  immediate  measure,  was  nominated  over  Van 
Buren.  WRIGHT  then  received  the  unanimous  nomination  for  the 
vice-presidency.  He  would  not,  however,  swerve  from  his  prin 
ciples  for  a  kingdom.  He  declined  peremptorily,  and  Dallas 
was  put  on  the  ticket.  Notwithstanding  this,  he  gave  active  and 
efficient  support  to  his  party,  and  saw  it  carried  triumphantly  into 
power,  over  the  strongest  opposition  in  the  Union. 

In  the  fall  of  1844,  he  was  nominated  by  the  State  Democratic 
Convention  as  a  candidate  for  governor  of  New  York.  The 
.Whig  candidate  was  Millard  Fillmore, — one  of  the  purest  men, 
and  most  deservedly  popular  statesman,  of  which,  this  or  any 
country  can  boast.  The  canvass  was  one  of  the  most  active  and 
exciting  ever  made  in  the  Empire  State.  It  possessed  additional 
interest  in  view  of  the  presidential  election, — it  being  pretty  well 
understood  that  the  votes  of  New  York  would  decide  the  election 
of  Henry  Clay.  No  man  but  SILAS  WRIGHT  could  have  carried 
that  State  against  Fillmore.  He  was  elected  by  near  ten  thousand 
majority, — and  by  his  powerful  exertions  and  commanding  influ 
ence,  in  the  opinion  of  many,  secured  the  election  of  James  K. 
Polk. 

On  his  accession  to  the  executive  chair,  he  found  some  counties 
in  the  eastern  part  of  the  State  disturbed  by  the  anti-rent  excite 
ment.  In  allaying  this  he  was  prompt  and  efficient.  The  Anti- 
renters,  in  several  counties,  disguised  as  Indians,  perpetrated  the 
grossest  outrages.  The  military  was  ordered  out,  and  many  arrests 
made.  Several  were  tried,  convicted,  and  sentenced.  In  many 
instances  the  sentence  was  changed  from  death  to  life  imprison 
ment, — though  he  always  refused  to  pardon  such  offenders  against 
the  majesty  of  law  and  the  tranquillity  of  society.  The  people 
of  New  York  were,  at  this  time,  split  into  factions, — Conserva 
tives,  Eadicals,  and  Anti-renters.  WRIGHT  had  not  the  political 
tact  to  reconcile  them.  The  Radicals  demanded  a  convention  to 
incorporate  the  act  of  1842  into  the  Constitution  as  a  part  of  the 
fundamental  law.  WRIGHT,  in  his  message,  discountenanced  the 
movement!  which  gave  additional  strength  to  the  Conservative 


SILAS    WRIGHT. 

party.  The  latter  finally  agreed  to  unite  with  the  Radicals,  favor 
ing  a  convention,  requiring  submission  of  each  amendment  to  the 
people.  WRIGHT  agreed  with  them  thus  far, — but  persisting  in 
occupying  a  middle  or  neutral  ground  upon  these  measures, 
he  lost  favor  with  both  parties,  and  finally,  by  degrees,  became 
identified  with  the  Radicals.  The  subsequent  act,  doing  away 
with  the  distress  privilege  of  proprietors  upon  renter,  mesurably 
put  a  stop  to  anti-rent  excitements,  and  left  the  parties  afore 
mentioned  to  contend  between  themselves. 

In  the  fall  of  1846,  he  was  nominated  for  re-election,  against 
John  Young.  The  course  of  his  preceding  administration,  elici 
ted  the  complaints  of  the  Conservatives,  while  the  old  Anti- 
renters  were  loud  in  their  denunciation,  because  he  .had  refused  to 
pardon  offenders  of  that  class.  He  was  beaten  by  a  majority  of 
over  eleven  thousand.  This  closed  his  political  life.  His  fame, 
however,  had  gone  abroad  in  the  land,  and  he  was  regarded  as 
one  of  the  most  reliable  and  able  men  of  his  party.  In  many 
States  he  was  nominated  for  the  presidency, — and  Democratic 
journals  placed  his  name  at  the  head  of  editorial  columns.  He 
was  not  destined,  however,  for  the  post  assigned  him  by  his 
appreciative  countrymen. 

On  his  return  to  his  farm,  he  engaged  in  agricultural  labors. 
These  were  principally  clearing  parts  of  his  farm  and  harvesting, 
His  exertions  accelerated  a  heart  disease  to  which  he  was  predis 
posed,  of  which  he  died  on  the  27th  day  of  August,  1847,  in  the 
53d  year  of  his  age. 

"  In  person,  Mr.  WRIGHT  was  large  and  muscular,  hale  and 
vigorous.  His  stature  was  about  five  feet  and  nine  or  ten  inches. 
His  complexion  was  florid  ;  his  hair  a  light  brown ;  and  his  eyes 
of  a  bluish  gray.  Constant  exercise  in  early  youth  had  developed 
his  form,  and  rendered  him  hearty  and  robust.  He  was  somewhat 
inclined  to  corpulency  in  latter  years,  but  not  by  any  means  what 
could  be  called  gross.  He  was  aware  of  the  plethoric  tendency 
of  his  constitution,  and  for  that  reason,  probably,  devoted  more  of 
his  leisure  time  to  manual  labor  than  he  otherwise  would  have 
done.  He  dressed  quite  plainly,  and  was  simple  in  all  his  habits. 
He  usually  enjoyed  excellent  health ;  except  in  the  fall  of  1834,  he 
was  never  known  to  be  seriously  ill,  until  the  fatal  attack  that 
terminated  his  existence. 

"  In  his  domestic  relations,  he  was  every  thing  that  could  be 


714  SILAS    WRIGHT. 

desired, — a  tender  and  affectionate  husband, — a  faithful  and 
devoted  friend.  He  had  no  children.  As  has  been  beautifully 
said  of  Washington  and  Jackson, — c  Providence  denied  him  these, 
that  he  might  the  better  serve  his  country ;'  or,  as  he  himself 
expressed  it,  '  that  he  might  be  a  father  to  the  children  of  his 
friends.'  His  manners  were  affable,  and  his  address  pleasing  and 
agreeable.  He  never  forgot  the  dignity  of  his  position  or  of  his 
character ;  but  he  always  had  a  kind  word  and  a  cheerful  smile  to 
greet  those  who  visited  him.  As  a  citizen,  he  was  generous  and 
public-spirited,  and  the  influence  of  his  example  was  upon  the 
side  of  morality  and  good  order.  Says  one  who  knew  him  inti 
mately  for  many  years :  c  In  his  social  intercourse,  I  never  heard 
him  utter  an  unchaste  word,  or  an  immoral  sentiment.  When 
ever  he  returned  from  his  public  positions,  to  the  place  of  his 
residence,  he  returned  to  the  simple,  frugal,  and  industrious 
habits  of  a  New  England  farmer,  and  to  the  kind  and  neighborly 
offices  which  so  eminently  distinguished  the  early  rural  population 
of  our  pilgrim  fathers." 


HENKY  CLAY. 


HENEY  CLAY. 


HAD  the  rude  follower  of  Brennus,  who  thought  the  Roman 
fathers  a  congregation  of  the  gods,  stepped  into  the  American 
Senate,  in  1S49-'50,  he  would  not  have  laid  his  robber  hand  upon 
the  sage  Nestor  there ; — or  had  a  valued  gift,  similar  to  the  one 
sent  to  Greece,  labeled  to  the  wisest  of  her  seven  wise  men,  found 
its  way  to  that  august  chamber,  directed  to  the  greatest  of  the 
body,  with  unanimous  consent  it  would  have  been  handed  to  the 
venerable  HENRY  CLAY. 

So  much  has  been  said  and  written  about  him, — so  firm  and 
lasting  is  the  grasp  he  has  taken  upon  the  American  heart, — so 
linked  with  the  pages  of  our  political  history  his  name, — and  so 
intimately  connected  with  the  progress  of  the  country  are  his  deeds, 
that  his  memory  needs  neither  biography  nor  sculpture.  Every 
department  of  the  confederate  building  has  received  the  polish 
of  his  genius, — on  every  hearthstone  of  the  Union  his  name  is 
familiar. 

It  seems  almost  useless  to  say  that  he  was  born  in  Hanover 
County,  Virginia, — equally  so  to  say  that  the  event  took  place  on 
on  the  12th  of  August  1777,  and  that  he  was  known  as  the 
"MILL  BOY  OF  THE  SLASHES."  Well  known,  however,  as  are 
these  facts,  their  repetition  is  necessary  to  the  completeness  of  our 
sketch  of  the  man.  Of  his  ancestry  but  little  information  has 
been  obtained  ; — he  descended  from  good  old  English  stock,  on 
both  sides.  His  father  was  a  clergyman,  and  a  man  of  exemplary 
piety  and  firmness  of  will.  His  mother  was  an  excellent  woman, 
and  took  a  lively  and  affectionate  interest  in  her  children. 

(715) 


716  HENRY    CLAY. 

His  first  schooling  was  under  Peter  Deacon,  who  taught  "  read 
ing,  writing,  and  arithmetic"  in  the  Slashes,  in  a  small  cabin, 
built  of  unhewn  logs,  covered  with  clapboards  held  down  by 
weight  poles,  with  a  dirt  floor.  Such  was  the  place  where  the 
great  expounder  of  national  law  learned  to  read,  write,  and  cipher. 
Like  most  school-boys  of  poor  parents,  living  in  the  country, 
HENRY  was  occasionally  sent  to  the  mill.  Thus,  again,  the  future 
statesman,  who  like  a  giant  controlled  the  reins  of  a  great  govern 
ment,  was  frequently  seen  bestride  a  meal  bag,  guiding  his  horse 
by  a  rope-bridle  to  Mrs.  Darricott's  mill, — hence  the  "  mill  boy  of 
the  Slashes,"  the  battle-cry  of  1844. 

After  the  death  of  HENRY'S  father,  which  happened  when  he 
was  a  small  boy,  his  mother  was  married  to  Captain  Henry 
Watkins.  This  gentleman  proved  a  kind  step-father,  and  felt 
particular  interest  in  young  HENRY,  in  whom,  no  doubt,  he  had 
already  detected  sparks  of  genius.  In  his  fifteenth  year,  HENRY 
was  placed  in  the  drug-store  of  Richard  Denny,  where  he  re 
mained  for  some  time.  Here  the  sagacious  diplomatist,  and 
unrivaled  orator,  who  was 

"  The  applause  of  Senates  to  command, 
The  threats  of  pain  and  ruin  to  despise, 
To  scatter  plenty  o'er  a  smiling  land, 
And  read  his  history  in  a  nation's  eyes, — " 

was  engaged,  mortar  in  hand,  mixing  physics  and  filling  prescrip 
tions.  He  did  not  stay  long,  however,  at  this  business  ; — through 
the  agency  of  his  step-father,  he  procured  a  situation  as  desk 
clerk  in  the  office  of  Peter  Tinsley,  clerk  of  the  High  Chancery 
Court.  The  duties  of  this  position  were  varied  and  somewhat 
onerous,  but  met  a  faithful  discharge  at  the  hands  of  the  young 
clerk.  He  had  not  been  there  long,  when  the  quick  eye  of  Chan 
cellor  Wythe  (a  name  that  should  be  inscribed  in  diamond  letters), 
eaw  in  the  youth  the  dawnings  of  intellect.  The  Chancellor  was 
induced  to  take  him  to  his  office  as  copyist  and  amanuensis.  He 
thus  reaped  the  advantages  of  intercourse  with  that  profound  jurist 
for  a  period  of  four  years.  The  Chancellor,  being  satisfied  that 
his  young  scribe  possessed  a  mind  of  no  common  mould,  per 
suaded  him  to  study  law,  and  offered  his  instruction  and  the  use 
of  his  books.  The  offej  was  eagerly  accepted.  In  this  way,  writ 
ing  for  his  benefactor  and  reading  during  leisure  hours,  he  pro 
gressed  rapidly,  in  both  the  theoretical  and  practical  knowledge  of 
the  profession  ; — it  was,  in  fact,  a  position  just  suited  to  his  mind. 


HENRY     CLAY.  717 

He  was  also  thrown  immediately  into  the  best  society,  and  familiar 
intercourse  with  the  first  men  of  Richmond.  Here  commences,  in 
reality,  the  rising  fortunes  of  HENRY  CLAY.  Instructive  indeed, 
it  is,  to  watch  his  rise  and  progress  from  the  dirt  floor  school-house 
in  the  Slashes,  to  the  highest  positions  among  the  great. 

"First  seedling,  hid  in  the  grass, 
Then  twig,  then  sapling,  and  as  century  rolls 
Slow  after  century,  then  a  giant  bulk 
Of  girth  enormous. — " 

During  this  four  years'  connection  with  Chancellor  Wythe,  he 
had  still,  when  required,  attended  to  the  duties  of  clerk  for 
Tinsley, — these  labors  were  now  to  cease.  Still  enjoying  the  coun 
sel  and  intercourse  of  the  Chancellor,  he  entered  the  office  of 
Attorney-General  Eobert  Brooke,  where  he  remained  one  year, 
intensely  devoted  to  his  studies.  At  the  expiration  of  that  time, 
he  obtained  a  license,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  During  this 
time,  a  debating  society  was  formed  in  Richmond,  composed  of 
the  most  promising  young  men  of  the  place.  This  was  the  first 
body  of  which  he  ever  assumed  the  leadership, — a  position  he 
was  destined  to  assume  toward  all  bodies  of  men  with  which  he 
became  identified. 

In  1792,  his  mother  and  step-father  removed  to  Kentucky,  and 
settled  in  the  County  of  Wood  ford,  thirteen  miles  from  Lexington, 
where  they  continued  to  reside  until  her  death,  which  took  place 
in  1827.  Having  obtained  'his  license,  and  fixed  upon  himself 
correct  habits  and  manners,  CLAY,  in  1797,  -went  to  Lexington, 
Kentucky,  for  the  purpose  of  practicing  his  profession.  He  left 
behind  him  an  enviable  reputation,  and  carried  with  him  talent 
and  a  store  of  legal  knowledge,  which  were  to  make  him,  forever, 
the  pride  of  his  adopted  State.  The  impression  lie  had  made  in 
Virginia  was  never  effaced.  At  a  fourth  of  July  celebration  in  that 
State,  in  1813,  when  the  country  was  full  of  his  praises,  and  his 
name  on  every  lip,  an  aged  companion  of  the  statesman  gave  the 
following  toast:  u  HENRY  CLAY: — He  and  I  were  born  close  to  the 
Slashes  of  old  Hanover.  He  worked  barefooted,  and  so  did  I; 
he  went  to  the  mill,  and  so  did  I ;  he  was  good  to  his  mamma, 
and  so  was  I.  I  know  him  like  a  book,  and  love  him  like  a 
brother."*  This  spontaneous  gush  of  feeling,  showed  that  half  a 

«  Colton. 


718  HENRY    CLAY. 

century  had  not  effaced  the  recollections  of  his  boyhood  in  his 
native  State. 

CLAY,  at  this  time,  was  in  that  delicate  position  incident  to  all 
young  professional  men  without  means.  Every  thing  depended 
upon  a  correct  start.  He  had  selected  a  theater  for  his  untried 
abilities,  where  veteran  competition  was  to  be  encountered,  and 
settled  at  a  place,  one  of  the  most  refined  and  aristocratic  in  the 
West.  The  Lexington  bar  presented  an  array  of  talent  and  in 
fluence,  rarely  excelled,  or  even  equaled.  He  had  no  means 
with  which  to  purchase  favor, — no  influential  friends  to  rush  him 
into  public  notice,  no  ancestral  honors  to  lift  his  humble  name. 
Nor  did  he  need  them.  He  was  most  happily  constituted  to  win 
the  favor  of  true-hearted  Kentuckians.  He  had  modesty  and 
sensibility  enough  to  prevent  undue  intrusions  upon  public  notice, 
and  nerve  enough  to  rely  upon  the  rewards  of  industry  and  merit. 
When  he  first  reached  Lexington,  therefore,  he  did  not,  with  his 
slender  stock  of  pecuniary  ammunition,  rent  an  office,  and  hang 
out  his  "  shingle,"  blazoned  with  "  HENKY  CLAY,  Counsellor  and 
Attorney  at  Law,"  nor  did  he,  as  many  do,  seek  to  tack  himself 
as  partner  to  some  influential  lawyer,  with  a  view  of  being  towed 
into  successful  practice.  He  quietly  resumed  his  books,  read  and 
re-read,  until  the  fundamental  principles  of  law  were  permanently 
fixed  in  his  mind  ;  then  taking  up  the  statutes  of  the  State,  he 
thoroughly  mastered  them.  By  this  course,  and  cultivating  with 
ease  and  propriety,  the  acquaintance  of  the  best  citizens,  he  drew 
.a  high  degree  of  popular  attention,  and  established  a  studious  and 
even  character.  Many  a  young  lawyer  has  ruined  his  prospects, 
by  being  too  eager  to  push  himself  forward, — by  trying  to  soar 
before  his  wings  are  fledged.  Fair  talents,  proper  habits,  and 
strict  application,  with  a  little  patience,  will  insure  success,  and 
place  the  legul  candidate  in  a  position  where,  instead  of  seeking 
opportunities,  business  will  seek  him.  CLAY  well  understood 
this. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  modesty  has  been  an  attribute  of 
our  greatest  men  in  the  outset  of  their  career.  The  anecdote  of 
Washington,  that  he  was  so  overcome  when  the  House  of  Bur 
gesses  was  bestowing  a  compliment  upon  him,  that  he  could  not 
speak  a  syllable  is  well  known.  So  is  that  of  Chief  Justice 
Kenyon,  who  had  made  several  forensic  failures,  and  was  about 
making  another,  till  he  seemed  to  feel  his  wife  and  children  pull- 


HENRY     CLAY. 

ing  his  coat-skirts  asking  bread,  when  he  made  a  powerful  speech, 
and  rose  at  once  to  success.  Other  instances  might  be  mentioned, 
but  with  these  as  illustrative  of  CLAY'S  modesty,  we  have  the 
widely-known  incident,  attending  his  first  appearance  in  debate  at 
Lexington.  He  had  been  in  the  city  some  time,  poring  incessantly 
over  his  books,  dreaming  of  decisions,  judges  and  jury-boxes, 
without  participating,  to  any  extent,  in  what  was  going  on  about 
him.  Doubtless,  too,  he  had  taken  many  a  walk  through  the 
fine  old  forests  around  the  place,  where,  thinking  how  to  apply 
what  he  had  read,  he  had  more  than  once  uttered  to  himself  the 
exclamation :  "  Gentlemen  of  the  jury !"  Be  this  as  it  may,  some 
time  passed  after  he  joined  the  debating  society,  before  he  ven 
tured  to  take  part.  On  one  occasion,  after  the  speakers  had  got 
through,  and  the  decision  was  about  to  be  called  for,  he  was 
heard  to  say  that  he  thought  the  question  was  not  exhausted.  The 
decision  was  withheld,  and  cries  of  CLAY!  CLAY!"  were  raised 
from  all  parts  of  the  room.  He  rose, — but  so  constant  had  his 
mind  been  kept  upon  his  books,  and  so  often  had  he  thought  on 
courts  of  justice,  that  as  he  rose,  he  became  quite  embarrassed ;  the 
subject  flitted  from  him,  and  instead  of  addressing  himself  to  the 
chairman,  he  exclaimed:  "Gentlemen  of  the  jury !"  This  was  rather 
an  awkward  start  in  his  new  sphere,  and  his  confusion  increased. 
Kecovering,  however,  he  ventured  another  attempt, — but  the  same 
"gentlemen  of  the  JURY"  again  fell  upon  the  ears  of  the  society. 
This  was  no  improvement  upon  the  first,  and  the  case  looked  a 
little  desperate.  But  suddenly  rising  in  his  native  majesty,  as  ho 
always  did  from  depression,  he  straightened  his  commanding  form 
to  full  hight,  and  with  a  majestic  sweep  of  his  hand,  entered  into 
the  discussion  with  all  the  ease  and  dignity  of  a  practiced  orator. 
The  society  was  struck  with  his  clear  voice,  his  grace,  dignity, 
and  command  of  words.  He  kept  them  spell-bound,  while  he  dis 
cussed  the  whole  subject  with  fervor,  eloquence,  and  power.  Few 
thought  when  he  closed  the  subject  was  not  exhausted.  He  was 
now  a  made  man.  At  one  bound,  he  had  stepped  from  his  room 
and  books  upon  the  public  arena,  fully  prepared  to  maintain  his 
position.  He  was,  too,  among  a  people  exactly  suited  to  his 
nature, — a  people  ardent,  generous,  and  easily  stirred  by  the 
impetuous  flow  of  his  eloquence.  The  time,  too,  was  propitious. 
The  Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  elsewhere  spoken  of,  were  creating 
intense  indignation.  Nowhere  was  it  more  intense  than  in 


720  HENRY    CLAY. 

Kentucky  and  Virginia.  The  resolutions  of  Jefferson  and  Madi 
son,  introduced  into  the  Legislatures  of  those  States,  are  well 
remembered.  The  speakers  of  Kentucky  were  called  out  by  the 
people, — the  citizens  of  Fayette  County  leading  the  van.  A  large 
meeting  was  called  in  the  county, — CLAY  was  present ;  to  him  the 
laws  were  peculiarly  obnoxious.  An  experienced  leader  spoke  to 
the  assemblage,  when  loud  and  vehement  calls  were  made  for  CLAY. 
Divested  of  the  timidity  that  had  congealed  the  fountain  of  his 
soul,  he  responded.  He  poured  a  torrent  of  denunciation  against 
the  laws,  such  as  had  never  before  been  heard.  Unrestricted 
liberty,  and  the  rights  guaranteed  by  the  Declaration,  were  im 
pressed  upon  his  hearers  in  a  manner  so  forcible  and  impressive, 
that  they  were  worked  into  a  perfect  frenzy.  He  closed  amid 
enthusiastic  shouts  and  cheers.  The  influence  of  CLAY  and  his 
friends  were  scarcely  sufficient  to  procure  a  hearing  for  the 
speakers  on  the  other  side,  who  wished  to  address  the  people. 
They  gave  away  to  unbounded  raptures, — pressed  around  the 
orator  of  the  day,  almost  in  a  delirium  of  joy.  The  "great 
commoner"  as  they  styled  him, thenceforth  knew  no  competition 
in  the  County  of  Fayette. 

Previous  to  this,  it  is  perfectly  clear  that  CLAY  was  entirely 
unconscious  of  his  own  powers.  He  tells,  in  a  speech  made  in 
1842,  what  his  feelings  were  when  he  first  presented  himself  in 
Lexington.  "  I  remember,"  he  says,  "  how  comfortable  I  thought 
I  should  be  if  I  could  make  one  hundred  pounds,  Virginia  money, 
per  year,  and  with  what  delight  I  received  my  first  fifteen  shillings' 
fee."  He  also  mentioned  the  solicitude  occasioned  by  fears  of  not 
being  able  to  pay  his  "  weekly  board."  But  success  came  in  full 
tide  upon  him,  and  he  was  soon  overwhelmed  with  business. 
Men  of  influence,  wealth,  and  standing,  gathered  around  him,  and 
gave  him  their  confidence.  He  laid  hold  of  the  popular  mind,  too, 
which  he  ever  controlled  almost  at  will.  Having  thus  established 
himself  in  a  lucrative  practice,  he  determined  upon  the  enjoyment? 
of  domestic  life.  In  the  spring  of  1799,  then  in  his  twenty-third 
year,  he  married  Lucretia  Hart,  daughter  of  Colonel  Hart,  a 
gentleman  of  wealth,  influence,  and  well  known  in  that  part  of 
the  State.  The  lady  selected  for  his  bosom  companion  through 
life,  was  of  fine  and  happy  temperament.  The  family  cares  devolv 
ing  upon  her,  were  attended  to  with  cheerfulness  and  devotion. 
Devoted  as  a  wife,  patient  as  a  mother,  and  kind  to  the  domestics. 


HENRY    CLAY.  721 

she  did  much  to  relieve  the  anxieties  of  her  husband,  through  a  long 
and  active  political  life.  Though  a  venerable  woman,  she  still 
lives,  esteemed  and  respected,  at  Ashland.  Go  there,  and  like  a 
plain  Kentucky  lady,  she  will  give  you  a  kind  reception, — show 
the  books  CLAY  used  to  read,  point  out  his  library,  various  portraits 
and  interesting  relics  owned  by  the  departed  sage;  and  among  others 
a  glass  goblet  used  by  General  Washington,  allusion  to  which  is 
made  in  one  of  CLAY'S  speeches  in  the  Senate.  The  issue  of  this 
union  was  eleven  children, — six  daughters  and  five  sons.  The 
daughters  are  all  dead.  Four  of  the  sons  survive  and  live  in  and 
around  Lexington.  Theodore,  the  eldest,  is  (it  is  said,  in  conse 
quence  of  accidental  injury,  sustained  in  early  boyhood),  the 
inmate  of  an  asylum.  Thomas  H.  Clay  is  a  prosperous  and 
energetic  farmer.  Henry  Clay,  jr.,  graduated  at  "West  Point, — 
went  to  Mexico,  and  fell  in  the  battle  of  Buena  Yista.  James  B. 
Clay,  practiced  law  for  a  time,  and  is  now  (1858)  the  representa 
tive  in  Congress  of  the  Ashland  District.  John  M.  Clay,  occu 
pies  a  portion  of  the  Ashland  farm,  and  devotes  his  time  to 
agriculture. 

As  the  great  statesman  of  whom  we  are  speaking,  occupied  so 
wide  a  space  in  the  public  eye,  and  exerted  such  a  powerful  influ 
ence  in  the  national  councils,  it  may  be  well  to  give  here  some 
idea  of  the  man,  and  the  means  by  which  he  attained  this  emi 
nence.  As  a  son,  we  have  seen  he  reverenced  his  mother, — a 
name  that  thrice  quivered  on  his  lips  in  the  dying  hour, — and 
rendered  her  the  homage  of  his  heart.  As  a  husband  and  parent, 
he  showed  the  same  devotion.  His  love  for  his  children  was 
unsurpassed.  Keceiving  intelligence  of  the  death  of  a  lovely 
daughter,  while  at  Washington,  he  fainted  away,  and  kept  his 
room  for  several  days ; — "  the  strong  man  was  cut  down."  When 
he  resumed  his  public  duties,  he  was  so  overcome  with  emotion, 
that  he  was  forced  to  pause  and  give  vent  to  his  feelings. 

As  a  private  citizen,  he  bound  himself  to  the  people  with 
"  bands  of  steel."  His  friendships  were  warm,  pure,  and  lasting. 
He  drew  men  toward  him  as  by  a  charm.  His  affection  for  his 
friends  amounted  to  fondness.  At  Ghent,  he  threw  his  arms 
around  Lafayette,  who  was  sad  at  the  thought  of  parting,  saying; 
"What  is  the  matter  rny  friend?  you  seem  unhappy,"  and  burst 
into  tears.  He  once  volunteered  his  services  to  defend  a  poor 


722  HENRY     CLAY. 

Irishman,  who  had  been  lynched, — brought  suit,  and  got  a  verdict 
with  heavy  damages, — imperiling  himself  for  one  who  needed 
aid.  With  this  generous,  noble  nature,  when  success  crowned  his 
labors,  Ashland  was  the  place  of  happy  greetings,  and  social 
Intercourse.  In  regard  to  his  moral  nature,  he  had  a  deep  rever 
ence  for  the  Deity  and  all  his  works.  In  all  the  relations  of  life, 
he  was  guided  by  a  high  moral  principle.  For  the  sublime  truths 
of  Revelation,  he  had  unbounded  respect,  and  tried  to  shape  his 
course  by  the  golden  rule.  In  a  speech  in  Congress,  favoring  a 
resolution  recommending  a  national  fast,  he  said:  "I  am  a  mem 
ber  of  no  religious  sect.  I  regret  that  I  am  not.  I  wish  that  I 
was,  and  I  trust  that  I  shall  be.  I  have,  and  always  have  had  a 
profound  regard  for  Christianity, — the  religion  of  my  fathers,  and 
for  its  rights,  its  usages,  and  its  observances,"  etc.  On  another 
occasion,  he  said  :  "  I  feel  that  it  is  our  first  duty  to  express  our 
obligations  to  a  kind  and  bountiful  Providence,  for  copious  refresh 
ing  showers  with  which  he  has  blessed  our  land,  of  which  it  stood 
much  in  need.  For  one,  I  offer  to  him  my  humble  and  dutiful 
thanks."  He  always  attended  divine  service,  and  took  a  lively 
interest  in  spreading  religious  views.  Pointing  to  the  Bible,  just 
after  his  defeat  in  1844,  he  said  to  some  friends:  "Gentlemen,  I 
know  nothing  but  that  book,  that  can  reconcile  us  to  such  events." 
Significant  enough  of  this  moral  tone  pervading  his  nature,  is  the 
fact,  that  he  was  made  a  life  member  of  Bible,  Sabbath,  and  Mis 
sionary  Associations,  in  different  parts  of  the  country. 

In  person,  u  CLAY  was  tall,  being  six  feet  one  inch  in  hight;  not 
stout,  but  the  opposite  ;  had  long  arms,  and  a  small  hand  ;  always 
erect  in  standing,  walking,  or  talking;  in  debate,  still  more 
erect ;  had  a  well  shaped  head,  and  dauntless  profile ;  and  un 
commonly  large  mouth,  upper  lip  commanding,  nose  prominent, 
spare  visage,  and  blue  eyes, — electrical  when  kindled ;  forehead 
high,  sloping  backward  in  a  curvilinear  line  that  bespoke  tho 
man;  hair  naturally  light,  and  slow  to  put  on  the  frosts  of  age; 
withal,  displaying  a  well  formed  person  and  imposing  aspect, 
which,  it  is  supposed,  an  amateur  or  connoisseur  in  human  shape 
and  countenance,  would  not  be  likely  to  find  much  fault  with." 

He  was  of  a  strong,  fiery,  sanguine  temperament;  and  had  not 
sound  judgment  and  a  deep  sense  of  moral  obligations,  arrested 
its  exhibitions,  he  would  have  been  a  terror  indeed.  He  several 
times  gave  way  to  it  during  his  life.  On  one  occasion,  he  attacked 


HENRY     CLAY.  723 

nis  opponent  for  Congress,  John  Pope,  in  the  streets  of  Lexing 
ton,  greatly  to  the  annoyance  of  the  citizens :  on  another,  he 
gave  his  opposing  counsel  an  indignant  blow  in  the  court-house, 
and  was  felled  to  the  floor  in  return.  These  demonstrations,  how 
ever,  always  caused  regret,  soon  as  the  occasions  passed. 

As  a  public  speaker,  CLAY  possessed  all  the  powers  of  controll 
ing  the  souls  of  men.  In  an  assembly,  he  towered  more  like  an 
unmeasured  and  rugged  mountain,  than  a  symmetrical,  polished 
column.  His  commanding  form  overawed,  while  the  fasci 
nation  of  his  manner,  ruled  like  a  spell.  He  could  express 
the  various  passions  on  his  countenance  to  a  greater  extent  than, 
perhaps,  any  man  living.  In  speaking,  when  thoroughly  aroused, 
with  the  persuasive  potency  of  enchantment,  he  would  draw  men 
to  him, — then  suddenly  and  impressively  erecting  himself,  he 
would  hurl  his  thunderbolts  among  them  with  destructive  effect. 
Confident  of  the  correctness  of  his  opinions^  and  the  means  em 
ployed  to  enforce  them  upon  the  minds  of  other  men,  he  threw 
himself  into  debate  without  thinking  of  aught  but  victory.  His 
very  look  would  overcome  most  men,  and  when  accompanied  with 
word  and  gesture,  none  could  withstand  it.  His  powers  of  ridicule 
were  great,  but  it  was  while  vindicating  himself  or  his  opinions 
that  .he  showed  his  power  and  superiority.  When  defending 
Charles  "Wickliffe,  in  Lexington,  tried  for  killing  Benning,  the 
editor  of  the  Gazette,  his  powers  of  ridicule  were  made  effective. 
John  M'Calla  had  written  some  letters  to  the  Gazette,  over  the 
signature  of  Dentatus,  reflecting  severely  upon  Wickliffe's  father. 
Young  Wickliffe  went  to  the  editor  and  demanded  the  author. 
Benning  requested  time  to  confer  with  Dentatus,  which  was 
granted.  At  the  next  interview,  Benning  was  armed,  and  with 
held  the  name  of  his  anonymous  correspondent.  An  altercation 
ensued,  in  which  Wickliffe  drew  a  pistol  and  shot  Benning  dead. 
On  the  day  of  trial,  CLAY  was  adverting  to  the  subject,  and  finally 
came  to  the  correspondent,  who  was  present.  After  asking  in  an 
indescribably  ludicrous  manner  several  times, — "Who  is  Deu- 
tatus?"  he  finally  crouched  himself  down  as  dwarfish  as  that  indi 
vidual  himself,  and  bringing  his  hands  together,  said  in  a  con 
temptuous  whisper:  u  Why  gentlemen,  it  is  nobody  but  little 
Johnny  M^Calla"  Little  Johnny  left  the  room  as  soon  as  pos 
sible,  to  the  infinite  mirth  of  the  spectators,  and  greatly  to  the 
relief  of  a  young  man  who  had  written  something  disparaging  to 


724  HENRY     CLAY. 

Wickliffe's  father,  and  who  thought  that,  perhaps,  "Who  is  Den- 
tatus,"  referred  to  himself.  CLAY  gained  his  case  and  secured 
Wickliffe's  acquittal.  Soon  after  he  became  a  member  of  the 
Kentucky  Legislature,  the  removal  of  the  capitol  from  Frankfort 
was  proposed, — CLAY  was  in  favor  of  it,  and  in  his  remarks  upon 
the  measure,  compared  Frankfort  to  an  inverted  hat, — and  then 
to  Nature's  penitentiary,  pointing,  as  he  said  penitentiary,  to  a 
crowd  of  ragged  loungers  in  the  galleries  as  specimens  of  the  con 
victs,  who,  in  their  hurried  scamper  out  to  avoid  the  notice  drawn 
toward  them,  cut  a  figure  ludicrous  enough.  Some  time  after,  in 
a  speech  made  in  that  city,  he  turned  the  hat,  and  gave  the  place 
and  its  citizens  a  merited  compliment.  At  another  time,  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  he  was  adverting  to  a  disposition  prevalent 
among  the  people  of  Texas.  Senator  Rusk  took  exceptions,  and 
interrupting  him  in  his  speech,  said  the  feeling  alluded  to  only 
prevailed  among  office-seekers.  "O  ho!  that's  it,  is  it?  I  fear 
Texas  is  not  the  only  State  where  a  majority  of  the  citizens  are 
office  seekers,"  rejoined  CLAY,  and  proceeded  with  his  speech. 
But  to  convey  an  idea  of  the  sublime  character  of  the  man,  we 
must-  turn  to  those  passages  of  his  life  where  his  opinions  were 
assailed  or  his  motives  impugned.  It  was  then  he  would  rise  in 
all  his  manhood  and  grandeur,  and  hurl  defiance  in  the  teeth  of 
his  "  calumniators"  that  sent  them,  cowering  into  complete  nothing 
ness.  On  such  occasions',  he  would  throw  himself  back,  and  with 
uplifted  hand  and  flashing  eye,  and  that  inimitable  sweep  of  the 
arm,  strike  terror  and  dismay  to  the  hearts  of  his  foes,  and  fire 
his  friends  with  a  revenge  that  was  almost  madness.  Then  sud 
denly  the  storm  would  subside, — the  cloud  pass  from  his  brow, 
which  would  become  calm  as  the  evening  sky, — his  eye  would 
beam  with  a  soft  genial  light, — his  muscles  would  relax,  while  with 
modulated  voice  and  graceful  ease,  he  would  melt  his  hearers  into 
tears,  and  cast  a  charm  all  about  him  ; — no  mortal  ever  had  such 
control  over  other  men,  for  the  time  being.  Passage  after  passage 
from  his  speeches  might  be  culled,  showing  his  various  powers. 
In  Colton's  works,  an  extract  is  furnished,  illustrating  his  control 
over  audiences.  In  1840,  he  was  assailed  bitterly  by  political 
enemies,  about  Lexington.  He  published  a  notice  that  he  would 
speak  to  his  fellow-citizens  on  a  certain  day.  Immense  crowds 
flocked  to  hear  him.  He  rose  among  his  old  friends  in  the  public 
square,  and  thus  began  his  speech : 


HE3RY    CLAY. 


725 


"Fellow-Citizens:  I  am  now  an  old  man, — quite  an  old  man," 
[here  he  leaned  forward,  showing  that  he  was  an  old  man]. 
uBut,"  [straightening  himself  erect  again],  "yet  it  will  be  found 
that  I  am  not  too  old  to  vindicate  my  principles,  TO  STAND  BY  MY 
FRIENDS,  OR  TO  DEFEND  MYSELF."  The  commanding  form, 
piercing  eye,  and  rising  emphasis  of  his  voice  spoke  the  truth  of 
his  assertion.  "  It  so  happens,"  he  continued,  "  that  I  have  again 
located  myself,  in  the  practice  of  my  profession,  in  an  office  within 
a  few  rods  of  the  one  which  I  occupied  when,  more  than  forty 
years  ago,  I  first  came  among  you  an  orphan  and  a  stranger,  and 
your  fathers  took  me  by  the  hand  and  made  me  what  I  am." 
[He  here  pointed  first  to  his  new  office,  then  to  his  old,  and  as  he 
said,  "  your  father's  took  me  by  the  hand  and  made  me  what  I 
am,"  his  hearers  wept  profusely,  and  felt  ready  to  die  for  him]. 
u  I  feel  like  an  old  stag  which  has  been  long  coursed  by  the 
hunters  and  the  hounds,  through  brakes  and  briers,  and  over  dis 
tant  plains,  and  has,  at  last,  returned  to  his  ancient  lair  to  lay 
himself  down  and  die.  And  yet  the  vile  curs  of  party  are  bark 
ing  at  my  heels,  and  the  bloodhounds  of  personal  malignity  are 
aiming  at  my  throat.  I  SCOEN  AND  DEFY  THEM  AS  I  EVER  DID." 
Before  he  reached  the  last  sentence,  his  audience  was  weeping 
tears  of  sympathy, — but  when  he  lifted  himself  to  full  hight,  and 
swept  his  arm  to  the  heavens,  looking  more  like  something  super 
natural  than  man,  as  he  said  with  his  deep  defiant  voice:  "I 
SCORN  AND  DEFY  THEM  AS  I  EVER  DID,"  their  tears  ceased.  With 
compressed  lips,  and  clenched  fists,  they  would  have  fought  to  the 
death  for  the  "  old  man"  Such  was  the  effect  produced  by  the 
mere  exordium  to  a  speech  of  some  hours'  length,  in  which  he  so 
clearly  "  vindicated  his  principles,  and  defended  his  friends  and 
himself,"  that  the  gentleman  who  was  expected  to  reply,  wisely 
concluded  to  retire.  Numerous  instances,  where  this  indefinable 
majesty  and  control  were  exhibited,  are  at  hand.  He,  at  one 
time,  treated  Aaron  Burr  with  marked  civilny,  and  had  consented 
to  engage  in  his  defense,  when  he  was  first  arrested  for  trial  at 
Frankfort,  Kentucky.  After  Burr's  final  arrest  and  arraignment 
at  Eichmond,  CLAY  was  in  New  York,  at  a  public  dinner.  He 
had  every  reason  to  suppose  Burr  had  deceived  him.  Burr  saw 
the  statesman  walking  through  the  halls,  and  purposely  throwing 
himself  in  his  way,  extended  his  hand.  CLAY  suddenly  drew 
himself  to  full  hight,  put  his  hand  under  his  vest,  and  bestowed 
49 


726  HENRY    CLAY. 

upon  the  ex-politician1  a  withering  look  that  sent  him  from  his 
presence. 

At  another  time,  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  the  confir 
mation  of  Edward  Everett  to  an  important  post  came  up.  It  was 
opposed  by  some  member  from  the  South,  upon  the  ground  that 
Everett  was  a  Northern  man.  The  member  went  on  for  some  time, 
in  a  speech  of  sectional  bitterness,  and  finally  wound  up  by  say 
ing:  "I  tell  you,  sir,  if  this  House  persists  in  confirming  these 
nominations,  regardless  of  the  claims  of  the  South,  the  Union  will  be 
dissolved."  CLAY  sprang  to  his  feet.  Discarding  sectional  strifes, 
and  elevating  his  form  and  voice,  he  replied :  "  Sir,  I  tell  you,  if  this 
House  refuse  to  confirm  the  nomination  for  any  such  reasons  as 
assigned  by  the  honorable  senator, — the  Union  is  ALREADY  dis 
solved."  The  power  and  force  conveyed  by  his  manner,  look,  and 
posture,  as  he  said  "ALREADY  dissolved,"  were  indescribable. 
These  were  times  when  the  powers  of  his  mighty  soul  would 
swell  like  the  ocean, — terrible,  overwhelming,  resistless.  But 
there  were  times  when,  with  all  imaginable  ease,  he  would  in 
dulge  in  every-day  pleasantries,  and  render  himself  familiar,  and 
his  presence  delightful  to  all.  Quick  at  repartee,  of  ready  wit, 
and  an  excellent  judge  of  men,  he  knew  exactly  how  to  adapt 
himself  to  his  company  and  the  occasion. 

He  once  had  a  client  who  was  not  very  good  for  his  debts.  The 
opposing  counsel  was  questioning  a  witness  on  the  stand  in 
regard  to  the  matter.  The  witness  did  not  wish  to  injure  a  neigh 
bor,  and  was  forced  to  reply:  "He  is  slow"  He  was  farther 
pressed,  but  again  answered,  "  he  is  slow, — cand  sure, ' "  added 
CLAY,  to  which  the  witness  said,  "  Yes,  sir."  His  point  was  thus 
established.  Madame  de  Stael  told  him  in  Paris,  after  the  treaty  of 
peace,  that  the  British  talked,  during  the  war,  of  sending  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  to  lead  their  forces  in  America.  "  I  am  very 
sorry,  Madam,  they  did  not  send  his  Grace,"  said  CLAY.  Much 
surprised,  she  asked:  "And  why,  sir."  "Because,  Madam,  if 
he  had  beaten  us,  we  should  have  been  in  the  condition  of  all 
Europe,  without  disgrace;  but,  if  we  had  been  so  fortunate  as  to 
beat  the  Duke,  we  would  have  added  greatly  to  the  renown  of 
our  arms." 

On  the  delivery  of  his  first  speech  in  the  Senate,  upon  internal 
improvements,  an  older  senator  took  exceptions,  and  occasion  to 
recommend  to  him  modesty  corresponding  with  his  years.  In  his 


HENRY    CLAY.  727 

reply,  CLAY  applied,  most  happily,  the   following  lines  to  his 
friend : 

"  Thus,  have  I  seen  a  magpie  in  the  street, 
A  chattering  bird  we  often  meet, 
With  head  awry,  and  cunning  eye, 
Peep  knowingly  into  a  marrow-bone." 

The  senator  was  so  stung  by  this  retort,  that  he  never  repeated  his 
advice. 

Of  the  expunging  resolutions,  he  thus  spoke :  "  It  runs,  whereas, 
and,  whereas ,  and,  whereas ,  and,  whereas ,  and  so  forth,  into 
a  formidable  array  of  nine  several  whereases.  One  who  should 
have  the  courage  to  begin  to  read  them,  unaware  of  what  was  to 
be  their  termination,  would  think,  that  at  the  end  of  such  a  tre 
mendous  display  he  must  find  the  devil:  It  is  like  a  kite  or  a 
comet,  except  that  the  order  of  nature  is  inverted,  and  the  tail, 
instead  of  being  behind,  is  before  the  body  to  which  it  is  appended." 
During  the  hostile  feelings  between  him  and  Calhoun,  the  latter 
made  rather  an  indelicate  reference  to  the  old  bargain  and  corrup 
tion  charge  of  1825,  and  remarked  that  he  (CLAY)  was  "  flat  on  his 
back  "  by  the  compromise  act.  CLAY  arose  and  promptly  rejoined  : 
"The  senator  says  I  was  'flat  on  my  back,'  and  that  he  was  my 
master.  Sir,  I  would  not  own  him  (pointing  his  finger  directly  at 
Calhoun)  for  my  SLAVE." 

Speaking,  at  another  time,  of  the  views  of  those  favoring  Cal- 
houn's  land  bill,  he  referred  to  the  old  adage,  that  charity 
should  begin  at  home,  and  said  that,  "according  to  the  doctrine 
of  the  opponents  of  distribution,  it  neither  begins  nor  ends  at 
home.  Speaking  again  of  Calhoun's  system  of  free  trade,  he 
said:  "He  still  clings  to  his  free  trade  doctrine,  though  it  has 
proved  so  ruinous  to  his  own  State,  and  to  southern  interests  as 
well  as  to  northern ; — to  that  free  trade  which  has  depressed  the 
price  of  cotton  to  a  point  below  what  it  has  ever  brought  since  the 
close  of  the  last  war.  In  spite  of  all  the  boastings  of  experience, 
as  well  in  his  own  as  in  all  other  nations,  still  he  deafens  us 
with  the  cry  of  ''free  trade?  Really,  the  case  of  the  honorable 
gentleman  is  without  any  parallel  that  I  know  or  even  heard  of, 
unless  it  be  that  which  we  find  in  the  immortal  work  of  Le  Sage. 
Gil  Bias  was  engaged  in  medical  practice  with  the  far-famed  Dr. 
Sangrado ;  and  after  having  gone  as  far  as  his  conscience  and 
his  feelings  could  at  all  endure,  he  came  at  last  to  the  Doctor,  and 
said  to  him  :  c  Sir,  your  system  won't  do ;  I  have  been  bleeding 


728  HENRY    CLAY. 

and  administering  warm  water,  with  unflinching  resolution,  and 
the  consequence  is, — and  I  must  tell  you  frankly,  all  our  patients, — 
nobles,  gentlemen,  bourgeois,  men,  women,  and  children, — all, 
all  are  dying!  I  propose  to  change  the  system.'  'What,'  said 
the  astonished  Sangrado,  'change  our  system?  Change  our 
system?  Why,  sir,  do  you  not  know  that  I  have  written  a  BOOK 
and  that  I  must  preserve  my  CONSISTENCY?  Yes;  and  sooner 
than  change  my  system  or  write  another  book  to  prove  it  false, 
let  nobles,  gentlemen,  bourgeois,  men,  women,  and  children,  and 

ALL,  go  to .     I  will  not  say  where.'     The  honorable  senator 

seems  to  act  on  the  self-same  plan.  Instead  of  recommending 
hot  water  and  bleeding,  he  recommends//1^  trade;  and  though 
he  sees,  from  year  to  year,  that  his  prescriptions  are  killing  all  his 
patients,  he  spurns  the  idea  of  changing  his  system,  because  he 
must  preserve  his  CONSISTENCY." 

CLAY  was  once  besieged  in  his  office  by  a  crowd  of  ladies,  with 
scissors  in  hand,  for  locks  of  his  hair.  He  submitted  to  the  shav 
ing  with  grace  and  dignity,  and  finally  said :  "  Ladies,  leave  a 
little,  or  I  shall  be  forced  to  get  a  wig" 

His  electioneering  campaigns  were  replete  with  incident  and 
anecdote.  His  course,  in  regard  to  the  compensation  bill,  in 
troduced  the  previous  Congress,  was  not  approved  by  some  of  his 
constituents.  When  he  was  soliciting  their  votes  for  re-election, 
the  subject  frequently  came  up.  He  met  with  an  old  friend,  a 
hunter,  who  took  exceptions  to  his  course.  "  Have  you  a  good 
rifle,  my  friend,"  he  asked.  "  Yes."  "  Did  it  ever  flash  ?"  "  It 
did,  once."  "  And  did  you  throw  it  away?"  "No;  I  picked 
flint,  tried  it  again,  and  it  was  true."  "  Have  I  ever  flashed  but 
this  once  you  complain  of?  "  u  No."  "And  will  you  throw  me 
away  ?"  "  No,  no," — seizing  CLAY'S  hand  with  great  warmth,  "I 
will  pick  the  flint  and  try  it  again."  As  he  proceeded,  he  met 
another  old  friend,  who  had  his  gun  in  hand.  CLAY  asked  for  his 
vote.  "  Are  you  a  good  shot  ?"  asked  the  hunter.  "  Try  me,  and 
see."  replied  CLAY.  "  Very  well ;  here  's  Old  Bess  (the  name  of 
the  gun),  try  her  once."  CLAY  was  not  accustomed  to  rifle  shoot 
ing,  but  he  took  "  Old  Bess,"  and  accidently  hit  the  mark.  The 
hunter  insisted  upon  his  shooting  again, — he  declined,  saying: 
"  Beat  that,  and  I  will."  No  farther  trial  was  made,  and  CLAY 
secured  his  vote. 

When  Yan  Buren  received  the  presidential  nomination,  in  1835, 


HENRY    CLAY.  729 

he  said,  in  accepting,  he  was  the  u  honored  instrument,  selected 
by  the  friends  of  the  administration,"  etc.  "  Honored  instru 
ment!"  exclaimed  CLAY,  "that  word,  according  to  the  most 
approved  definition,  means  tool.  He  was  then  the  honored  TOOL 
of  the  friends  of  the  administration." 

It  is  well  known  that  CLAY  and  Calhoun  labored  together  against 
Jackson's  administration,  and  that  they  afterward  separated. 
Speaking  of  this  unity  and  opposition,  CLAY  said :  "  We  united, 
if  indeed  there  were  any  alliance  in  the  case,  to  restrain  the  enor 
mous  expansion  of  executive  power, — to  rebuke  usurpation ;  to 
drive  the  Goths  and  Vandals  from  the  capitol;  to  expel  Brennus 
and  his  horde  from  Rome,  who,  when  he  threw  his  sword  into  the 
scale  to  augment  the  ransom  demanded  from  the  mistress  of  the 
world,  showed  his  preference  for  gold, — that  he  was  a  hard  money 
chieftain.  It  was  by  the  much  more  valuable  metal,  iron,  that 
he  was  driven  from  her  gates. 

"The  odious  contest  in  which  we  were  so  long  engaged,  was 
about  to  terminate  in  a  glorious  victory.  At  this  critical  juncture 
the  Senator  left  us.  He  left  us  for  the  very  purpose  of  preventing 
the  success  of  the  common  cause.  He  took  up  his  musket,  knap 
sack,  and  shot-pouch,  and  joined  the  other  party.  He  went  horse, 
foot,  and  dragoon,  and  he  himself  composed  the  whole  corps. 
He  went  as  his  puissant,  most  distinguished  ally,  commenced  with 
his  expunging  resolution  c  solitary  and  alone?  ' 

CLAY,  as  a  reasoner,  was  clear  and  convincing.  The  most 
intricate  threads  of  a  knotty  case  were  easily  drawn  out,  and  made 
electric  wires  for  the  conveyance  of  his  thoughts,  while  his  hearers 
were  carried  through  the  most  abstruse  subjects,  without  being 
wearied  or  manifesting  the  least  impatience.  His  language  was 
always  plain  and  powerful, — never  too  highly  wrought  nor  degen 
erating  into  commonplace  expression.  His  voice  was  melodious, 
under  perfect  control,  and  of  powerful  compass  and  volume, — 
capable  of  embracing  and  rousing  every  passion.  When  speaking, 
absorbed  in  his  theme,  he  was  unconscious  of  what  was  going 
on  around  him,  and  of  his  own  positions,  while  he  looked  elo 
quence,  spoke  it,  and  acted  it. 

Reader:  we  have  now  endeavored  to  give  you  an  introduction, 
so  to  speak,  to  HENRY  CLAY, — one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of 
his  own  or  any  age.  Let  it  not  be  supposed,  however,  because 
we  have  been  a  little  minute  in  giving  his  characteristics,  that 


730  HENRY    CLAY. 

all  the  great  measures  he  originated  or  was  connected  with,  can 
be  explored  in  detail ;  such  an  undertaking  would,  of  itself, 
require  the  pages  of  an  extended  octavo.  Hoping  to  give  the 
most  important  events  of  his  political  life,  we  now  resume.  We 
left  him  practicing  law  in  the  city  of  Lexington.  Of  his  pro 
fession,  as  of  every  thing  else  he  took  hold  of,  he  quickly  rose  to 
the  first  rank.  His  judgment  of  human  nature, — quick  insight 
into  the  springs  of  the  human  heart, — his  force  of  character,  and 
readiness  in  unraveling  the  most  complicated  case  of  law,  and 
his  resistless  eloquence  made  him  sought  after  in  difficult  cases, 
and  gave  him  control  of  the  practice.  He  once  defended  two 
individuals,  in  Kentucky,  arraigned  for  murder,  where  the  proof 
was  incontestably  clear  against  them ;  yet  he  managed  to  procure 
a  verdict  of  homicide,  afterward  an  arrest  of  judgment,  and  finally 
acquittal. 

In  a  similar  case,  he  contrived  to  produce  a  disagreement  of  the 
jury.  At  the  succeeding  trial,  he  put  in  the  plea,  that  a  man 
could  not  be  tried  twice  for  the  same  offense ;  the  court  refused  to 
entertain  so  singular  a  plea.  CLAY  got  up,  took  his  books  and 
papers,  and  left  the  court-house  in  a  most  majestic  manner.  The 
court  was  overawed, — could  not  stand  an  influence  so  ponderous 
against  it,  and  sent  for  CLAY  to  return,  telling  him  he  should  have 
his  own  way ; — he  did  so,  and  gained  the  case.  As  a  lawyer,  in 
both  civil  and  criminal  practice,  he  had  no  superior  in  the  country. 
It  is  said,  that  not  one  of  all  the  men  he  defended  upon  criminal 
indictments  was  ever  convicted. 

But,  private  life  and  pursuits  were  not  to  form  his  high  destiny. 
His  country  early  demanded  him,  and  called  him  to  her  service. 
He  was  unexpectedly  to  himself,  and  without  efforts  to  that  end, 
brought  forward  as  a  candidate  for  the  State  Legislature,  and 
elected  over  weighty  opposition,  by  a  triumphant  majority.  He 
soon  took  a  stand  in  that  body,  that  showed  his  ability  for  leader 
ship.  His  fascinating  eloquence  and  influence  swept  down  all 
competitors,  and  left  him  undisputed  master.  His  career,  up  to 
this  time,  though  brief,  was  brilliant,  and  of  service  to  his  con 
stituents.  He  had  exhibited  capacities  as  a  debater,  and  parlia 
mentarian,  that  marked  him  for  a  higher  sphere.  In  1806,  he  was 
elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  to  fill  the  unexpired  term  of 
General  Adair,  resigned.  He  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  wholly 
unpracticed  in  its  deliberations,  among  men  of  mature  age  and 


HENRY    CLAY.  731 

distinction.  Though  not  obtrusive,  he  was  determined  not  to  be 
idle.  His  first  speech  was  made  upon  the  construction  of  the 
Potomac  Bridge,  in  which  many  of  his  ideas  of  internal  improve 
ment  were,  for  the  first  time,  heard  in  that  hall.  The  speech  was 
able,  and  fully  vindicated  the  powers  and  reputation  of  the  young 
senator.  During  his  short  term  of  service  at  this  session,  he 
made  many  friends,  and  created  high  expectations.  When  Con 
gress  adjourned,  he  returned  to  the  State  Legislature.  When  that 
body  met,  he  was  chosen  speaker.  In  1808,  he  was  not  urged  to 
the  speakership,  his  friends  being  determined  to  pit  him  against 
Humphrey  Marshall.  The  discussions  between  them  were  bitter, 
and  sometimes  violent.  As  significant  of  CLAY'S  views  of  home 
industry,  he  brought  in  a  bill,  requiring  the  members  to  dress 
themselves  in  domestic  goods.  This  resulted  in  the  affair  with 
Humphrey  Marshall,  who  made  some  severe  remarks  upon  the 
bill.  CLAY  sent  him  a  challenge,  which  being  accepted,  the 
parties  met,  and  after  shooting  at  each  other  a  few  times,  both 
were  slightly  wounded,  when  they  were  taken  from  the  field  by  the 
interposition  of  friends. 

The  deep-rooted  prejudices  and  antipathy  to  England,  existing 
at  this  time,  were  evinced  clearly  by  the  effort  made  at  this  session 
of  the  Legislature,  to  suppress  all  reference  by  the  State  courts  to 
English  laws  and  decisions.  This  piece  of  intolerance  roused  the 
just  indignation  of  CLAY.  Alone,  he  fought  the  movement  at 
every  turn,  and  finally  succeeded  in  preventing  its  success. 

CLAY  was  just  lifting  himself  to  national  gaze.  He  was  now 
to  leave  the  halls  of  State  for  those  of  national  legislation.  He 
was  permanently  to  transfer  his  talents  from  Frankfort  to  Wash 
ington  City,  where,  for  forty  years,  he  was  to  be  the  magnet  of 
traction, — the  Kichard  Coeur  de  Lion  of  legislation.  The  follow 
ing  portraiture,  drawn  of  him  at  the  time  he  left  the  Legislature, 
will  afford  a  good  idea  of  the  general  impression  he  had  made 
upon  the  public  mind  : 

"  He  appears,"  says  the  writer  alluded  to,  "  to  have  been  the 
pervading  spirit  of  the  whole  body.  He  never  came  to  the  de 
bates  without  the  knowledge  necessary  to  the  perfect  elucidation 
of  his  subject,  and  he  always  had  the  power  of  making  his  knowl 
edge  so  practical,  and  lighting  it  up  so  brightly  with  the  fire  of 
eloquence,  and  the  living  soul  of  intellect,  that,  without  resorting 
to  the  arts  of  insidiousness,  he  could  generally  control  the  move- 


732  HENRY    CLAY. 

ments  of  the  Legislature  at  will.  His  mind  was  not  an  undue  in 
fluence  ;  it  was  simply  ascendency  of  mind  over  mind.  The  bills, 
which  originated  with  him,  instead  of  being  characterized  by  the 
eccentricities  and  ambitious  innovations  which  are  too  often  visible 
in  the  course  of  young  men  of  genius,  suddenly  elevated  to  power 
and  influence,  were  remarkable  only  for  their  plain  common  sense, 
and  their  tendency  to  advance  the  general  interests  of  the  State. 
Though  he  carried  his  plans  into  effect  by  the  aid  of  the  magical 
incantations  of  the  orator,  he  always  conceived  them  with  the 
coolness  and  discretion  of  a  philosopher.  No  subject  was  so  great 
as  to  baffle  his  powers, — none  so  minute  as  to  elude  them.  He 
could  handle  the  telescope  and  the  microscope  with  equal  skill. 
In  him,  the  haughty  demagogues  of  the  Legislature  found  an 
antagonist  who  never  failed  to  foil  them  in  their  bold  projects, 
and  the  intriguers  of  lower  degree  were  baffled  with  equal 
certainty,  whenever  they  attempted  to  get  any  petty  measure 
through  the  House  for  their  own  personal  gratification,  or  that  of 
their  friends.  The  people,  therefore,  justly  regarded  him  as  em 
phatically  their  own." 

At  the  session  of  1809-'10,  CLAY  was  again  sent  to  the  United 
States  Senate.  He  had  been  there  but  a  short  time,  before  it 
became  apparent  that  his  was  one  of  the  guiding  minds  that  was 
to  shape  the  policy  of  the  nation.  Ever  the  champion  of  home 
manufactures,  he  early  took  occasion  to  advocate  his  American 
system.  A  bill  came  up,  requiring  from  American  citizens 
preference  for  articles  manufactured  at  home,  to  those  imported 
from  other  markets.  The  speech  of  CLAY  was  an  utterance  of  his 
views  upon  the  protective  system, — a  subject  which  he  studied 
more  profoundly,  perhaps,  than  any  other  American  statesman. 
The  bill  was  introduced  more  particularly  for  the  purpose  of 
instructing  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  purchase  cordage,  sail 
cloth  and  hemp,  of  American  product  and  preparation.  An 
amendment  was  proposed  in  the  bill,  specifying  directly  these 
articles.  Lloyd,  of  Massachusetts,  proposed  to  strike  out  the 
amendment.  Feeling  that  the  subject  of  domestic  manufactures 
was  in  the  range  of  legitimate  debate,  and  that  the  time  had  come 
for  the  people  to  rouse  themselves  to  its  investigation,  CLAY 
arose  and  gave  his  sentiments, — sentiments  to  which  he  adhered 
with  marked  faithfulness.  The  following  extract  will  give  an  idea 
of  the  speech : 


HENRY    CLAY.  733 

"In  including  the  advantages  of  domestic  manufactures,  it 
never  entered  the  head,  I  presume,  of  any  one,  to  change  the 
habits  of  the  nation  from  an  agricultural  to  a  manufacturing  com 
munity.  No  one,  I  am  persuaded,  ever  thought  of  converting  the 
plowshare  and  the  sickle  into  the  spindle  and  the  shuttle.  And 
yet  this  is  the  delusive  and  erroneous  view  too  often  taken  of  the 
subject.  The  opponents  of  the  manufacturing  system  transport 
themselves  to  the  establishments  of  Manchester  and  Birmingham, 
and,  dwelling  on  the  indigence,  vice,  and  wretchedness  prevailing 
there,  by  pushing  it  to  an  extreme,  argue  that  its  introduction  into 
this  country  will  necessarily  be  attended  by  the  same  mischievous 
and  dreadful  consequences.  But  what  is  the  fact?  That  England 
is  the  manufacturer  of  a  great  part  of  the  world ;  and  that  even 
there  the  numbers  thus  employed  bear  an  inconsiderable  proportion 
to  the  whole  mass  of  population.  Were  we  to  become  the  manu 
facturers  of  other  nations,  effects  of  the  same  kind  might  result. 
But  if  we  limit  our  efforts  by  our  own  wants,  the  evils  appre 
hended  would  be  found  to  be  chimerical.  The  invention  and  im 
provement  of  machinery,  for  which  the  present  age  is  so  remark 
able,  dispensing,  in  a  great  degree,  with  manual  labor ;  and  the 
employment  of  those  persons,  who,  if  we  were  engaged  in  the  pur 
suit  of  agriculture  alone,  would  be  either  unproductive,  or  exposed 
to  indolence  and  immorality;  will  enable  us  to  supply  our  wants 
without  withdrawing  our  attention  from  agriculture, — the  first  and 
greatest  source  of  national  wealth  and  happiness.  A  judicious 
American  farmer,  in  the  household  way,  manufactures  whatever 
is  requisite  for  his  family.  He  squanders  but  little  in  the  gew 
gaws  of  Europe.  He  presents  in  epitome,  what  the  nation  ought 
to  be  in  extenso.  Their  manufactories  should  bear  the  same  pro 
portion,  and  effect  the  same  object  in  relation  to  the  whole  com 
munity,  which  parts  of  his  household  employed  in  domestic 
manufacturing,  bear  to  the  whole  family.  It  is  certainly  desir 
able,  that  the  exports  of  the  country  should  continue  to  be  the 
surplus  production  of  tillage,  and  not  become  those  of  manufac 
turing  establishments.  But  it  is  important  to  diminish  our  imports ; 
to  furnish  ourselves  with  clothing  made  by  our  own  industry ;  and 
to  cease  to  be  dependent  for  the  very  coats  we  wear,  upon  a  for 
eign  and  perhaps  inimical  country.  The  nation  that  imports  its 
clothing  from  abroad,  is  but  little  less  dependent  than  if  it  im 
ported  its  bread. 


734  HENRY    CLAY. 

"  The  fallacious  course  of  reasoning  urged  against  domestic 
manufactures,  namely,  the  distress  and  servitude  produced  by 
those  of  England,  would  equally  indicate  the  propriety  of  aban 
doning  agriculture  itself.  Were  you  to  cast  your  eyes  upon  the 
miserable  peasantry  of  Poland,  and  revert  to  the  days  of  feudal  vas 
salage,  you  might  thence  draw  numerous  arguments,  of  the  kind 
under  consideration,  against  the  pursuits  of  the  husbandman ! 
What  would  become  of  commerce,  the  favorite  theme  of  some 
gentlemen,  if  assailed  with  this  sort  of  weapons  ?  The  fraud,  per 
jury,  cupidity  and  corruption,  with  which  it  is  unhappily  too  often 
attended,  would  at  once  produce  its  overthrow.  In  short,  sir, 
take  the  black  side  of  the  picture,  and  every  human  occupation 
will  be  found  pregnant  wTith  fatal  objections. 

"The  opposition  to  manufacturing  institutions,  recalls  to  my  recol 
lection  the  case  of  a  gentleman  of  whom  I  have  heard.  He  had 
been  in  the  habit  of  supplying  his  table  from  a  neighboring  cook 
and  confectioner's  shop,  and  proposed  to  his  wife  a  reform  in  this 
particular.  She  revolted  at  the  idea.  The  sight  of  a  scullion  was 
dreadful,  and  her  delicate  nerves  could  not  bear  the  clattering  of 
kitchen  furniture.  The  gentleman  persisted  in  his  design  ;  his 
table  was  thenceforth  cheaper  and  better  supplied,  and  his  neigh 
bor,  the  confectioner,  lost  one  of  his  best  customers.  In  like 
manner  dame  Commerce  will  oppose  domestic  manufactures. 
She  is  a  flirting,  flippant,  noisy  jade,  and  if  we  are  governed  by 
her  fantasies,  we  will  never  put  off  the  muslins  of  India  and  the 
cloths  of  Europe.  But  I  trust  that  the  yeomenry  of  the  country, 
the  true  and  genuine  landlords  of  this  tenement  called  the  United 
States,  disregarding  her  freaks,  will  persevere  in  reform  until  the 
whole  national  family  is  furnished  by  itself  with  the  clothing 
necessary  for  its  own  use. 

"  It  is  a  subject  no  less  of  curiosity  than  of  interest,  to  trace  the 
prejudices  in  favor  of  foreign  fabrics.  In  our  colonial  condition, 
we  were  in  a  complete  state  of  dependence  on  the  parent  country, 
as  it  respected  manufactures,  as  well  as  commerce.  For  many 
years  after  the  war,  such  was  the  partiality  for  her  productions, 
in  this  country,  that  a  gentleman's  head  could  not  withstand  the 
influence  of  solar  heat,  unless  covered  with  a  London  hat ;  his 
feet  could  not  bear  the  pebbles,  or  frost,  unless  protected  by  Lon 
don  shoes ;  and  the  comfort  or  ornament  of  his  person  was  only 
consulted  when  his  coat  was  cut  out  by  the  shears  of  a  tailor  'just 


HENRY    CLAY.  735 

from  London.'  At  length,  however,  the  wonderful  discovery 
has  been  made,  that  it  is  not  absolutely  beyond  the  reach  of 
American  skill  and  ingenuity  to  provide  these  articles,  combining 
with  equal  elegance  greater  durability.  And  I  entertain  no  doubt, 
that,  in  a  short  time,  the  no  less  important  fact  will  be  developed, 
that  the  domestic  manufactories  of  the  United  States,  fostered  by 
government,  and  aided  by  household  exertions,  are  fully  compe 
tent  to  supply  us  with,  at  least,  every  necessary  article  of  clothing. 
I  therefore,  sir,  for  one  (to  use  the  fashionable  cant  of  the  day), 
am  in  favor  of  encouraging  them,  not  to  the  extent  to  which  they 
are  carried  in  England,  but  to  such  an  extent  as  will  redeem  us 
entirely  from  all  dependence  on  foreign  countries.  There  is  a 
pleasure, — a  pride  (if  I  may  be  allowed  the  expression,  and  I 
pity  those  who  can  not  feel  the  sentiment),  in  being  clad  in  the  pro 
ductions  of  our  own  families.  Others  may  prefer  the  cloths  of 
Leeds  and  of  London,  but  give  me  those  of  Humphrysville." 

The  old  charter  of  the  United  States  Bank,  established  in  1791, 
would  expire  in  1811.  The  subject  of  its  re-charter  came  up  at 
the  session  of  1810-'ll.  CLAY  then  believed  that  its  re-charter 
was  beyond  the  powers  of  the  Constitution,  and  made  a  powerful 
and  logical  speech  in  opposition.  This  speech  caused  no  little 
sensation,  particularly  when,  afterward,  CLAY  stood  prominently 
forward  as  the  leading  advocate  of  a  re-charter.  He  took  occasion 
subsequently  to  say,  that  "  During  a  long  public  life,  the  only 
great  question  on  which  I  have  ever  changed  my  opinion,  is  that 
of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States.  By  the  reasons  assigned  for  the 
change  of  my  opinion,  I  am  ready  to  abide  in  the  judgment  of  the 
present  generation  and  of  posterity."  These  reasons  were  given 
to  the  public  in  June  1816.  The  first  was,  "  he  was  instructed  to 
oppose  the  renewal  of  the  old  charter  by  the  Legislature  of  the 
State."  The  second  was,  "  he  believed  the  corporation  had,  dur 
ing  a  portion  of  the  period  of  its  existence,  abused  its  powers, 
and  sought  to  subserve  the  views  of  a  political  party.  His  third 
was,  "  that  as  the  power  to  create  a  corporation,  such  as  was  pro 
posed  to  be  continued,  was  not  specifically  granted  in  the  Consti 
tution,  and  did  not  appear  to  him  to  be  necessary  to  carry  into 
effect  any  of  the  powers  which  were  specifically  granted,  Con 
gress  was  not  authorized  to  continue  the  Bank."  Acting  under 
these  convictions,  he  argued  in  opposition,  at  length,  and  with 
great  force  ; — his  influence  and  vote  contributed  largely  to  defeat 


736  II  EN  11  Y    CLAY. 

the  bill.  In  1816,  he  was  the  avowed  and  most  potent  advocate 
of  a  re-charter,  and  said,  in  regard  to  his  course  in  the  Senate  in 
1811 :  "  I  would  then  have  voted  for  a  renewal,  had  I  foreseen 
what  now  exists."  The  power  of  his  speech,  in  1811,  in  opposi 
tion,  is  shown  by  an  incident  that  occurred  in  1816.  CLAY  made 
an  elaborate  speech  in  favor  of  renewal,  and  entered  in  detail 
upon  the  advantages  accruing  to  the  country  by  such  a  step. 
One  of  the  ablest  men  of  the  opposition  was  pitted  against  him. 
He  arose  and  read  for  his  reply  CLAY'S  own  speech  of  1811,  from 
beginning  to  end,  and  took  his  seat.  CLAY,  however,  beat  him 
self  and  carried  his  point.  Speaking  of  this  change  of  opinion, 
CLAY  says : 

"I  never,  but  once,  changed  my  opinion  on  any  great  measure 
of  national  policy,  or  any  great  principle  of  construction  of  the 
National  Constitution.  In  early  life,  on  deliberate  consideration, 
I  adopted  the  principles  of  interpreting  the  Federal  Constitution, 
which  had  been  so  ably  developed  and  enforced  by  Mr.  Madison, 
in  his  memorable  report  to  the  Virginia  Legislature,  and  to  them, 
as  I  understood  them,  I  have  constantly  adhered.  Upon  the  ques 
tion  coming  up  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  to  re-charter 
the  first  bank  of  the  United  States,  thirty  years  ago,  I  opposed 
the  re-charter,  upon  convictions  which  I  honestly  entertained. 
The  experience  of  the  war  which  shortly  followed,  the  condition 
into  which  the  currency  of  the  country  was  thrown  without  a 
bank,  and,  I  may  now  add,  later  and  more  disastrous  experience, 
convinced  me  I  was  wrong.  I  publicly  stated  to  my  constituents, 
in  a  speech  in  Lexington  (that  which  I  have  made  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States  not  having  been  reported), 
my  reasons  for  that  change,  and  they  are  preserved  in  the  archives 
of  the  country.  I  appeal  to  that  record ;  and  I  am  willing  to  be 
judged,  now  and  hereafter,  by  their  validity." 

CLAY'S  senatorial  term  expired  in  1811.  On  his  return  home, 
he  was  elected  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  On  his  first 
entrance  into  that  body,  he  was  elected  speaker,  almost  by  acclam 
ation, — an  honor  never  before  conferred  on  a  member  who 
appeared,  for  the  first  time,  in  the  House.  He  was  elected  to 
the  position,  too,  at  a  stormy  period  of  Congressional  deliberation. 
The  war  of  1812  was  agitating  the  public  mind.  The  causes 
which  led  to  that  event  have  already  been  alluded *to.  To  rouse 
the  conciliatory  spirit  of  Madison  to  vigorous  resistance  to 


HENRY    CLAY.  737 

aggressions  of  England,  required  the  firmness  and  persuasive 
eloquence  of  Clay,  and  the  potent  arguments  of  Calhoun.  During 
the  spring  of  1811,  twenty-seven  American  vessels  had  been 
captured  as  prizes  by  the  British,  because  they  did  not  see  fit  to 
comply  with  the  "  orders  in  council,"  originated  by  the  Berlin  de 
cree.  Because  at  war  with  themselves,  England,  by  her  "  orders," 
and  France  by  her  "  decrees,"  thought  proper  to  fetter  American 
commerce,  and.  prostrate  our  maritime  trade.  The  depredations 
committed  upon  the  seas,  and  against  our  seamen,  roused  the 
energies  of  CLAY,  who  sounded  the  bugle-note  of  war.  Oppo 
sition  to  a  resort  to  arms  was  strong  in  the  House,  and  nothing 
contributed  more  than  his  stirring  appeals  to  overcome  it.  In 
support  of  Madison's  occupancy  of  the  territory  to  the  line  of  the 
Perdido,  in  the  winter  of  1810,  he  said: 

"  Sir,  is  the  time  never  to  arrive,  when  we  can  manage  our  own 
affairs  without  the  fear  of  insulting  his  Britannic  majesty  ?  Is  the 
rod  of  British  power  to  be  forever  suspended  over  our  heads  ? 
Does  Congress  put  an  embargo  to  shelter  our  rightful  commerce 
against  the  piratical  depredations  committed  upon  it  on  the  ocean  ? 
We  are  immediately  warned  of  the  indignation  of  offended  Eng 
land.  Is  a  law  of  non-intercourse  proposed?  the  whole  navy  of 
the  haughty  mistress  of  the  seas  is  made  to  thunder  in  our  ears. 
Does  the  President  refuse  to  continue  a  correspondence  with  their 
minister,  who  violates  the  decorum  belonging  to  his  diplomatic 
character,  by  giving  and  deliberately  repeating  an  affront  to  the 
whole  nation  ?  We  are  instantly  menaced  with  the  chastisement 
which  English  pride  will  not  fail  to  inflict.  Whether  we  assert 
our  rights  by  sea,  or  attempt  their  maintenance  by  land, — whither 
soever  we  turn  ourselves,  this  phantom  pursues  us.  Already  has 
it  had  too  much  influence  on  the  councils  of  the  nation.  It  con 
tributed  to  the  repeal  of  the  Embargo, — that  dishonorable  repeal 
which  has  so  much  tarnished  the  character  of  our  government. 
Mr.  President,  I  have  before  said  on  this  floor,  and  now  take 
occasion  to  remark,  that  I  most  sincerely  desire  peace  and  amity 
with  England ;  that  I  even  prefer  an  adjustment  of  all  differences 
with  her,  before  one  with  any  other  nation.  But  if  she  persists 
in  a  denial  of  justice  to  us,  or  if  she  avails  herself  of  the  occupa 
tion  of  West  Florida  to  commence  war  upon  us,  I  trust  and 
hope  that  all  hearts  will  unite  in  a  bold  and  vigorous  vindication 
of  our  rights." 


738  HENKY     CLAY. 

In  December,  1811,  a  bill  was  introduced  providing  an  additional 
force  of  twenty-five  thousand  men  ;  some  were  opposed  to  it,-— 
others  wished  to  reduce  it  to  fifteen  thousand.  CLAY  left  the 
speaker's  chair,  and  animated  the  House  in  a  most  eloquent 
appeal  in  favor  of  the  bill  without  reduction:  "The  difference 
between  those  who  were  for  fifteen  thousand  and  those  who  were 
for  twenty-five  thousand  men,  appeared  to  him  to  resolve  itself  in 
the  question  merely  of  a  short,  or  a  protracted  war ;  a  war  of 
vigor  or  a  war  of  languor  and  imbecility.  If  a  competent  force 
be  raised,  the  war  on  the  continent  will  speedily  be  terminated." 
He  was  aware  that  it  might  still  rage  on  the  ocean.  But  where 
the  nation  could  act  with  unquestionable  success,  he  was  in  favor 
of  a  display  of  energy  correspondent  to  the  feeling  and  spirit  of 
the  country.  *  *  He  begged  gentlemen  to  consider 

the  immense  extent  of  the  United  States;  our  vast  maritime 
frontier,  vulnerable  in  almost  all  its  parts  to  predatory  incursions, 
and  he  was  persuaded  they  would  see  that  a  regular  force  of 
twenty-five  thousand  men  was  not  much  too  great,  during  a  period 
of  war,  if  all  designs  of  invading  the  provinces  of  the  enemy 
were  abandoned."  He  had  given  his  voice  for  war,  and  was  in 
favor  of  its  vigorous  prosecution,  by  calling  into  action  all  reason 
able  resources. 

The  army  bill  passed.  Immediate  measures  were  now  taken  to 
increase  the  navy ;  CLAY  came  to  the  support  of  a  bill  for  that 
purpose,  with  all  his  ardor,  sincerity,  and  unbending  firmness. 
It  also  passed.  In  all  these  movements  preliminary  to  hostilities, 
he  was  the  leading  spirit.  After  war  was  finally  declared,  disas 
ters  attended  the  American  arms,  and  afforded  the  opponents  of 
the  war  plausible  pretexts  for  abusing  CLAY,  who  had  acted  so 
prominent  a  part  in  bringing  it  about.  "  We  are  told,"  said  he, 
in  reply  to  those  who  alleged  that  the  measure  was  premature, 
"by  gentlemen  in  the  opposition,  that  government  has  not  done 
all  that  was  incumbent  on  it  to  do,  to  avoid  just  complaint  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain ;  that,  in  particular,  the  certificates  of  pro 
tection,  authorized  by  the  act  of  1796,  are  fraudulently  used.  Sir, 
government  has  done  too  much  in  granting  those  paper  pro 
tections.  I  can  never  think  of  them  without  being  shocked. 
They  resemble  the  passes  which  the  master  grants  to  his  negro 
slave, — l  Let  the  bearer,  Mungo,  pass  and  re-pass  without  moles 
tation.'  What  do  they  imply?  That  Great  Britain  has  a  right  to 


HENRY     CLAY.  739 

seize  all  who  are  not  provided  with  them.  From  their  very  nature, 
they  are  liable  to  abuse  on  both  sides.  If  Great  Britain  desires  a 
mark  by  which  she  can  know  her  own  subjects,  let  her  give  them 
an  ear-mark.  The  colors  that  float  from  the  mast-head  should 
be  the  credentials  of  our  seamen.  There  is  no  safety  to  us,  and 
the  gentlemen  have  shown  it,  but  in  the  rule,  that  all  who  sail 
under  the  flag  (not  being  enemies),  should  be  protected  by  the  flag. 
It  is  impossible  that  this  country  ever  should  abandon  the  gallant 
tars,  who  have  won  for  us  such  splendid  trophies.  Let  me  suppose 
that  the  genius  of  Columbia  should  visit  one  of  them  in  his 
oppressor's  prison,  and  attempt  to  reconcile  him  to  his  forlorn  and 
wretched  condition.  She  would  say  to  him  in  the  language  of 
the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side:  c  Great  Britain  intends  you  no 
harm  ;  she  did  not  mean  to  impress  you,  but  one  of  her  own  sub 
jects  ;  having  taken  you  by  mistake,  I  will  remonstrate  and  try  to 
prevail  upon  her  by  peaceable  means  to  release  you;  but  I  can  not, 
my  son,  fight  for  you.'  If  he  did  not  consider  this  mere  mockery, 
the  poor  tar  would  address  her  judgment,  and  say:  'You  owe  me 
my  country's  protection  ;  I  owe  you,  in  return,  obedience.  I  am 
no  British  subject;  I  am  a  native  of  old  Massachusetts,  where 
lived  my  aged  father,  my  wife,  my  children ;  I  have  faithfully  dis 
charged  my  duty  ;  will  you  refuse  to  do  yours  ?  Appealing  to  her 
passions,  he  would  continue:  'I  lost  this  eye  in  fighting  under 
Truxton  with  the  Insurgent ;  I  got  this  scar  before  Tripoli ;  I  broke 
this  leg  on  board  the  Constitution,  when  the  Guerriere  struck.' 
If  she  remained  still  unmoved,  he  would  break  out  in  the  accents 
of  mingled  distress  and  despair : 

'  Hard,  hard  is  my  fate !  once  I  freedom  enjoyed, 
Was  as  happy  as  happy  could  be  ; 
Oh  how  hard  is  my  fate,  how  galling  these  chains  ! ' 

I  will  not  imagine  the  dreadful  catastrophe  to  which  he  would  be 
driven,  by  an  abandonment  of  him  to  his  oppressor.  It  will  not 
be,  it  can  not  be,  that  his  country  will  refuse  him  protection." 

Again  he  said,  with  vehemence,  on  another  occasion :  "  An 
honorable  peace  is  attainable  only  by  an  efficient  war.  My  plan 
would  be  to  call  out  the  efficient  resources  of  the  country, — give 
them  a  judicious  direction, — prosecute  the  war  with  the  utmost 
vigor, — strike  wTherever  we  can  reach  the  enemy,  at  sea  or  on  land, 
and  negotiate  the  terms  of  a  peace  at  Quebec  or  at  Halifax.  We 
are  told  that  England  is  a  proud  and  lofty  nation,  which,  disdaining 


740  HENRY    CLAY. 

to  wait  for  danger,  meets  it  half  way.  Haughty  as  she  is,  we 
once  triumphed  over  her,  and  if  we  do  not  listen  to  the  counsels 
of  timidity  and  despair,  we  shall  again  prevail.  In  such  a  cause, 
with  the  aid  of  Providence,  we  must  come  out  crowned  with  suc 
cess  ;  but  if  we  fail,  let  us  fail  like  men,  lash  ourselves  to  our 
gallant  tars,  and  expire  together  in  one  common  struggle,  fighting 
for  free  trade  and  SAILORS'  BIGHTS."  Thus,  throughout  the  whole 
struggle,  did  he  infuse  vigor  and  spirit  into  the  Legislature  and 
the  people,  by  his  burning  words  and  dauntless  energy. 

Junius  defined  "a  clear,  unblemished  character,  as  compre 
hending,  not  only  the  integrity  that  will  not  offer,  but  the  spirit 
that  will  not  submit  to,  injury,"  and  adds  farther,  that  "  whether 
it  belongs  to  an  individual  or  to  a  community,  it  is  the  foundation 
of  peace,  of  independence,  and  of  safety."  Such  a  character  had 
HENRY  CLAY.  Ever  conciliatory  and  desirous  of  peace,  his 
haughty  soul  spurned,  with  contempt  and  pride,  submission  to 
insult  and  injury, — individual  or  national.  This  very  character 
was  clearly  exhibited  through  the  whole  contest.  Exemplifying  in 
his  own  language:  "That  patriotism  that,  catching  its  inspiration 
from  the  immortal  God,  and  leaving  at  an  immeasurable  distance 
below  all  lesser  groveling  personal  interests  and  feeling,  animates 
and  points  to  deeds  of  self-sacrifice,  of  valor,  of  devotion,  and  of 
death  itself,"  as  his  idea  of  public  virtue, — he  felt  the  dignity  of 
his  country  demanded  resistance  to  injuries  sustained  by  Great 
Britain.  Actuated  by  this  feeling,  he  gave  his  voice  for  war,  and 
with  him  there  were  no  quaking  terrors,  no  failing  energies.  The 
result  was  a  triumphant  vindication  of  national  dignity, — new 
lustre  to  our  flag,  and  an  honorable  peace. 

When  hostilities  were  about  to  cease,  CLAY  was  selected  as  one 
of  the  commissioners  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace.  "We  have 
seen  him  as  a  citizen,  as  a  lawyer,  a  legislator,  a  statesman, — now 
we  are  to  see  him  as  the  diplomatist.  In  conjunction  with  Albert 
Gallatin,  James  A.  Bayard,  Jonathan  Eussel,  and  John  Quincy 
Adams,  CLAY  met  the  British  ministers,  Lord  Gambier,  Henry 
Goulbourn,  and  William  Adams,  at  Ghent.  Several  nice  points 
of  adjustment  presented  themselves.  CLAY,  as  commissioner, 
evinced  the  rarest  diplomatic  skill  and  sagacity.  After  a  confer 
ence  of  several  days  a  treaty  was  consummated.  The  British 
relinquished  the  right  of  search  and  impressment,  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  all  jurisdiction  over  our  Indian  tribes,  and 


HENRY    CLAY.  741 

continued  the  privilege  to  us  of  the  fisheries.  Thus,  every  point 
for  which  we  contended,  and  which  met  With  such  contemptuous 
consideration  from  Lord  Castlereagh,  before  war  was  declared,  had 
been  procured.  The  peace  of  Ghent  left  America  internally  and 
externally,  in  a  better  condition  that  she  had  ever  been.  While 
at  Ghent,  CLAY  heard  of  the  capture  of  Washington.  Though 
wishing  to  go  to  England,  his  manly  pride  deterred  him.  Soon 
after  the  news  of  the  victory  of  New  Orleans  was  received,  "Now," 
said  he,  "I  can  go  to  England  without  mortification."  He  was 
received  in  England  with  the  respect  and  consideration  due  to  his 
fame  and  merit. 

During  his  absence,  which  was  protracted  till  1815,  he  was 
re-elected  to  Congress  with  great  enthusiasm.  On  his  re-appear 
ance  there,  he  was  again  chosen  speaker,  and  boldly  announced 
his  determination  to  defend  the  treaty  of  peace,  which  he  did  with 
ability  and  effect.  We  had  triumphed  against  the  arms  of  a  nation, 
exultant  over  the  powers  of  subjugated  Europe,  raised  our 
national  honor,  vindicated  our  flag,  and  procured  an  honorable 
peace. 

In  this  condition  of  our  national  affairs  abroad,  CLAY  re-entered 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  at  the  session  of  1815-'16.  The 
war  had  drained  our  finances,  and  developed  the  necessity  of  a 
national  bank.  Madison,  in  his  message,  recommended  that 
measure  to  Congress.  The  subject  was  referred  to  a  committee, 
of  which  Calhoun  was  chairman.  On  the  8th  of  January,  they 
reported  favourably.  Unlike  the  far-famed  Sangrado,  CLAY  was 
not  so  anxious  to  preserve  his  consistency  as  to  overlook  the  wel 
fare  of  the  country.  Notwithstanding  his  arguments  against  the 
Bank,  in  1811,  he  now  came  forward  with  all  his  strength  and 
influence  in  favor  of  it.  Mature  investigation,  and  the  changes 
that  had  taken  place,  convinced  him  of  its  great  necessity.  He 
was  therefore  for  it,  regardless  of  the  charges  he  knew  would  be 
brought  against  him.  During  the  entire  pendency  of  the  question, 
he  gave  it  hearty  support.  From  the  introduction  of  the  report  to 
the  final  charter  of  the  Bank,  in  1816,  he  was  its  conceded  cham 
pion.  Significant  of  his  weight  and  powers  is  the  fact,  that  when 
he  was  against  the  measure,  in  1811,  it  was  defeated,  and  that 
when  advocating  it  in  1816,  it  was  carried  through.  It  was 
immediately  after  this,  he  voted  for  the  Compensation  bill,  which 
created  such  dissatisfaction,  that  he  was  forced  to  canvass  his  dis- 
50 


742  HENRY     CLAY. 

trict  to  secure  his  re-election.     He  was  returned,  however,  without 
difficulty. 

At  the  next  session,  the  subject  of  South  American  indepen 
dence  came  up  in  the  House.  CLAY,  with  all  his  patriotism,  came 
forward  in  behalf  of  that  people.  His  powerful  appeals  were  per 
fectly  irresistible.  They  were  published  in  other  languages,  and 
read  amid  the  clash  of  arms  at  the  head  of  republican  patriots  in 
distant  climes,  to  cheer  them  on.  Merited  truly,  was  the  eloquent 
tribute  of  Alexander  McClung:  "Wherever  abroad  freedom 
found  a  votary, — that  votary  met  in  him  a  champion.  When 
Greece,  the  classic  laud  of  Greece, — the  fountain  of  refine 
ment, — the  birthplace  of  eloquence,  and  poetry,  and  liberty, — 
when  Greece  awoke  from  the  long  slumber  of  ages,  and  beat  back 
the  fading  Crescent  to  its  native  East ;  when  Macedon  at  last  called 
to  mind  the  feats  of  her  conquering  boy,  and  the  Spartan  again 
struck  in  for  the  land  which  had  bred  him,  in  HENRY  CLAY'S  voice, 
the  words  of  cheering  rolled  over  the  blue  waters  from  the  far  "West, 
as  the  greeting  of  the  New  World  to  the  Old.  When  Mexico  and 
our  sister  republics  from  the  extreme  South,  shook  off  the  rotted 
yoke  of  the  fallen  Spaniard,  and  Freedom's  face  for  one  brief 
moment,  gleamed  under  the  pale  light  of  the  Southern  Cross,  it  was 
he  who. spoke  out  again  to  cheer  and  to  rouse  its  champions.  The 
regenerated  Greek,  the  dusky  Mexican,  the  Peruvian  moun 
taineer, — all  who  would  strike  one  blow  for  liberty,  found  in  him 
a  friend  and  an  advocate.  His  words  of  cheering  swept  over  the 
plains  of  Marathon,  and  came  ringing  back  from  the  peaks  of  the 
Andes."  The  independence  of  the  South  American  States,  after 
protracted  consideration  of  the  subject,  was  finally  recognized  by 
our  government. 

But  strongly  as  he  enlisted  in  their  cause,  at  the  first  indication 
of  a  misdirected  ambition  on  the  part  of  Bolivar,  he  wrote  him, 
deprecating  it  in  terms  as  emphatic  as  he  had  formerly  expressed 
in  behalf  of  the  patriot. 

Of  all  men,  CLAY  most  hated  tyranny  and  self-ambition, — yet  he 
was,  in  one  sense,  himself  a  tyrant,  and  eminently  ambitious; — there 
was,  however,  nothing  little  in  either.  His  ambition  was  of  the 
highest  cast.  He  wished  the  whole  human  race  elevated,  and  his 
own  country  foremost.  He  wished  to  see  America  blessed  with 
the  best  measures,  and  earnestly  labored  to  be  recognized  as  lead 
ing  the  van  in  their  origination  and  adoption.  His  tyranny  was 


HENRY     CLAY.  743 

not  of  the  Nero  or  Domitian  cast; he  did  not  desire  to  hold  the 
rod  over  an  empire.  His  jurisdiction  was  the  proud  realm  of 
mind, — there  he  reigned  and  ruled  with  the  will  of  a  despot. 

CLAY  had  exhibited  so  many  and  varied  capacities  of  diplomacy 
at  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  that  on  his  return  to  the  United  States, 
Madison  offered  him  the  post  of  Minister  to  Russia.  This  he 
declined.  He  soon  after  advocated  the  appropriation  of  the  bo 
nus  of  the  United  States  Bank  to  internal  improvement  purposes. 
A  bill  to  that  effect  passed  the  House,  but  was  vetoed  by  Madison 
upon  constitutional  grounds  the  day  before  he  went  out  of  office. 
Monroe,  his  successor,  it  was  known,  would  take  the  same  grounds. 
CLAY  opposed  the  views  of  both, — believing  that  the  clause  in  the 
Constitution,  giving  Congress  the  power  to  establish  post  roads, 
gave  also  that  to  construct,  and  that  the  power  was  implied  in 
several  grants  of  the  instrument;  he  discussed  the  subject,  at 
length,  and  with  ability,  March  13th,  1818.  His  speech  was  deliver 
ed  upon  the  pendency  of  a  resolution,  declaring  Congress  had  the 
power  to  construct  military  and  post  roads,  and  canals,  which  passed 
by  a  majority  of  fifteen  votes.  From  this  session  also,  dates  the 
political  hostilities  between  himself  and  Jackson.  When  Calhoun 
introduced  his  resolutions,  censuring  Jackson  for  the  occupancy 
of  the  Spanish  posts,  and  the  execution  of  Ambristed  and 
Arbuthnot,  CLAY  earnestly  advocated  their  passage.  "To  you, 
Mr.  Chairman,"  said  he,  "belongs  the  high  privilege  of  trans 
mitting,  unimparied  to  posterity,  the  fair  character  and  liberty 
of  our  country.  Do  you  expect  to  execute  this  high  trust,  by 
trampling,  or  suffering  to  be  trampled  down,  law,  justice,  the 
Constitution,  and  the  rights  of  the  people? — by  exhibiting  exam 
ples  of  inhumanity,  and  cruelty,  and  ambition?  When  the 
minions  of  despotism  heard,  in  Europe,  of  the  seizure  of  Pensa- 
cola,  how  they  did  chuckle,  and  chide  the  admirers  of  our  insti 
tutions,  tauntingly  pointing  to  the  demonstration  of  a  spirit  of 
injustice  and  aggrandizement,  made  by  our  country  in  the  midst 
of  an  amicable  negotiation.  Behold,  said  they,  the  conduct  of 
those  who  are  constantly  reproaching  kings.  You  saw  how  those 
admirers  were  astounded  and  hung  their  heads.  You  saw,  too, 
when  that  illustrious  man,  who  presides  over  us,  adopted  his  pacific, 
moderate  and  just  course,  how  they  once  more  lifted  up  their 
heads,  with  exultation  and  delight  beaming  on  their  countenances. 
And  you  saw  how  those  minions,  themselves,  were  finally  com- 


744  HENRY    CLAY. 

pelled  to  unite  in  the  general  praises  bestowed  upon  our  govern 
ment.  Beware  how  you  forfeit  this  exalted  character.  Beware 
how  you  give  a  fatal  sanction,  in  the  infant  period  of  our  Republic, 
scarcely  yet  two  score  years  old,  to  military  insubordination. 
Remember  that  Greece  had  her  Alexander,  Rome  her  Caesar, 
England  her  Cromwell,  France  her  Bonaparte,  and  that  if  \Me 
would  escape  the  rock  on  which  they  split,  we  must  avoid  their 
errors." 

Jackson  never  forgave  him  for  his  course  in  regard  to  the 
matter.  When  he  went  to  Washington,  he  refused  all  intercourse 
and  correspondence  with  him.  Their  political  enmity  continued 
through  life,  sometimes  with  a  warmth  and  intensity  not  fully 
justifiable  by  the  facts  in  the  case,  and  almost  inconsistent  with 
their  great  abilities  and  relations  with  the  government.  That  they 
never  could  agree,  is  readily  obvious, — they  differed  so  essentially 
upon  every  principle  to  be  carried  out  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation, 
that  no  unity  of  action  could  possibly  have  been  expected.  But 
that  they  should  have  been  personally  hostile,  endeavoring  to 
prostrate  each  other  and  impugning  the  motives  of  each,  is  a 
source  of  regret. 

CLAY  now  must  be  noticed  as  a  pacificator.  In  1818,  the  great 
question  of  slavery  restriction,  agitated  by  the  application  of 
Missouri  for  admission  into  the  Union  as  a  State,  came  up  in  Con 
gress.  The  slavery  question  now  became  one  of  serious  moment. 
As  a  part  of  the  bill  relating  to  Missouri,  the  following  resolution 
was  offered : 

u  Resolved, — That  the  further  introduction  of  slavery  or  in 
voluntary  servitude  be  prohibited,  except  for  the  punishment  of 
crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  fully  convicted.  And 
that  all  children  born  within  the  said  State,  after  the  admission 
thereof  into  the  Union,  shall  be  free  at  the  age  of  twenty-five 
years." 

This  was  voted  down.  No  farther  action  was  had  till  the  next 
session  of  Congress,  when  Missouri  again  knocked  at  the  door. 
After  several  resolutions  were  brought  forward,  it  was  moved  that 
a  committee  be  appointed  to  report  a  bill  prohibiting  the  farther 
introduction  of  slavery  west  of  the  Mississippi.  After  consider 
able  discussion  caused  by  this  resolution,  the  following  was  agreed 
upon,  which  operated  to  restore  harmony: 

"  Resolved, — That  all  the  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the 


HENRY     CLAY.  745 

United  States,  under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lies  north  of 
thirty-six  degrees,  thirty  minutes,  north  latitude,  not  included 
within  the  limits  contemplated  by  this  act,  slavery  and  involun 
tary  servitude,  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes  whereof 
the  parties  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  be  hereby  forever 
prohibited.  Provided,  always,  That  any  person  escaping  into 
the  same,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed,  in  any 
State  or  territory  of  the  United  States,  such  fugitive  may  be  law 
fully  re-claimed  and  conveyed  to  the  persons  claiming  his  or  her 
labor  or  service  as  aforesaid." 

This  was  followed  by  the  adoption  of  a  State  constitution  by 
Missouri,  in  1820,  specifying  that  measures  should  be  taken,  on 
the  part  of  the  general  government,  to  prevent  the  settlement 
of  free  negroes  in  that  State.  By  this  time,  the  whole  country 
was  excited  upon  the  subject  of  restriction.  The  Senate  favored 
the  constitution  adopted  by  Missouri,  containing  the  free  negro 
clause,  but  the  House  did  not.  In  their  opinion,  the  rights  of  the 
non-resident  citizen  was  infringed  upon.  The  whole  matter 
assumed  a  national  aspect,  and  was  regarded  as  a  test  of  the 
strength  and  feelings  of  the  anti  and  pro-slavery  tendencies  of 
the  two  sections  of  the  Union.  Missouri  being  a  part  of  the  ter 
ritory  ceded  by  France,  was  not  included  in  the  settlement  of  the 
question, — slavery  or  no  slavery,  by  the  ordinance  of  1787.  Her 
destiny,  therefore,  decided  that  of  all  the  newly  acquired  territory ; 
hence  the  great  interest  and  national  excitement  engendered  by 
the  controversy. 

CLAY,  who  had  labored  faithfully  to  adjust  all  difficulties,  was,  in 
the  meantime,  forced  to  return  to  Lexington,  by  the  embarrassed 
condition  of  his  private  affairs.  In  January,  1821,  he  resumed 
his  legislative  duties  at  Washington.  The  eyes  of  Congress  were 
turned  to  him  at  once.  Again  he  went  heroically  to  work. 
Early  in  February,  chiefly  through  his  agency,  a  committee  of 
thirteen  was  appointed  with  himself  for  chairman.  Things  were 
now  in  a  more  systematic  condition.  They  brought  forward  the 
following  resolution : 

"  Resolved, — That  the  State  of  Missouri  be  admitted  into  the 
Union,  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original  States,  in  all  respects 
whatever,  upon  the  fundamental  condition,  that  the  said  State 
shall  never  pass  any  law  preventing  any  description  of  persons 
from  coming  to  and  settling  in  said  State,  who  now  are,  or  may 


746  HENRY    CLAY. 

hereafter  become  citizens  of  any  one  of  the  States  of  this  Union ; 
and  provided  also,  that  the  Legislature  of  the  said  State,  by  a 
solemn  act,  shall  declare  the  assent  of  the  said  State  to  the 
said  fundamental  condition,  and  shall  transmit  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  on  or  before  the  fourth  Monday  in  Novem 
ber  next,  an  accurate  copy  of  the  said  act,  upon  the  receipt 
thereof,  the  President,  by  proclamation,  shall  announce  the  fact ; 
whereupon,  and  without  any  further  proceedings  on  the  part  of 
Congress,  the  admission  of  said  State  into  the  Union,  with  the 
exercise  of  any  right  or  power  which  can  now  be  constitutionally 
exercised  by  any  of  the  original  States." 

Upon  this  resolution,  CLAY  is  said  to  have  made  some  of  the 
most  remarkable  speeches  of  his  life.  It  is  a  source  of  regret  they 
were  not  preserved.  The  resolution,  however,  was  rejected. 
While  the  excitement  was  increasing,  caused  by  the  discussion  as 
to  whether  the  Missouri  vote  should  be  considered  in  the  election 
of  President,  CLAY,  not  discouraged  by  the  failure  of  the  reso 
lution,  was  devising  means  to  settle  the  controversy.  He  finally 
presented  another  resolution,  as  follows  : 

"  Resolved, — That  a  committee  be  appointed,  on  the  part  of  the 
House,  jointly  with  such  committee  as  may  be  appointed,  on  the 
part  of  the  Senate,  to  consider  and  report  to  the  Senate  and  to  the 
House  respectively,  whether  it  be  expedient  or  not  to  make  pro 
vision  for  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union  on  the  same 
footing  as  the  original  States ;  and  for  the  due  execution  of  the 
laws  within  Missouri ;  and  if  not,  whether  any  other  and  what 
provision  adapted  to  her  actual  condition  ought  to  be  made  by 
law." 

This  was  adopted.  The  committee  consisted  of  twenty-three 
on  the  part  of  the  House,  CLAY  laboring  indefatigably  to  secure  the 
appointment  of  such  as  he  knew  were  favorable  to  conciliation. 
On  conference  with  a  similar  committee  from  the  Senate,  the 
whole  matter  was  adjusted  by  the  adoption  of  a  report  similar  to 
the  resolution  drawn  up  by  the  committee  of  thirteen.  It  passed, 
ayes  eighty-seven,  nays  eighty-one.  Thus  quiet  was  restored  to 
the  country,  and  CLAY,  from  his  active  participancy  in  the  measure, 
stood  prominently  forward  as  the  great  pacificator. 

In  1824,  CLAY,  inopportunely  doubtless,  permitted  his  friends  to 
bring  his  name  before  the  nation  as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency. 
Jackson,  Adams,  and  Crawford,  were  his  competitors.-  No 


HENRY    CLAY.  747 

election  being  made  by  the  people,  it  went  into  the  House.  The 
responsibility  of  choosing  between  Jackson  and  Adams  devolved 
upon  CLAY.  He  voted  for  Adams,  and  was  immediately  assailed 
with  relentless  virulence  by  his  political  opponents.  The  bargain 
and  corruption  charge  was  then  aimed  to  be  fastened  upon  him, 
with  a  view  to  blacken  his  high  character.  This  charge  origin 
ated  in  the  following  card,  published  in  the  Columbian  Obser 
ver: 

"WASHINGTON,  January  25, 1825. 

"  DEAK  SIB  :  I  take  up  my  pen  to  inform  you  of  one  of  the 
most  disgraceful  transactions  that  ever  covered  with  infamy  the 
republican  ranks.  Would  you  believe,  that  men,  professing 
democracy,  could  be  found  base  enough,  to  lay  the  ax  at  the  very 
root  of  the  tree  of  liberty !  Yet,  strange  as  it  is,  it  is  not  less 
true.  To  give  you  a  full  history  of  this  transaction  wonld  far  ex 
ceed  the  limits  of  a  letter.  I  shall,  therefore,  at  once  proceed  to 
give  you  a  brief  account  of  such  a  BARGAIN,  as  can  only  be  equal 
led  by  the  famous  Burr  conspiracy  of  1801.  For  some  time 
past,  the  friends  of  CLAY  have  hinted,  that  they,  like  the  Swiss, 
would  fight  for  those  who  pay  best.  Overtures  were  said  to  have 
been  made,  by  the  friends  of  Adams,  to  the  friends  of  CLAY,  offer 
ing  him  the  appointment  of  Secretary  of  State,  for  his  aid  to  elect 
Adams.  And  the  friends  of  CLAY  gave  the  information  to  the 
friends  of  Jackson,  and  hinted,  that  if  the  friends  of  Jackson 
would  offer  the  same  price,  they  would  close  with  them.  But 
none  of  the  friends  of  Jackson  would  descend  to  such  mean  barter 
and  sale.  It  was  not  believed  by  any  of  the  friends  of  Jackson, 
that  this  contract  would  be  ratified  by  the  members  from  the 
States  which  voted  for  CLAY.  I  was  of  opinion,  when  I  first  heard 
of  this  transaction,  that  men,  professing  any  honorable  principles, 
could  not,  nor  would  not,  be  transferred,  like  the  planter  does  his 
neoro,  or  the  farmer  does  his  team  of  horses.  No  alarm  was 

O          / 

excited.  W$  believed  the  Republic  was  safe.  The  nation  having 
delivered  Jackson  into  the  hands  of  Congress,  backed  by  a  large 
majority  of  their  votes,  there  was  on  my  mind  no  doubt,  that  Con 
gress  would  respond  to  the  will  of  the  nation,  by  electing  the  indi 
vidual  they  had  declared  to  be  their  choice.  Contrary  to  this 
expectation,  it  is  now  ascertained  to  a  certainty,  that  HENKY  CLAY 
has  transferred  his  interest  to  John  Quincy  Adams.  As  a  con- 


748  HENRY     CLAY. 

sideration  for  his  abandonment  of  duty  to  his  constituents,  it  is 
said  and  believed,  should  this  unholy  coalition  prevail,  CLAY  is  to 
be  appointed  Secretary  of  State.  I  have  no  fear  on  my  mind.  I 
ana  clearly  of  opinion,  we  shall  defeat  every  combination.  The 
force  of  public  opinion  must  prevail,  or  there  is  an  end  of 
liberty." 

This  card,  though  purporting  to  be  written  by  a  member  of 
Congress,  appeared  without  the  name  of  the  author.  The  accept 
ance  of  the  post  in  Adams'  Cabinet,  as  Secretary  of  State,  gave, 
in  the  minds  of  the  prejudiced,  additional  coloring  to  the  charge. 
CLAY'S  consenting  to  run  for  the  presidency  at  all,  in  1824,  and 
his  acceptance  of  the  post  of  Secretary  of  State,  under  Adams, 
though  no  one  can  question  his  motives,  were  evidenty  two  politi 
cal  blunders  of  his  life.  The  Observer  containing  the  card  above, 
was  handed  to  CLAY  while  at  the  breakfast  table.  He  immediately 
published  the  following  indignant  reply : 

A  CARD. 

I  have  seen,  without  any  other  emotion  than  that  of  ineffable 
contempt,  the  abuse  which  has  been  poured  upon  me,  by  a  scurri 
lous  paper  issued  in  this  city,  and  by  other  kindred  prints  and 
persons,  in  regard  to  the  presidential  election.  The  editor  of  one 
of  these  prints,  ushered  forth  in  Philadelphia,  called  the  '  Colum 
bian  Observer^  for  which  I  do  not  subscribe,  and  which  I  have 
never  ordered,  has  had  the  impudence  to  transmit  to  me  the  vile 
paper  of  the  28th  instant.  In  that  number  is  inserted  a  letter, 
purporting  to  have  been  written  from  this  city,  on  the  25th  instant, 
by  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  belonging  to  the 
Pennsylvania  delegation  I  believe  it  to  be  a  forgery ;  but  if  it  be 
genuine,  I  pronounce  the  member,  whoever  he  may  be,  a  base 
and  infamous  calumniator,  a  dastard,  and  liar ;  and  if  he  dare 
unvail  himself,  and  avow  his  name.  I  will  hold  him  responsible, 
as  I  here  admit  myself  to  be,  to  all  the  laws  which  govern  and 
regulate  men  of  honor.  H.  CLAY. 

31st  January,  1825. 

The  above  drew  the  following  from  George  Kremer,  avowing 
the  authorship  of  the  charge : 


HENRY    CLAY.  749 

"ANOTHER  CARD." 

"  George  Kremer,  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  tenders 
Ms  respects  to  the  Honorable  CH.  CLAY,'  and  informs  him,  that, 
by  reference  to  the  editor  of  the  '  Columbian  Observer  J  he  may 
ascertain  the  name  of  the  writer  of  a  letter  of  the  25th  ult.,  which, 
it  seems,  has  afforded  so  much  concern  to  CH.  CLAY.'  In  the 
meantime,  George  Kremer  holds  himself  ready  to  prove,  to  the 
satisfaction  of  unprejudiced  minds,  enough  to  satisfy  them  of  the 
accuracy  of  the  statements,  which  are  contained  in  that  letter,  to 
the  extent  that  they  concern  the  course  and  conduct  of  '  H.  CLAY.' 
Being  a  representative  of  the  people,  he  will  not  fear  to  '  cry 
aloud  and  spare  not,'  when  their  rights  and  privileges  are  at 
stake." 

Notwithstanding  the  somewhat  arrogant  tone  of  this  card,  it  is 
quite  clear  that  Kremer  was,  after  all,  a  dupe, — a  tool  in  the 
hands  of  men  banded  together  for  the  purpose  of  sullying  CLAY'S 
fair  fame.  Messrs  Brent,  Little,  and  Digges,  all  testified  to  the 
fact,  that  Kremer  said  in  emphatic  terms,  in  their  presence,  that 
he  never  intended  to  charge  CLAY  with  corruption, — that  he  would 
be  the  last  man  to  do  so, — that  his  card  had  been  differently  con 
strued  from  what  it  was  designed,  etc. 

On  reading  Kremer's  avowal,  CLAY  at  once  decided  upon  his 
course.  Feeling  that  it  would  make  him  "ridiculous  and  con 
temptible  in  the  eyes  of  his  constituents"  to  hold  the  author  to 
personal  accountability,  he  resolved  to  appeal  to  the  House. 
With  the  dignity  of  true  manhood  and  conscious  innocence,  he 
vacated  the  speaker's  chair,  and  after  adverting  to  the  attempts 
against  his  character,  said:  "Standing  in  the  relations  of  the 
House,  which  both  the  member  from  Pennsylvania  and  himself 
did,  it  appeared  to  him,  that  here  was  the  proper  place  to  institute 
the  inquiry,  in  order  that,  if  guilty,  HERE  the  proper  punishment 
might  be  applied ;  and  if  innocent,  HERE  his  character  and  con 
duct  might  be  vindicated.  He  anxiously  hoped,  therefore,  that 
the  House  would  be  pleased  to  order  an  investigation  to  be  made 
into  the  truth  of  the  charges.  Emanating  from  sucli  a  source  as 
they  did,  this  was  the  only  notice  which  he  could  take  of  them. 
If  the  House  should  think  proper  to  raise  a  committee,  he  trusted 
that  some  other  than  the  ordinary  mode  pursued  by  the  practice 
and  rules  of  the  House,  would  be  adopted  to  appoint  the  committee." 


750  HENRY    CLAY. 

On  motion,  the  matter  was  referred  to  an  investigating  com 
mittee.  The  matter  now  assumed  a  bad  aspect  for  poor  Kremer. 
He  said,  however,  that:  "If  upon  investigation  being  instituted, 
it  should  appear  that  he  had  not  sufficient  reason  to  justify  the 
statements  he  had  made,  he  should  receive  the  marked  reprobation 
which  had  been  suggested  by  the  speaker.  Let  it  fall  where  it 
might,  he  was  willing  to  meet  the  inquiry  and  abide  the  result." 

The  investigation  was  had, — he  did  receive  the  reprobation,— 
and  the  result  did  fall  where  it  should.  CLAY  received  full 
acquittal  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion,  and  there  is  not  now  a  sane 
man  of  honor  in  the  broad  land  who  would,  or  could  believe  a 
charge  so  gross  and  malicious  against  him. 

The  committee  to  which  Kremer's  charge  was  referred,  consisted 
of  seven  members, — each  of  whom  was  CLAY'S  political  opponent. 
They  immediately  called  on  Kremer.  Instead  of  carrying  out  his 
promise  "  to  cry  aloud  and  spare  not,"  various  subterfuges, — "the 
jurisdiction  of  the  House," — "  his  duty  to  his  constituents," — 
"the  inequality  of  the  speaker  of  the  House,  and  a  member,  on 
the  floor,"  etc, — were  resorted  to.  Instead  of  meeting  the  com 
mittee  fairly  and  squarely,  a  labored  document  was  prepared  and 
submitted  to  them,  containing  not  the  slightest  substantiation, 
while  Kremer  remained  in  "profound  silence,"  and  still  pro- 
founder  insignificance. 

The  entrance  of  CLAY  upon  his  duties  as  Secretary  of  State, 
gave  fresh  impulse  for  a  time  to  the  charges  by  his  enemies,  who 
fancied  they  could  be  urged  with  more  plausibility.  Speaking 
afterward  of  his  acceptance  of  the  post,  CLAY  used  the  following 
language : 

"  I  will  take  this  occasion,"  said  he  in  his  speech,  upon  his 
retirement  to  private  life,  "to  say,  that  I  am,  and  have  been  long 
satisfied,  that  it  would  have  been  wiser  and  more  politic  in  me,  to 
have  declined  accepting  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  in  1825. 
Not  that  my  motives  were  not  as  pure  and  patriotic,  as  ever  car 
ried  any  man  into  public  office.  Not  that  the  calumny,  which 
was  applied  to  the  fact,  was  not  as  gross  and  unfounded  as  any 
that  was  ever  propagated.  Not  that  valued  friends  and  highly 
esteemed  opponents  did  not  unite,  in  urging  my  acceptance  of  the 
office.  Not  that  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams  will  not,  I 
sincerely  believe,  advantageously  compare  with  that  of  any  of  his 
predecessors,  in  economy,  purity,  prudence  and  wisdom.  Not 


HENHY    CLAY.  751 

that  Mr.  Adams  was  himself  wanting,  in  any  of  those  high  qualifi 
cations,  and  upright  patriotic  intentions,  which  were  suited  to  the 
office.  But  my  error,  in  accepting  the  office,  arose  out  of  my 
underrating  the  power  of  detraction  and  ignorance,  and  abid 
ing,  with  too  sure  a  confidence,  in  the  conscious  integrity  and 
uprightness  of  my  own  motives." 

For  years,  the  matter  afforded  fruitful  source  of  bitter  attack 
from  his  enemies.  It  was  revived  in  1844,  and  reiterated 
through  the  Union  during  that  presidential  campaign.  Jackson 
himself  affirmed,  that  the  overture  spoken  of  in  Kremer's  card  was 
made,  and  asserts  that,  "Before  HE  would  reach  the  presidential 
chair  by  such  means  of  bargain  and  corruption,  he  would  see  the 
earth  open  and  swallow  both  Mr.  CLAY  and  himself  with  them." 
From  all  the  evidences  at  hand,  on  both  sides,  it  is  safe  to  say 
that  if  any  such  an  overture  was  made,  CLAY  was  ignorant  of  the 
fact,  and  that  James  Buchanan  was  the  bearer  of  it. 

After  agitating  the  public  mind  with  high  intensity,  for  some 
time,  the  excitement  occasioned  by  the  corruption  charge  some 
what  subsided.  Another  presidential  election,  however,  began  to 
approach,  and  Jackson  being  again  a  candidate,  it  was  renewed 
with  the  same  spirit  of  bitterness.  The  following  anonymous 
letter,  purporting  to  have  been  from  Nashville,  Tennessee,  and 
fresh  from  the  Hermitage,  appeared  in  the  Fayetteville  Observer, 
South  Carolina,  in  March,  1827 : 

"  NASHVILLE,  March  8th,  1827. 

S 

"  I  have  just  returned  from  General  Jackson's.     I  found  a 
crowd  of  company  with   him.     Seven  Virginians  were  of  the 
number.     He  gave  me  a  good,  friendly  reception,  and  urged  me 
to  stay  some  days  longer  with  him.     He  told  me  this  morning, 
be/ore  all  Ms  company,  in  reply  to  a  question  I  put  to  him  con 
cerning  the  election  of  J.  Q.  Adams  to  the  presidency,  that  Mr. 
CLAY'S  friends  made  a  proposition  to  his  friends,  that  if  they 
would  promise  for  Mm  [General  Jackson]  not  to  put  Mr.  Adams 
into  the  seat  of  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  CLAY  and  his  friends  would, 
in  one  hour,  make  Mm  [Jackson]  the  president.     He  [General 
Jackson]  most  indignantly  rejected  the  proposition,  and  declared 
he  would  not  compromit  himself;  and  unless  most  openly  and 
fairly  made  the  president  by  Congress,  he  would  never  receive  it 
He  declared,  that  he  said  to  them,  he  would  see  the  whole  earth 
sink  under  them,  before  he  would  bargain  or  intrigue  for  it." 


752  HENRY    CLAY. 

The  authorship  of  this  letter  was  traced  to  Carter  Beverly,  who 
being  thus  brought  prominently  forward  in  the  controversy,  applied 
b}7  letter  to  Jackson  for  substantiation,  which  the  General  in  his 
reply  did  not  fail  to  furnish,  though  he  said  the  conversation  was 
never  designed  for  the  "  public  journals."  Speaking  of  this 
emanation  from  a  circle  of  select  friends  gathered  at  the  home  of 
Jackson,  CLAY  said : 

"During  the  dispensation  of  the  hospitalities  of  the  Hermitage, 
in  the  midst  of  a  mixed  company  of  individuals,  from  various 
States,  he  permits  himself  to  make  certain  statements,  respecting 
my  friends  and  me,  which,  if  true,  would  forever  dishonor  and 
degrade  us.  The  words  are  hardly  passed  from  his  mouth,  before 
they  are  committed  to  paper,  by  one  of  his  guests,  and  transmitted, 
in  form  of  a  letter,  to  another  State,  when  they  are  published  in  a 
newspaper,  and  thence  circulated  through  the  Union.  And  now 
he  pretends  that  these  statements  were  made,  without  any  calcu 
lation  that  they  were  to  be  thrown  into  the  '  public  journals.'  Does 
he  reprove  the  indiscretion  of  this  guest,  who  had  violated  the 
sanctity  of  a  conversation  at  the  hospitable  board  ?  Far  from  it. 
The  public  is  incredulous.  It  can  not  be,  General  Jackson  would 
be  so  wanting  in  delicacy  and  decorum.  The  guest  appeals  to  him 
for  the  confirmation  of  the  published  statements,  and  the  General 
promptly  addresses  him  a  letter,  c  in  which  he  unequivocally  con- 
firms'  (says  Mr.  Carter  Beverly),  '  all  I  have  said,  regarding  the 
overture  made  to  him,  pending  the  last  presidential  election 
before  Congress ;  and  he  asserts  a  great  deal  more  than  he  ever 
told  me:  " 

The  following  letter  from  Carter  Beverly,  written  in  1842,  does 
justice  to  CLAY,  and  is  a  virtual  disavowal,  on  his  part,  of  any 
belief  of  the  charges  against  the  statesman  contained  in  his  Fay- 
etteville  correspondence,  as  detailed  in  conversation  at  the  Hermi 
tage: 

"FREDEBICKSBURG,  VA-,  April  2d,  1842. 

"  DEAR  SIR  : — On  my  arrival  here  yesterday  I  received  your 
reply  to  my  letter  of  February  last,  from  Middlesex,  and  feel  glad 
to  find  that  the  communication  I  then  made  to  you  was  well  re 
ceived,  and  kindly  acknowledged. 

"It  is  assuredly  a  matter  of  high  satisfaction  to  me  to  believe, 
that  I  discharged  the  obligation  which  feeling  and  duty  dictated, 
in  doing  the  justice  I  designed,  of  effacing  the  indignity  cast  upon 


HENRY    CLAY.  753 

you  by  the  unfortunate,  and  to  me  unhappy  Fayetteville  letter, 
that  was,  and  has  been  so  much  the  subject  of  injury  to  you,  in 
the  public  miud.  It  is  now,  I  trust,  put  entirely  to  rest  in  the 
minds  of  all  honorable  and  candid  men,  of  whatever  political  per 
suasion  ;  for  surely  none  can,  or  will  henceforward  presume  to 
countenance  the  miserable  slander  that  went  forth  in  that  com 
munication  to  the  public  against  you.  The  entire  revocation  of 
it  given  by  me  ought  to  overwhelm  the  author  of  it  with  utter 
shame  and  mortification ;  and  if  I  had  any  right  to  say,  were  I  in 
his  situation,  it  would  be  my  province,  as  it  should  be  an  incum 
bent  duty  on  me,  to  make  every  atonement  possible  for  such  an 
unfounded,  unprovoked  attack  upon  your  integrity  and  public 
lame. 

u  Believing  that  your  letter  to  me,  and  this  my  reply,  are  calcu 
lated  to  benefit  you  in  the  public  mind,  I  have  sent  both  to  '  The 
Richmond  Whig'  and  'Independent'  for  publication. 

"  I  reiterate  expressions  of  health  and  happiness  to  you,  and 
remain  yours,  etc." 

HENRY  CLAY  lived  to  triumph  over  the  wily  machinations  of 
his  foes,  and  place  himself  above  the  reproaches  of  slander  and 
detraction ;  to  see  monuments  to  his  memory  erected  along  the 
waysides  of  the  nation, — himself  first  of  all  his  cotemporaries  in 
the  hearts  of  the  people.  The  charge  of  corruption  has  long  since 
been  silenced,  and  henceforth  let  him  who  dare  revive  it,  be 
branded  as  the  calumniator  of  a  mighty  statesman,  whose  every 
motive,  during  his  entire  political  life,  was  pure  and  patriotic. 

That  CLAY  should  have  preferred  voting  for  Adams  or  Crawford, 
to  Jackson,  under  any  and  all  circumstances,  was  quite  natural,— 
and  his  elevation  to  a  prominent  place  in  the  cabinet,  in  the  event 
of  the  defeat  of  the  Democratic  candidate,  was  equally  so.  CLAY, 
when  he  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his  cabinet  duties  was 
anxious  for  the  success  of  the  Panama  convention,  noticed  before, 
designed  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  international  fraternity, 
and  thought  the  time  had  come  for  its  assemblage.  The  Presi 
dent  favored  the  project,  and  labored  with  him.  John  Randolph 
was  opposed,  and  in  reply  to  one  of  CLAY'S  speeches,  denounced 
him  as  a  blackleg.  This  led  to  a  duel  between  them,  for  par 
ticulars  of  which,  reference  is  made  to  the  sketch  of  John  Ran 
dolph. 


754  HENRY    CLAY. 

We  now  pass  to  other  events.  In  1824,  when  the  bill  recom 
mending  a  high  protective  tariff  was  introduced,  CLAY  came  for 
ward  as  its  sternest  advocate.  Thoroughly  imbued  with  the  idea 
of  protection  to  home  industry,  and  with  a  full  knowledge  of  all 
the  branches  of  that  great  national  topic,  he  was  prepared  to  com 
pete  with  the  strongest  of  the  opposition.  The  result  of  his  labors 
and  those  of  his  competitors,  was  the  passage  of  the  tariff  of  1824. 
It  was  followed  by  the  rebellious  exhibitions  of  South  Carolina, 
and  was  the  initiatory  step  to  nullification  on  her  part ;  the  issue  of 
which,  was  the  prompt  interposition  of  Jackson,  who  prepared  to 
enforce  the  laws,  and  who  would,  it  was  seriously  apprehended, 
arrest  Calhoun  and  Hayiie,  and  bombard  Charleston.  Again  the 
country  was  rent  by  dissensions,  and  patriots  made  stirring 
appeals  for  conciliation.  John  Randolph,  old  and  feeble,  lifted 
in  and  out  of  his  carriage,  made  speeches  through  the  country : 
u  Gentlemen,"  said  he,  on  one  occasion  in  impressive  warning, 
"  I  am  filled  with  the  most  gloomy  apprehensions  for  the  fate  of 
the  Union.  I  can  not  express  to  you  how  deeply  I  am  penetrated 
with  a  sense  of  the  danger  which  at  this  moment  threatens  its 
existence.  If  Madison  filled  the  executive  chair,  he  might  be 
bullied  into  some  compromise.  If  Monroe  was  in  power,  he  might 
be  coaxed  into  some  adjustment  of  this  difficulty.  But  Jackson 
is  obstinate  and  fond  of  fight.  I  fear  matters  must  come  to  an 
open  rupture.  If  so,  the  Union  is  gone  !"  But  after  a  long  pause, 
he  added :  "  There  is  one  man,  and  one  man  only,  who  can  save 
this  Union  ;  that  man  is  HENRY  CLAY.  I  know  he  has  the  power. 
I  believe  he  will  be  found  to  have  the  patriotism  and  firmness 
equal  to  the  occasion."  This  prediction  was  verified.  The  tariff 
of  1824,  and  the  legislation  on  the  subject  of  1828,  left  everything 
unsettled.  CLAY  retiring  from  the  Cabinet,  had  returned  to  Ash 
land.  Not  long  inactive,  the  Legislature  of  Kentucky  again  sent 
him  to  the  Senate.  He  reached  the  Capitol  very  opportunely, 
and  in  January  1831,  offered  the  following  resolution: 

"  Resolved,  That  the  existing  duties  upon  articles  imported 
from  foreign  countries,  and  not  coming  into  competition  with 
similar  articles  made  or  produced  within  the  United  States,  ought 
to  be  forthwith  abolished,  except  the  duties  upon  wines  and  silks, 
and  that  those  ought  to  be  reduced  ;  and  that  the  committee  on 
finance  be  instructed  to  report  a  bill  accordingly." 

The  substance  of  this  resolution  was  embodied  in  a  bill  adopted 


HENRY    CLAY. 


755 


in  July  following.  Soon  after,  followed  the  before-mentioned 
excitements,  in  South  Carolina, — her  ordinance  and  inflammatory 
meetings.  Verging  to  a  civil  war,  CLAY  again  stepped  forward 
as  pacificator,  and  elaborated  the  compromise  tariff  of  1833. 
During  the  discussion  of  this  measure,  Randolph,  by  request,  was 
carried  to  the  Senate.  When  CLAY  began  his  speech,  he  exclaimed: 
"  Help  me  up  !  help  me  up  !  I  came  here  to  hear  that  voice." 

The  compromise  tariff  embraced  the  following : 

"  The  first  principle  was,  that  there  should  be  a  fixed  rate  of 
ad-valorem  duty,  and  discriminations  below  it. 

"  Second,  that  the  excess  of  duty  beyond  twenty  per  centum, 
should,  by  a  gradual  process,  commencing  on  the  31st  of  Decem 
ber,  1833,  be  reduced,  so  that  by  the  30th  of  June,  1842,  it  should 
be  brought  down  to  twenty  per  centum. 

"  Third,  that  after  that  day,  such  duties  should  be  laid  for  the 
purpose  of  raising  such  revenue  as  might  be  necessary  for  an 
economical  administration  of  the  government;  consequently  ex 
cluding  all  resort  to  internal  taxation,  or  to  the  proceeds  of  the 
public  lands ;  for,  cotemporaneously  with  the  pendency  of  the 
act,  a  bill  was  pending  for 'the  distribution  of  these  proceeds. 

"  Fourth,  that  after  the  30th  of  June,  1842,  all  duties  should 
be  paid,  in  ready  money,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  credits. 

"  Fifth,  that  after  the  same  day,  the  assessment  of  the  value  of 
all  imports  should  be  made  at  home  and  not  abroad. 

u  Sixth,  that  after  the  same  day,  a  list  of  articles  specified  and 
enumerated  in  the  act,  should  be  admitted  free  of  duty,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  manufacturing  interests." 

Such  was  the  compromise  tariff.  It  was  not  designed,  however, 
as  might  seem,  at  first  glance,  to  prohibit  forever,  the  imposition 
of  higher  duties  than  twenty  per  cent.  True,  it  was  thought,  that 
twenty  per  cent.,  might  be  sufficient,  with  a  rigid  economy,  to 
furnish  revenue.  A  threatened  excess  of  revenue,  produced  the 
clause,  freeing  altogether  certain  articles  from  duty.  These  were 
silks,  wines,  and  some  others,  coming  under  the  head  of  luxuries. 
After  much  labor  and  solicitude  the  measure  passed  both  Houses, 
and  became  a  law  in  March,  1833.  Nullification  died  away,  and 
quiet  was  again  restored  to  the  country. 

Meantime  another  presidential  election  had  taken  place.  Several 
States  had  long  signified  a  preference  for  CLAY  for  the  presidency, 
while  in  Kentucky,  he  was  the  standing  choice  of  the  people.  In 


756  HENRY    CLAY. 

1831,  he  was  again  brought  forward  against  Jackson.  The  old 
charge  of  corruption  was  resuscitated  and  industriously  circulated 
against  him.  He  had  not  then  outlived  the  vile  slander,  and 
was  beaten  by  an  immense  majority.  The  accession  of  Jackson 
to  the  presidency,  opened  a  new  era  in  the  political  history  of  the 
country.  Among  the  first  measures,  was  the  veto  of  the  bill 
re-chartering  the  United  States  Bank ;  this  was  followed  by  a  veto 
of  the  bill  providing  for  the  distribution  of  the  public  lands  among 
the  States.  Thus,  two  of  CLAY'S  favorite  measures  were  quashed 
by  a  dash  of  the  executive  pen,  against  the  will  of  majorities  of 
both  Houses  of  the  people's  representatives.  Soon  after,  the  sub 
ject  of  removing  the  deposits  came  up.  Notwithstanding  the 
passage  of  resolutions  in  Congress,  to  the  effect,  that  the  deposits 
were  safe  in  the  custody  of  the  United  States  Bank,  he  determined 
to  have  them  removed.  Duane,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
not  feeling  justified  in  performing  the  work,  was  in  no  amicable 
mood  displaced,  and  Roger  B.  Taney  was  appointed  in  his  stead. 
Obeying  the  instructions  of  the  President,  he  had  the  deposits 
removed.  The  Secretary,  after  removing  the  deposits,  made  a 
report  to  Congress,  assigning  reasons  for  his  course, — a  reiteration 
of  those  contained  in  Jackson's  message,  hoping  to  establish  con 
viction  that  he  was  right.  He  failed  signally.  CLAY,  on  the  26th 
of  December,  1833,  offered  in  the  Senate,  the  following  reso 
lutions  of  censure: 

"Resolved, — That  by  dismissing  the  late  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  because  he  would  not,  contrary  to  his  own  sense  of  his 
duty,  remove  the  money  of  the  United  States,  on  deposit  with 
the  Bank  of  the  United  States  and  its  branches,  in  conformity 
with  the  President's  opinion,  and  by  appointing  his  successor  to 
effect  such  removal,  which  has  been  done,  the  President  has 
assumed  the  exercise  of  a  power  over  the  treasury  of  the  United 
States,  not  granted  to  him  by  the  Constitution  and  laws,  and 
dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people. 

"  Resolved, — That  the  reasons  assigned  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  for  the  removal  of  the  money  of  the  United  States, 
deposited  in  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  its  branches, 
communicated  to  Congress  on  the  3d  of  December,  1833,  are 
unsatisfactory  and  insufficient." 

These  resolutions  were  moved  with  characteristic  firmness  and 
intrepidity.  They  were  followed  by  long  and  heated  appeals  and 


H E:\IIY   CLAY. 

discussions.     Embodied  in  the  following  resolution,  they  finally 
passed  by  a  vote  of  twenty-six  to  twenty,  March  28th,  1834 : 

"Resolved, — That  the  President,  in  the  late  executive  proceed 
ings,  in  relation  to  the  public  revenue,  has  assumed  upon  himself 
authority  and  power  not  conferred  by  the  Constitution  and  laws, 
but  in  derogation  of  both." 

Removal  of  the  deposits  was  succeeded  by  general  depression 
and  unexampled  financial  distresses.  The  rapid  decline  of 
property  and  prostration  of  business  were  felt  throughout  the 
Union.  The  halls  of  Congress  were  flooded  with  petitions  from 
all  quarters,  couched  in  painful  terms,  praying  relief.  CLAY,  fully 
roused  to  his  giant  proportions,  led  the  fight  against  the  adminis 
tration.  His  appeals  were  eloquent,  warm,  and  glowing  from  the 
heart. 

"In  twenty-four  hours,"  said  he  to  vice-President  Yan  Buren, 
"the  executive  branch  could  adopt  a  measure  which  would  afford 
an  efficacious  and  substantial  remedy,  and  re-establish  confidence. 
And  those  who,  in  this  chamber,  support  the  administration,  could 
not  render  a  better  service  than  to  repair  to  the  executive  mansion, 
and,  placing  before  the  chief  magistrate  the  naked  and  undisguised 
truth,  prevail  upon  him  to  retrace  his  steps  and  abandon  his  fatal 
experiment.     No  one,  sir,  can  perform  that  duty  with  more  pro 
priety  than  yourself.     You  can,  if  you  will,  induce  him  to  change 
his  course.     To  you,  then,  sir,  in  no  unfriendly  spirit,  but  with 
feelings  softened  and  subdued  by  the  deep  distress  which  pervades 
every  class  of  our  countrymen,  I  make   the   appeal.     By  your 
official  and  personal  relations  with  the  President,  you  maintain 
with  him  an  intercourse  which  I  neither  enjoy  nor  covet.     Go  to 
him  and  tell  him,  without  exaggeration,  but  in  the  language  of 
truth  and  sincerity,  the  actual  condition  of  his  bleeding  country. 
Tell  him  it  is  nearly  ruined  and  undone,  by  the  measures  which 
he  has  been  induced  to  put  in  operation.     Tell  him  that  his  experi 
ment  is  operating  on  the  nation  like  the  philosopher's  experiment 
upon  a  convulsed  animal  in  an  exhausted  receiver,  and  that  it 
must  expire  in  agony,  if  he  does   not  pause,  give  it  free  and 
sound  circulation,  and  suffer  the  energies  of  the  people  to  be  re 
vived  and  restored. 

"Tell  him  that  in  a  single  city  more  than  sixty  bankruptcies, 
involving  a  loss  of  upward  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  have 
occurred.     Tell  him  of  the  alarming  decline  in  the  value  of  all 
51 


758  HENRY     CLAY. 

property ;  of  the  depreciation  of  all  the  products  of  industry  ;  of 
the  stagnation  in  every  branch  of  business,  and  of  the  close  of 
numerous  manufacturing  establishments,  which,  a  few  short 
months  ago,  were  in  active  and  flourishing  operation.  Depict  to 
him,  if  you  can  find  language  to  portray,  the  heart-rending 
wretchedness  of  thousands  of  the  working-classes  cast  out  of 
employment.  Tell  him  of  the  tears  of  helpless  widows,  no  longer 
able  to  earn  their  bread;  and  of  unclad  and  unfed  orphans,  who 
have  been  driven  by  his  policy,  out  of  the  busy  pursuits  in  which, 
but  yesterday,  they  were  gaining  an  honest  livelihood. 

"Say  to  him,  that  if  firmness  be  honorable,  when  guided  by 
truth  and  justice,  it  is  intimately  allied  to  another  quality  of  the 
most  pernicious  tendency,  in  the  prosecution  of  an  erroneous 
system.  Tell  him  how  much  more  true  glory  is  to  be  won  by  re 
tracing  false  steps,  than  by  blindly  rushing  on  until  his  country 
is  overwhelmed  in  bankruptcy  and  ruin.  Tell  him  of  the  ardent 
attachment,  the  unbounded  devotion,  the  enthusiastic  gratitude 
toward  him,  so  often  signally  manifested  by  the  American  people, 
and  that  they  deserve,  at  his  hands,  better  treatment.  Tell  him 
to  guard  himself  against  the  possibility  of  an  odious  comparison, 
with  that  worst  of  the  Roman  emperors,  who,  contemplating 
with  indifference  the  conflagration  of  the  mistress  of  the  world, 
regaled  himself  during  the  terrific  scene,  in  the  throng  of  his 
dancing  courtiers. 

"  If  you  desire  to  secure  for  yourself  the  reputation  of  a  public 
benefactor,  describe  to  him  truly  the  universal  distress  already 
produced,  and  the  certain  ruin  which  must  ensue  from  persever 
ance  in  his  measures.  Tell  him  he  has  been  abused,  deceived, 
betrayed,  by  the  wicked  counsels  of  unprincipled  men  around 
him.  Inform  him  that  all  efforts  in  Congress,  to  alleviate  or  ter 
minate  the  public  distress,  are  paralyzed  and  likely  to  prove  totally 
unavailing,  from  his  influence  upon  a  large  portion  of  the  mem 
bers  who  are  unwilling  to  withdraw  their  support,  or  to  take  a 
course  repugnant  to  his  wishes  and  feelings.  Tell  him  that,  in  his 
bosom  alone,  under  actual  circumstances,  does  the  power  abide  to 
relieve  the  country ;  and  that,  unless  he  opens  it  to  conviction, 
and  corrects  the  errors  of  his  administration,  no  human  imagin 
ation  can  conceive,  and  no  human  tongue  can  express  the  awful 
consequences  which  may  follow.  Entreat  him  to  pause  and  to 
reflect,  that  there  is  a  point  beyond  which  human  endurance  can 


HENRY    CLAY.  759 

not  go ;  and  let  him  not  drive  this  brave,  generous  and  patriotic 
people  to  madness  and  despair." 

Such  was  the  language  used  by  the  noble  orator  in  behalf  of 
the  people.  His  earnest  fervor  and  impassioned  appeals  showed 
that  he  was  patriotic, — actuated  by  no  motives  of  personal  strife, 
nor  urged  on  by  the  lash  of  disappointed  ambition. 

The  conflict  between  himself  and  the  President  having  begun, 
was  carried  on  without  abatement,  and  formed  the  main  feature 
of  legislative  deliberation,  during  the  period  of  the  bank  excite 
ment.  The  acknowledged  champions  and  leaders  of  the  two 
opposing  parties,  each  unbending  in  his  own  opinions,  of  indomi 
table  courage  and  unflinching  will,  and  differing  widely  in  their 
views  of  national  policy,  whenever  they  came  in  contact, — which 
was  often, — a  fierce  struggle  ensued.  Though  CLAY  ruled  undis 
puted  master  in  Congress,  the  executive  prerogative  gave  his 
antagonist  the  advantage,  of  which  he  availed  himself  on  every 
occasion.  In  1834,  in  addition  to  other  subjects,  the  French 
spoliations  came  up  for  legislative  consideration.  By  the  treaty 
of  1831,  the  sum  of  twenty-five  millions  of  francs  was  stipu 
lated  to  be  paid  to  the  United  States  by  France,  for  injuries  sus 
tained  by  our  commerce  during  the  late  wars  between  France  and 
England.  Jackson,  in  consequence  of  the  agreement  not  being 
complied  with  according  to  the  treaty  stipulations,  was  in  favor 
of  reprisals  upon  the  French.  CLAY  was,  at  that  time,  chairman 
of  the  committee  of  foreign  affairs,  and  fearing  that  such  a  course 
would  bring  about  an  open  and  immediate  rupture,  offered  a  reso 
lution  to  the  effect,  "that  it  was  inexpedient  at  this  time  to  pass 
any  law  vesting  in  the  President  authority  for  making  reprisals 
upon  French  property,  in  the  contingency  of  provision  not  being 
made  for  paying  the  United  States  the  indemnity  stipulated  by 
the  treaty  of  1831,  during  the  existing  session  in  the  French 
Chambers."  Thus,  with  the  courage  of  a  Horatio  Codes,  stand 
ing  alone  at  the  bridge  to  beat  back  the  menial  legions  of  Por- 
senna,  he  stood  upon  his  cherished  principles,  resisting  executive 
encroachment,  till  nothing  but  the  wrecks  of  his  life  labors  re 
mained.  Though  he  was  beaten  by  the  power  of  prerogative,  his 
labors  were  not  barren  of  good  results.  Just  such  a  man  as  CLAY 
was  needed  to  hold  in  check  the  impulsive  will  and  energetic 
action  of  the  President. 

The  curtailment  of  national  expenses,  the  arrest  of  a  headlong 


760  HENRY    CLAY. 

march  to  national  bankruptcy,  and  the  maintenance  of  a  conserva 
tive,  yet  high  national  ground  were  to  him  objects  of  primary  con 
sideration.  As  a  statesman  and  party  leader,  his  life  was  one 
ceaseless  round  of  conflict.  Never  perhaps  in  the  history  of  the 
world  was  any  one  man  engaged  in  so  many  hard  struggles  for 
political  ascendency  without  loss  to  his  fame  or  his  principles. 

His  resolution  of  censure  on  Jackson,  though  they  passed  by 
good  majorities,  were  not  done  with.  In  February,  1835,  the 
friends  of  the  administration  having  increased  in  number,  Thomas 
H.  Benton  brought  in  a  resolution,  expunging  the  one  of  March 
28th,  1834,  censuring  the  President  for  removing  the  deposits. 
It  was  voted  down  by  a  heavy  majority.  But  the  energetic  Jack- 
sonian  was  not  discouraged,  and  urged  it  upon  the  Senate  from 
time  to  time,  until  1837.  CLAY  battled  against  it.  "  What  patri 
otic  purpose,"  he  exclaims,  "  is  to  be  accomplished  by  this  expung 
ing  resolution  ?  Can  you  make  that  not  to  be  which  has  been  ? 
Can  you  eradicate  from  memory  and  from  history  the  fact,  that  in 
March,  1834,  a  majority  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  passed 
the  resolution  which  excites  your  enmity?  Is  it  your  vain  and 
wicke'd  object  to  arrogate  to  yourselves  that  power  of  annihilating 
the  past,  which  has  been  denied  to  Omnipotence  itself?  Do  you 
intend  to  thrust  your  hands  into  our  hearts,  and  to  pluck  out  the 
deeply-rooted  convictions  which  are  there?  or  is  it  your  design 
merely  to  stigmatize  us?  You  can  not  agitate  us. 

'Ne'er  yet  did  base  dishonor  blur  our  name.' 

Standing  securely  upon  our  conscious  rectitude,  and  bearing  aloft 
the  shield  of  the  Constitution  of  our  country,  your  puny  efforts 
are  impotent,  and  we  defy  all  your  power.  Put  the  majority  of 
1834  in  one  scale,  and  that  by  which  this  expunging  resolution  is 
to  be  carried  in  the  other,  and  let  truth  and  justice,  in  heaven 
above  and  on  the  earth  below,  and  liberty  and  patriotism  decide 
the  preponderance. 

"  What  patriotic  purpose  is  to  be  accomplished  by  this  expung 
ing?  Is  it  to  appease  the  wrath,  and  to  heal  the  wounded  pride 
of  the  chief  magistrate  ?  If  he  be  really  the  hero  that  his  friends 
represent  him,  he  must  despise  all  mean  condescensions,  all 
grovelling  sycophancy,  all  self-degradation  and  self-abasement. 
He  would  reject  with  scorn  and  contempt,  as  unworthy  of  his  fame, 
your  black  scratches,  and  your  baby  lines  in  the  fair  records 
of  his  country.  Black  lines !  Black  lines !  Sir,  I  hope  the 


HENRY     CLAY.  761 

Secretary  of  the  Seriate  will  preserve  the  pen  with  which  he  may 
inscribe  them,  and  present  it  to  that  Senator  of  the  majority  whom 
he  may  select,  as  a  proud  trophy,  to  be  transmitted  to  his  descend 
ants.  And  hereafter,  when  we  shall  lose  the  forms  of  our  free 
institutions, — all  that  now  remain  to  us, — some  future  American 
monarch,  in  gratitude  to  those  by  whose  means  he  has  been  en 
abled,  upon  the  ruins  of  civil  liberty,  to  erect  a  throne,  and  to 
commemorate  especially  this  expunging  resolution,  may  institute 
a  new  order  of  knighthood,  and  confer  on  it  the  appropriate  name 
of  the  'knight  of  the  black  lines.' 

"  But  why  should  I  detain  the  Senate,  or  needlessly  waste  my 
breath  in  fruitless  exertions  ?  The  decree  has  gone  forth.  It  is 
one  of  urgency,  too.  The  deed  is  to  be  done  ;  that  foul  deed,  like 
the  blood-stained  hands  of  the  guilty  Macbeth,  all  ocean's  waters 
will  never  wash  out.  Proceed,  then,  to  the  noble  work  which  lies 
before  you,  and  like  other  skillful  executioners,  do  it  quickly. 
And  when  you  have  perpetrated  it,  go  home  to  the  people  and 
tell  them  what  glorious  honors  you  have  achieved  for  our  common 
country.  Tell  them  that  you  have  extinguished  one  of  the  bright 
est  and  purest  lights  that  ever  burned  at  the  altar  of  civil  liberty. 
Tell  them  that  you  have  silenced  one  of  the  noblest  batteries  that 
ever  thundered  in  defense  of  the  Constitution,  and  bravely  spiked 
the  cannon.  Tell  them  that,  henceforward,  no  matter  what  daring 
or  outrageous  act  any  President  may  perform,  you  have  forever 
hermetically  sealed  the  mouth  of  the  Senate.  Tell  them  that  he 
may  fearlessly  assume  what  power  he  pleases ;  snatch  from  its 
lawful  custody  the  public  purse,  command  a  military  detachment 
to  enter  the  halls  of  the  Capitol,  overawe  Congress,  trample  down 
the  Constitution,  and  raze  every  bulwark  of  freedom ;  but  that  the 
Senate  must  stand  mute,  in  silent  submission,  and  not  dare  to 
raise  its  opposing  voice.  That  it  must  wait  until  a  House  of 
Eepresentatives,  humbled  and  subdued  like  itself,  and  a  majority 
of  it  composed  of  the  partisans  of  the  President,  shall  prefer 
articles  of  impeachment.  Tell  them  finally,  that  you  have  restored 
the  glorious  doctrine  of  passive  obedience  and  non-resistance ;  and 
if  the  people  do  not  pour  out  their  indignation  and  imprecations, 
I  have  yet  to  learn  the  character  of  American  freemen." 

In  spite  of  such  appeals  and  his  persistent  opposition,  the  ex 
punging  resolution  passed  the  Senate  on  the  19th  of  January,  by 
a  vote  of  twenty-four  to  nineteen. 


762  HENRY    CLAY. 

After  the  passage  of  the  expunging  resolution,  and  during  the 
presidency  of  Van  Buren,  the  sub-treasury  measure  was  recom 
mended  by  the  executive, — providing  that  the  only  currency 
receivable  for  government  dues  should  be  gold  and  silver.  Again 
CLAY  threw  himself  forward  in  opposition.  He  resisted  this 
scheme  at  every  inch  of  its  progress  through  the  Senate,  until  its 
final  passage  in  July,  1840. 

Although  many  measures  of  public  policy  that  CLAY  urged  as 
essential  to  the  welfare  of  the  nation,  did  not  meet  with  success, 
there  was  no  drooping  of  energies,  no  depression  of  spirits 
or  fading  of  hope.  Proudly  conscious  of  the  correctness  of 
his  opinions,  and  reposing  unlimited  faith  in  the  intelligence  of 
his  countrymen,  he  still  resolved  to  fight  on  in  anticipation  of 
ultimate  victory.  A  change  of  rulers  was  soon  to  take  place,  and 
he  felt  that  what  he  conceived  a  yoke  of  oppression  would  grind 
the  people  into  rebellion.  His  expectations  were  not  altogether 
vain.  Signs  of  the  times  began  clearly  to  indicate  that  Jack 
son  and  Van  Buren  were  closing  their  political  careers.  In 
the  uprising  of  the  people  was  seen  the  coming  of  a  different  day. 
Bright  hopes  were  formed  by  the  Whig  party ;  a  realization  of 
which,  as  will  be  seen,  was  only  prevented  by  the  apostasy  of 
Tyler  from  ripening  into  maturity. 

At  the  national  convention  which  met  at  Harrisburg,  in  1840, 
Harrison  and  Tyler  were  nominated  as  candidates  for  President 
and  vice-President.  This  was  the  period  when  the  Whig  party 
should  have  brought  CLAY  forward  as  their  standard-bearer. 
Feeling,  however,  that  the  military  fame  of  Harrison  would  best 
insure  success,  the  just  claims  of  CLAY  were  thrown  aside.  Not 
withstanding  his  disappointment  in  the  action  of  his  party,  CLAY 
gallantly  and  patriotically  gave  his  support  to  the  ticket.  The 
campaign  was  an  exciting  one.  The  exploits  of  the  hero  of 
Tippecanoe  were  rang  over  the  land.  The  result  was  Harrison's 
election  by  an  overwhelming  popular  majority.  Believing  the 
condition  of  the  nation  demanded  immediate  action,  the  President 
called  an  extra  session  of  Congress,  which  met  early  in  May, 
1841.  The  death  of  the  President  put  an  end  to  the  high  hopes 
entertained  of  his  administration  by  the  Whigs.  On  that  event, 
Tyler  succeeded  to  the  Presidency.  His  first  step  was  to  issue  an 
address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  which  he  said :  "I 
shall  promptly  give  my  sanction  to  any  constitutional  measure, 


HENRY    CLAY.  7^3 

which,  originating  in  Congress,  shall  have  for  its  object  the  restor 
ation  of  a  sound  circulating  medium,  so  essentially  necessary  to 
give  confidence  in  all  the  transactions  of  life,  to  secure  to  industry 
its  just  and  accurate  reward,  and  to  re-establish  the  public  pros 
perity.  In  deciding  upon  the  adoption  of  any  such  measure  to 
the  end  proposed,  as  well  as  its  conformity  to  the  Constitution, 
I  shall  resort  to  the  fathers  of  the  great  Republican  school  for 
advice  and  instruction,  to  be  drawn  from  their  sage  views  of 
our  system  of  government,  and  the  light  of  their  ever  glorious 
example" 

Upon  the  inauguration  of  the  new  administration,  the  party  in 
power  commenced  efforts  to  bring  about  a  change  of  national 
policy.  The  abolishment  of  the  sub-treasury,  and  the  enactment 
of  a  bankrupt  law  designed  to  relieve  the  distresses  of  the  coun 
try,  were  among  the  first  measures  adopted  at  the  extra  session. 
In  both  of  these,  CLAY  acted  a  prominent  part.  Believing,  as  they 
had  a  right  to  do,  from  the  election  and  subsequent  declarations 
in  the  address  just  referred  to,  that  Tyler  would  carry  out  the 
views  of  the  Whig  party,  a  bill  establishing  a  national  bank  was 
adopted.  The  bill  passed  both  Houses,  and  CLAY  at  last  seemed 
about  arriving  at  a  point  when  his  cherished  measures  would  be 
adopted  by  the  American  people.  Not  so,  however.  Much  to 
the  surprise  of  all,  the  bill  was  returned  with  the  President's  veto. 
CLAY'S  voice  was  again  heard  in  remonstrance  against  this  exer 
cise  of  executive  power.  Referring  to  that  part  of  Tyler's  address, 
just  quoted,  he  said: 

"  To  this  clause  in  the  address  of  the  President,  I  believe  but 
one  interpretation  was  given  throughout  the  whole  country,  by 
friend  and  foe,  by  Whig  and  Democrat,  and  by  the  presses  of 
both  parties.  It  was,  by  every  man  with  whom  I  conversed  on 
the  subject  at  the  time  of  its  appearance,  or  of  whom  I  have  since 
inquired,  construed  to  mean  that  the  President  intended  to  occupy 
the  Madison  ground,  and  to  regard  the  question  of  the  power  to 
establish  a  national  bank  as  immovably  settled.  And  I  think  I 
may  confidently  appeal  to  the  Senate  and  to  the  country,  to  sus 
tain  the  fact,  that  this  was  the  coternporaneous  and  unanimous 
judgment  of  the  public.  Reverting  back  to  the  period  of  the 
promulgation  of  the  address,  could  any  other  construction  have 
been  given  to  its  language  ?  What  is  it  ?  'I  shall  promptly  give 
my  sanction  to  any  constitutional  measures,  which,  originating  in 


764  HENKY    CLAY. 

Congress]  shall  have  certain  defined  objects  in  view."     The  con 
tinuation  of  his  speech  was  a  searching  review  of  the  reasons 
assigned,  and   denunciation  of  Tyler   for  his  veto   of  the  bill. 
"  But  what  further  shall  we  do  ?"  he  asked.     "  Never,  since  I  have 
enjoyed  the  honor  of  participating  in  the  public  councils  of  the 
nation,  a  period  of  nearly  thirty-five  years,  have  I  met  Congress 
under  more  happy  or  more  favorable  auspices.     Never  have  I 
seen  a  House  of  Representatives  animated  by  more  patriotic  dis 
positions  ;   more  united,  more   determined,  more   business-like. 
Not  even  that  House  which  declared  war  in  1812,  nor  that  which, 
in  1815-'16,  laid  broad  and  deep  foundations  of  national  pros 
perity,  in  adequate  provisions  for  a  sound  currency,  by  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  bank  of  the  United  States,  for  the  payment  of  the 
national  debt,  and  for  the  protection  of  American  industry.     This 
House  has  solved  the  problem  of  the  competency  of  a  large 
deliberative  body  to  transact  the  public  business.     If  happily 
there  had  existed  a  concurrence  of  opinion  and  cordial  co-opera 
tion  between  the  different  departments  of  the  government,  and 
all  the   members  of  the  party,  we  should  have   carried  every 
measure  contemplated  at  the  extra  session,  which  the  people  had 
a  right  to  expect  from  our  pledges,  and  should  have  been,  by  this 
time,  at  our  respective  homes.     "We  are  disappointed  in  one,  and 
an  important  one,  of  that  series  of  measures ;  but  shall  we  there 
fore  despair?     Shall  we  abandon   ourselves  to  unworthy  feelings 
and  sentiments  ?     Shall  we  allow  ourselves  to  be  transported  by 
rash  and  intemperate  passions  and  counsels?     Shall  we  adjourn, 
and  go  home  in  disgust  ?     No  !  No  !  No !     A  higher,  nobler,  and 
more  patriotic  career  lies  before  us.     Let  us  here,  at  the  east  end 
of  Pennsylvania  avenue,  do  our  duty,  our  whole  duty,  and  no 
thing  short  of  our  duty,  toward  our  common  country.     We  have 
repealed  the  sub-treasury.     We  have  passed  a  bankrupt  law, — a 
beneficent  measure  of  substantial  and  extensive  relief.     Let  us 
now  pass  the  bill  for  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public 
lands,  the  revenue  bill,  and  the  bill  for  the  benefit  of  the  oppressed 
people  of  this  District.  t  Let  us  do  all,  let  us  do  everything  we 
can  for  the  public  good.     If  we  are  finally  disappointed  in  our 
hopes  of  giving  to  the  country  a  bank,  which  will  once  more  supply 
it  with  a  sound  currency,  still  let  us  go  home  and  tell  our  con 
stituents,  that  we  did  all  we  could  under  actual  circumstances, 
and  that,  if  we  did  not  carry  every  measure  for  their  relief,  it  was 


HENRY     CLAY. 


765 


only  because  to  do  so  was  impossible.  If  nothing  can  be  done  at  this 
extra  session,  to  put  upon  a  more  stable  and  satisfactory  basis  the  cur 
rency  and  exchanges  of  the  country,  let  us  hope  that  hereafter  some 
way  will  be  found  to  accomplish  that  most  desirable  object,  either 
by  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  limiting  and  qualifying  the 
enormous  executive  power,  and  especially  the  veto,  or  by  increased 
majorities  in  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  competent  to  the  passage  of 
wise  and  salutary  laws,  the  President's  objections  notwithstanding. 

"This  seems  to  me  to  be  the  course  now  incumbent  upon  us  to 
pursue  ;  and  by  conforming  to  it,  whatever  may  be  the  result  of 
laudable  endeavors,  now  in  progress  or  in  contemplation  in  re 
lation  to  a  new  attempt  to  establish  a  bank,  we  shall  go  home 
bearing  no  self-reproaches  for  neglected  or  abandoned  duty." 

Tyler  seemed  to  make  it  his  especial  business  to  veto  the  very 
measures  forming  the  issue  of  the  previous  campaign,  and  for  the 
promotion  of  which,  he  was  elevated  to  his  position.  Every 
member  of  his  Cabinet  resigned,  except  Webster,  who  was  pre 
vented  from  doing  so  by  important  foreign  negotiations.  A 
member  of  Congress  from  Kentucky,  defined  the  administration 
as  "  a  parenthesis  in  the  history  of  the  country,  enclosed  between 
black  lines  or  brackets,  which  should  be  pronounced  in  a  low  tone 
of  voice,  and  might  be  left  out  altogether  without  injuring  the 
sense."  Clayton  said,  "that  corruption  and  Tyler,  and  Tyler  and 
corruption  would  stick  together  as  long  as  Cataline  and  treason." 

The  exercise  of  executive  prerogative  by  Tyler  and  his  imme 
diate  predecessors,  induced  the  belief,  on  the  mind  of  CLAY,  of  a 
necessity  of  its  restriction.  He  favored  the  limitation  of  the 
presidential  office  to  one  term,  and  a  provision  prohibiting  the 
appointment  of  members  of  either  House  of  Congress  to  office, — 
also  the  selection  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  by  Congress. 

Again  he  had  been  disappointed  in  the  hopes  formed  in  1841. 
During  the  labors  of  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress,  CLAY  had  put 
forth  his  strongest  efforts, — rallying  friends  to  the  support  of 
measures  doomed  to  overthrow  by  the  will  of  the  President. 

Soon  after,  CLAY  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate.  Before  that 
event,  however,  he  made  another  effort  in  behalf  of  protection. 
The  time  limited  for  the  compromise  tariff  of  1833,  was  soon  to 
expire,  and  the  subject  again  came  up  for  discussion.  The  result 
was  the  adoption  of  the  tariff  of  1841,  in  which  he  took  an  influ 
ential  part. 


766  HENRY    CLAY. 

His  services  in  procuring  its  passage  closed,  for  the  present,  his 
senatorial  labors.  Having  mingled  in  the  political  strifes  and 
conflicts  of  his  country  during  the  most  stormy  periods  of  its 
history,  he  felt  anxious  to  enjoy  the  quiet  and  seclusion  of  Ash 
land.  It  may  not  be  out  of  place  here,  to  give  his  views  at  the 
time,  upon  some  of  the  leading  features  of  national  policy.  They 
are  partly  embraced  in  some  resolutions  submitted  to  Congress, 
more  with  a  view  of  subsequent  consideration  and  benefit,  than 
present  passage.  The  first  resolution  said : 

"  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  general  government  for  conducting 
its  administration,  to  provide  an  adequate  revenue  within  the  year, 
to  meet  the  current  expenses  of  the  year ;  and  that  any  expedient, 
either  by  loan  or  treasury  notes,  to  supply,  in  time  of  peace,  a 
deficiency  of  revenue,  especially  during  successive  years,  is  un 
wise,  and  must  lead  to  pernicious  consequences." 

The  second  resolution  says :  "  That  such  an  adequate  revenue 
can  not  be  obtained  by  duties  on  foreign  imports,  without  adopt 
ing  a  higher  rate  than  twenty  per  centum,  as  provided  for  in  the 
compromise  act,  which,  at  the  time  of  its  passage,  was  supposed 
and  assumed  as  a  rate  that  would  supply  a  sufficient  revenue  for 
an  economical  administration  of  the  government." 

The  third  resolution  asserted :  "  That  the  rate  of  duties  on 
foreign  imports,  ought  to  be  augmented  beyond  the  rate  of  twenty 
per  cent.,  so  as  to  produce  a  net  revenue  of  twenty-six  millions  of 
dollars, — twenty-two  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  government, 
two  for  the  payment  of  the  existent  debt,  and  two  millions  as  a 
reserved  fund  for  contingencies." 

The  fourth  resolution  affirmed  :  "  That  in  the  adjustment  of  a 
tariff  to  raise  an  amount  of  twenty-six  millions  of  revenue,  the 
principles  of  the  compromise  should  generally  be  adhered  to  ;  and 
that  especially  a  maximum  rate  of  ad  valorem  should  be  establish 
ed,  from  which  there  ought  to  be  as  little  departure  as  possible," 

The  fifth  having  reference  to  the  public  lands,  in  connection 
with  the  subject  of  revenue,  said:  " That  the  provision  in  the  act 
of  the  extra  session  for  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
public  lands,  requiring  the  operation  of  that  act  to  be  suspended 
in  the  contingency  of  a  higher  rate  of  duty  than  twenty  per 
centum,  ought  to  be  repealed." 

This  resolution  also  affirmed:  "That  it  is  the  duty  of  govern 
ment,  at  all  times,  but  more  especially  in  a  season  such  as  now 


HENRY    CLAY. 

exists,  of  general  embarrassment  and  pecuniary  distress,  to  abolish 
all  useless  institutions  and  officers,  to  curtail  all  unnecessary 
expenses,  and  to  practice  rigid  economy." 

The  seventh  resolution  declared:  "That  the  contingent  ex 
penses  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  ought  to  be  greatly  reduced  ; 
and  the  mileage  of  members  of  Congress  ought  to  be  regulated  and 
more  clearly  defined." 

The  eighth  resolution  said :  "  That  the  expenses  of  the  judicial 
department  have,  of  late  years,  been  greatly  increased,  and  ought 
to  be  diminished."  Of  the  same  tenor  the  ninth  suggested : 
"  That  the  diplomatic  relations  of  the  United  States  with  foreign 
powers,  have  been  unnecessarily  extended  during  the  last  twelve 
years,  and  ought  to  be  reduced." 

The  tenth  resolution  declared:  "That  the  franking  privilege 
ought  to  be  further  restricted,  the  abusive  uses  of  it  restrained 
and  punished,  the  postage  on  letters  reduced,  the  mode  of  estimat 
ing  distances  more  clearly  defined  and  prescribed,  and  a  small 
addition  to  postage  made  on  books,  pamphlets  and  packages, 
transmitted  by  the  mail,  to  be  graduated  and  increased  acccording 
to  their  respective  weights." 

The  eleventh  and  last  resolution  of  the  series  recommended, 
retrenchment  of  government  expenses,  and  the  abolition  of  all 
superfluous  offices,  to  keep  up  which,  required  the  funds  of  the 
nation. 

On  the  21st  of  March,  1852,  he  resigned  his  seat  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  and  closed,  forever,  as  he  thought,  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  and  active  careers  ever  exhibited  in  that  body.  He 
delivered  his  valedictory  with  deep  feeling,  and  amid  profound 
silence.  It  closed  as  follows : 

"  In  retiring,  as  I  am  about  to  do,  forever,  from  the  Senate, 
suffer  me  to  express  my  heartfelt  wishes  that  all  the  great  and 
patriotic  objects  of  the  wise  framers  of  our  Constitution  may  be 
fulfilled ;  that  the  high  destiny  designed  for  it  may  be  fully 
answered;  and  that  its  deliberations,  now  and  hereafter,  may 
eventuate  in  securing  the  prosperity  of  our  beloved  country,  in 
maintaining  its  rights  and  honor  abroad,  and  upholding  its 
interests  at  home.  I  retire,  I  know,  at  a  period  of  infinite  dis 
tress  and  embarrassment.  I  wish  I  could  take  my  leave  of  you 
under  more  favorable  auspices ;  but,  without  meaning,  at  this 
time,  to  say  whether  on  any  or  on  whom  reproaches  for  the  sad  con- 


768  HENRY     CLAY. 

dition  of  the  country  should  fall,  I  appeal  to  the  Senate  and  to  the 
world  to  bear  testimony  to  my  earnest  and  continued  exertions  to 
avert  it,  and  to  the  truth  that  no  blame  can  justly  attach  to  me. 

a  May  the  most  precious  blessings  of  heaven  rest  upon  the 
whole  Senate  and  each  member  of  it,  and  may  the  labors  of  every 
one  redound  to  the  benefit  of  the  nation  and  the  advancement  of 
his  own  fame  and  renown.  And  when  you  shall  retire  to  the 
bosom  of  your  constituents,  may  you  receive  that  most  cheering 
and  gratifying  o^  human  rewards, — their  cordial  greeting  of  i  well 
done,  good  and  faithful  servant.' 

"And  now,  Mr.  President,  and  senators,  I  bid  you  all  a  long, 
a  lasting,  and  a  friendly  farewell." 

John  J.  Crittenden,  his  successor,  being  duly  qualified,  took  his 
seat.  The  Senate  then  very  appropriately  adjourned, — no  djs- 
position  prevailing  to  attend  to  business.  Even  CLAY'S  bitterest 
opponents  were  overcome  and  gave  way  to  their  emotions.  Cal- 
houn,  it  is  said,  walked  across  the  hall  and  extended  his  hand  :  he 
and  CLAY  were  both  so  deeply  affected  that  not  a  word  was  spoken. 

He  now  retired  to  his  home  and  was  received  into  the  midst  of 
his  old  friends  with  enthusiasm,  and  demonstrations  of  affection 
and  gratitude.  A  barbecue  was  given  him  in  the  county,  at 
which  thousands  gathered  to  do  him  homage.  He  remained  at 
Ashland,  enjoying  the  quiet  and  repose  so  much  needed,  until 
again  called  by  the  voice  of  the  nation  to  her  councils.  The 
Baltimore  Whig  convention,  which  met  to  select  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidency  in  1844,  unanimously  made  choice  of  HENRY 
CLAY, — Theodore  Frelinghuysen  was  placed  on  the  ticket  for 
vice-President.  His  nomination  was  received  with  every  con 
ceivable  demonstration  of  joy.  The  canvass  opened  vigorously 
and  enthusiastically.  The  leading  issue  was  the  annexation  of 
Texas, — his  opponent,  James  K.  Polk,  being  understood  as  the 
advocate  of  that  measure.  It  became  a  question  of  great  moment. 
CLAY  wrote  his  celebrated  Ealeigh  letter,  taking  grounds  against 
annexation.  To  this,  mainly  may  be  ascribed  his  defeat;  his 
position  on  the  subject  is  fairly  regarded  as  his  fourth,  last,  and 
greatest  political  mistake  ; — a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  the 
country  preferring  the  possession  of  the  vast  territory  between 
the  Sabine  and  the  Kio  Grande,  and  stretching  from  the  Gulf  to 
the  Pacific,  to  the  exercise  of  individual  choice  between  the 
candidates.  CLAY  was  beaten  in  the  canvass.  Which  of  the  two 


HENRY    CLAY. 

parties  was  the  more  surprised  at  the  result,  would  be  difficult  to 
determine.  Bitter  disappointment  and  gloom  prevailed  through 
out  the  country  when  the  result  became  known.  Nowhere  was  it 
more  clearly  manifest  than  in  Kentucky.  Proud  of  her  adopted 
son,  she  had  long  wished  to  see  the  first  honors  of  a  nation  he  had 
served  so  faithfully,  deck  his  brow.  The  State  electors  deposited 
their  votes  at  Frankfort,  and  repaired  to  Ashland,  to  give  him 
regrets.  Mr.  Underwood,  afterward  his  firm  and  patriotic  col 
league,  as  head  of  the  delegation,  delivered  a  brief  address  on  the 


s 

occasion. 


Mr.  CLAY,  with  evident  emotion  replied  as  follows:  "I  will 
not  affect  indifference  to  the  personal  concern  I  had  in  the 
political  contest  just  determined ;  but  unless  I  am  greatly  self- 
deceived,  the  principal  attraction  to  me  of  the  office  of  President 
of  the  United  States,  arose  out  of  the  cherished  hope  that  I  might 
be  an  humble  instrument  in  the  hands  of  Providence  to  accom 
plish  public  good.  I  desired  to  see  th£  former  purity  of  the 
General  Government  restored,  and  to  see  dangers  and  evils  which 
I  sincerely  believed  encompassed  it,  averted  and  remedied.  I  was 
anxious  that  the  policy  of  the  country,  especially  in  the  great 
department  of  domestic  labor  and  industry,  should  be  fixed  and 
stable,  and  that  all  might  know  how  to  regulate  and  accommodate 
their  conduct.  And,  fully  convinced  of  the  wisdom  of  the  public 
measures,  which  you  have  enumerated,  I  hope  to  witness  and  to 
contribute  to  their  adoption  and  establishment." 

The  accession  of  Polk  to  the  presidency,  and  the  almost  simul 
taneous  annexation  of  Texas  was  succeeded .  by  the  war  with 
Mexico,  which  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  our  arms.  The  treaty 
of  Gaudelupe  Hidalgo  brought  us  in  possession  of  an  immense 
area  of  territory.  General  Taylor  came  out  of  the  contest  one 
of  the  most  renowned  of  his  countrymen.  Though  he  had  never 
voted,  or  even  engaged  in  any  way  in  political  pursuits,  he 
attracted  the  eyes  of  the  people  as  fitted  to  succeed  Polk  to  the 
presidency.  Notwithstanding  CLAY'S  long  and  able  services  and 
just  claims  upon  his  party,  he  was  sacrificed  to  the  hero  of  Bueua 
Vista.  Taylor  was  elected,  in  1848,  over  his  competitor,  Lewis 
Cass,  and  by  a  heavy  majority.  The  inauguration  of  his  official 
term  was  followed  by  one  of  the  most  stormy  and  perilous  periods 
of  legislation  recorded  in  our  political  history.  CLAY  was  again 
called  to  the  Senate  by  the  legislative  voice  of  his  State.  Though 


770  HENRY     CLAY. 

aged  and  infirm,  and  thrice  rejected  by  his  country,  he  buried  all 
personal  considerations.  It  was  enough  for  him  to  know  that  the 
nation's  peace  was  imperiled.  As  he  entered,  for  the  last  time,  the 
ecene  of  his  proudest  triumphs, — "Broken  with  the  storms  of  state, 
wounded  arid  scathed  in  many  a  fiery  conflict,  that  aged,  worn, 
and  decayed  body,  in  such  mournful  contrast  with  the  never-dying 
strength  of  his  giant  spirit,  he  seemed  a  proud  and  sacred,  though 
a  crumbling  monument  of  past  glory."  He  went  there,  too,  to 
fight  his  last  battle,  when  the  country  most  needed  his  services. 
California  had  adopted  an  anti-slavery  constitution,  and  demanded 
admission  into  the  Union  under  its  provisions.  The  Texas  bound 
ary  question  afforded  cause  of  additional  excitement.  The 
assumption  of  the  State  debts  by  the  Federal  government  was 
earnestly  demanded.  The  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  was  called  for  by  the  North.  Provision  for  the  recovery 
of  fugitives  from  labor  was  demanded  by  the  South.  The  ques 
tion  of  slavery  or  no  slavery  in  the  newly  acquired  territories,  and 
the  fierce  struggle  for  the  balance  of  power  between  the  two 
sections  of  the  Union,  incident  to  the  adjustment  of  the  matter, 
created  just  cause  of  alarm.  Such  was  the  complicated  state  of 
national  affairs  when  CLAY  re-entered  the  Senate.  Again  his 
undimmed  eye  flashed  over  the  scene.  Again  his  erect,  though 
weakened  form,  threw  about  him  all  its  wonted  charms,  while  his 
fervid  eloquence  bore  down  all  opposition.  He  brought  forward 
his  measures  of  compromise,  and  amidst  the  angry  sectional 
animosities  at  work  in  the  Capitol,  thus  urged  upon  the  Senate 
their  adoption. 

"  Mr.  President,"  he  said,  after  reading  and  commenting  upon 
the  resolutions  which  he  had  drawn  up,  "you  have  before  you 
the  whole  series  of  resolutions,  the  whole  scheme  of  arrangement 
and  accommodation  of  these  distracting  questions,  which  I  have 
to  offer,  after  having  bestowed  on  these  subjects  the  most  anxious, 
intensely  anxious,  consideration  ever  since  I  have  been  in  this 
body.  How  far  it  may  prove  acceptable  to  both  or  either  of  the 
parties  on  these  great  questions,  it  is  not  for  me  to  say.  I  think 
it  ought  to  be  acceptable  to  both.  There  is  no  sacrifice  of  any 
principle,  proposed  in  any  of  them,  by  either  party.  The  plan  is 
founded  upon  mutual  forbearance,  originating  in  a  spirit  of  recon 
ciliation  and  concession  ;  not  of  principles,  but  of  matters  of  feeling. 
At  the  North,  sir,  I  know  that  from  feeling,  by  many  at  least  cher- 


HENRY     CLAY.  77^ 

ished  as  being  dictated  by  considerations  of  humanity  and  phi 
lanthropy,  there  exists  a  sentiment  adverse  to  the  institution  of 
slavery.  , 

"  Sir,  1  might,  1  think, — although  I  believe  this  project  contains 
about  an  equal  amount  of  concession  and  forbearance  on  both 
sides, — have  asked  from  the  free  States  of  the  North  a  more  liberal 
and  extensive  concession  than  should  be  asked  from  the  slave 
States.  And  why,  sir?  With  you,  gentlemen,  Senators  of  the 
free  States,  what  is  it?  An  abstraction,  a  sentiment, — a  senti 
ment,  if  you  please,  of  humanity  and  philanthropy, — a  noble 
sentiment,  when  directed  rightly,  with  no  sinister  or  party  pur 
poses  ;  an  atrocious  sentiment, — a  detestable  sentiment, — or  rather 
the  abuse  of  it, — when  directed  to  the  accomplishment  of  unworthy 
purposes.  I  said  that  I  might  ask  from  you  larger  and  more 
expansive  concessions  than  from  the  slave  States.  And  why? 
You  are  numerically  more  powerful  than  the  slave  States.  Not 
that  there  is  any  difference, — for  upon  that  subject  I  can  not  go 
along  with  the  ardent  expression  of  feeling  by  some  of  my  friends 
coming  from  the  same  class  of  States  from  which  I  come, — not 
that  there  is  any  difference  in  valor,  in  prowess,  in  noble  and 
patriotic  daring,  whenever  it  is  required  for  the  safety  and  sal 
vation  of  the  country,  between  the  people  of  one  class  of  States 
and  those  of  the  other.  You  are,  in  point  of  numbers,  however, 
greater ;  and  greatness  and  magnanimity  should  ever  be  allied. 

"  But  there  are  other  reasons  why  concession  upon  such  a  sub 
ject  as  this  should  be  more  liberal,  more  expansive,  coming  from 
the  free,  than  from  the  slave  States.  It  is,  as  I  remarked,  a  senti 
ment,  a  sentiment  of  humanity  and  philanthropy  on  your  side. 
Ay,  sir,  and  when  a  sentiment  of  that  kind  Is  honestly  and 
earnestly  cherished,  with  a  disposition  to  make  sacrifices  to  enforce 
it,  it  is  a  noble  and  a  beautiful  sentiment ;  but,  sir,  when  the 
sacrifice  is  not  to  be  made  by  those  who  cherish  that  sentiment 
and  inculcate  it,  but  by  another  people,  in  whose  situation  it  is  im 
possible,  from  their  position,  to  sympathize  and  to  share  all  and 
every  thing  that  belongs  to  them,  I  must  say  to  you,  Senators  from 
the  free -States,  it  is  a  totally  different  question.  On  your  side  it 
is  a  sentiment  without  sacrifice,  a  sentiment  without  danger,  a  senti 
ment  without  hazard,  without  peril,  without  loss.  But  how  is  it 
on  the  other  side,  to  which,  as  I  have  said,  a  greater  amount  of 
concession  ought  to  be  made  in  any  scheme  of  compromise? 


772  HENRY    CLAY. 

"  In  the  first  place,  sir,  there  is  a  vast  and  incalculable  amount 
of  property  to  be  sacrificed,  and  to  be  sacrificed,  not  by  your  shar 
ing  in  the  common  burdens,  but  exclusive  of  you.  And  this  is  not 
all.  The  social  intercourse,  habit,  safety,  property,  life,  every 
thing  is  at  hazard,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  in  the  slave  States. 

u  Sir,  look  at  the  storm  which  is  now  raging  before  you,  beat 
ing  in  all  its  rage  pitilessly  on  your  family.  They  are  in  the 
South.  But  where  are  your  families,  where  are  your  people, 
Senators  from  the  free  States?  They  are  safely  housed,  enjoying 
all  the  blessings  of  domestic  comfort,  peace  and  quiet,  in  the 
bosoms  of  their  own  families. 

"Behold,  Mr.  President,  that  dwelling-house  now  wrapped  in 
flames.  Listen,  sir,  to  the  rafters  and  beams  which  fall  in  suc 
cession,  amid  the  crash;  and  the  flames  ascending  higher  and 
higher  as  they  tumble  down.  Behold  those  women  and  children 
who  are  flying  from  the  calamitous  sceuce,  and  with  their  shrieks 
and  lamentations  imploring  the  aid  of  high  Heaven.  Whose 
house  is  that  1  Whose  wives  and  children  are  they  ?  Yours  in 
the  free  States  ?  No.  You  are  looking  on  in  safety  and  security, 
while  the  conflagration  which  I  have  described  is  raging  in  the 
slave  States,  and  produced,  not  intentionally,  by  you,  but  pro 
duced  from  the  inevitable  tendency  of  the  measures  which  you 
have  adopted,  and  which  others  have  carried  far  beyond  what  you 
have  wished. 

"  In  the  one  scale,  then,  we  behold  sentiment,  sentiment,  senti 
ment  alone ;  in  the  other,  property,  the  social  fabric,  life,  and  all 
that  makes  life  desirable  and  happy." 

Notwithstanding  his  earnest  appeals,  all  ideas  of  compromise 
was  ignored  by  many,  and  adjustment  seemed  almost  hopeless. 
Turning  to  the  opposition,  he  said : 

"  There  are  persons  who  are  very  wise  in  their  own  esteem,  and 
who  will  reject  all  compromises ;  but  that  is  no  reason  why  a 
compromise  should  not  be  attempted.  I  go  for  honorable  com 
promise,  when  occasions  call  for  it.  Life  itself  is  but  a  compro 
mise,  until  the  Great  Destroyer  finally  triumphs.  All  legisla 
tion,  all  government,  all  society  is  formed  upon  the  principle  of 
mutual  concession,  politeness,  comity,  courtesy ;  upon  these  every 
thing  is  based.  I  bow  to  you  to-day,  because  you  bow  to  me. 
You  are  respectful  to  me,  because  I  am  respectful  to  you.  Com 
promise  is  peculiarly  appropriate  between  the  members  of  a 


HENRY    CLAY.  773 

republic  as  of  a  common  family.  Compromises  have  this  recom 
mendation,  that  if  you  concede  anything,  you  have  something 
conceded  to  you  in  return.  Treaties  are  compromises  made  with 
foreign  powers,  which  is  not  a  case  like  this.  Here,  if  you  con 
cede  anything,  it  is  to  your  own  brethren, — to  your  own  family. 
Let  him  who  elevates  himself  above  humanity,  above  its  weak 
nesses,  its  infirmities,  its  wants,  its  necessities,  say,  if  he  pleases, 
I  never  will  compromise ;  but  let  no  one  who  is  not  above  the 
frailties  of  our  common  nature,  disdain  compromises." 

Doubtless,  CLAY'S  personal  feelings  were  opposed  to  slavery, 
but  he  was  ever  opposed  to  agitation,  and  regarded  slavery  as 
entirely  a  domestic  institution  that  should  be  regulated  by  the 
States  themselves.  In  a  speech  in  the  Senate,  in  1839,  he  uttered 
the  following  sentiments: 

The  subject  of  "domestic  slavery,  happily  the  sole  remaining 
cause  which  is  likely  to  disturb  our  harmony,  continues  to  exist.  It 
was  this,  which  created  the  greatest  obstacle,  and  the  most  anxious 
solicitude,  in  the  deliberations  of  the  convention  that  adopted  the 
general  Constitution.  And  it  is  this  subject  that  has  ever  been 
regarded  with  the  deepest  anxiety  by  all  who  are  sincerely  desirous 
of  the  permanency  of  our  Union.  The  father  of  his  country,  in 
his  last  affecting  and  solemn  appeal  to  his  fellow-citizens,  depre 
cated,  as  a  most  calamitous  event,  the  geographical  divisions 
which  it  might  produce.  The  convention  wisely  left  to  the  several 
States  the  power  over  the  institution  of  slavery,  as  a  power  not 
necessary  to  the  plan  of  union  which  it  devised,  and  as  one  with 
which  the  general  government  could  not  be  invested,  without 
planting  the  seeds  of  certain  destruction.  There  let  it  remain 
undisturbed  by  any  unhallowed  hand." 

Month  after  mouth  passed  by,  each  day  bringing  with  its  dawn 
fresh  causes  of  apprehension.  Every  effort  at  compromise  was 
denounced  by  the  extremists  of  the  North  as  too  much  con 
cession  to  the  South,  while  the  South  affirmed  that  it  was  too  much 
concession  to  the  North, — each  being  more  anxious  to  get  the 
ascendency  than  to  settle  the  difficulty.  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  finally 
introduced  some  new  resolutions.  As  a  basis  of  compromise, 
these  and  the  resolutions  of  CLAY  were  referred  to  a  committee 
of  thirteen,  of  which  he  was  chairman.  The  bills  brought  in  by 
this  indefatigable  committee,  met  violent  opposition,  and  again  all 
efforts  seemed  hopeless. 
52 


774  HENRY    CLAY. 

President  Taylor,  in  the  meantime  died,  and  was  succeded  by 
the  vice-President,  Millard  Fillmore.  Not  discouraged  by  repeated 
failures,  CLAY  fought  on  "with  the  fire  of  his  prime."  The  result 
was  the  adoption  of  the  compromise  of  1850.  Each  measure  for 
which  the  venerable  statesman  had  contended  was  adopted  in 
separate  bills,  and  formed  for  him  his  last,  noblest,  and  proudest 
triumph.  Territorial  government  was  established  for  Utah, — 
California  was  admitted  as  a  free  State.  The  Texas  boundary 
was  settled, — the  fugitive  slave  law  secured,  and  the  slave  trade 
abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Thus,  after  the  wildest 
commotion  throughout  the  country,  distracting  it  from  one  end 
to  the  other,  he  was  enabled  to  see  quiet  restored,  and  prevail 
ing  over  the  Union.  He  needed  now  no  presidential  honors 
to  fill  the  measure  of  his  fame, — they  would  not  have  added  a 
laurel  to  his  brow. 

His  long  and  exhaustive  efforts  during  this  period  accelerated 
his  departure  from  among  men.  After  peace  had  been  restored,  he 
remained  awhile  at  Washington.  Worn  down  with  the  fatigue  and 
stormy  labors  of  half  a  century,  he  lingered  around  his  country's 
Capitol,  like  a  grand  old  patriarch, — the  type  of  a  by-gone  age. 
He  visited  Newport,  and  took  a  trip  to  New  Orleans  and  the 
Island  of  Cuba,  after  which  he  returned  to  Ashland.  Remaining 
for  some  time  at  his  old  home,  amid  those  whose  fathers  took  him 
by  the  hand,  he  departed  again  for  Washington,  never  more  to 
behold  his  mansion.  He  reached  the  Capitol,  but  only  once  went 
to  the  Senate.  Through  the  winter  of  1851-'52,  he  was  confined 
to  his  sick  chamber,  and  sunk  rapidly.  Yet,  in  that  death  cham 
ber,  the  voice  that  had  thrilled  the  nation  was  again  raised  for  his 
country.  Kossuth,  the  eloquent  and  distinguished  Hungarian, 
had  been  received  in  this  country  with  unbounded  respect,  and 
every  demonstration  of  esteem.  He  was  invited  to  the  Capitol. 
Appealing  to  a  people  enthusiastic  and  easily  stirred  upon  the 
subject  of  human  liberty,  he  hoped  to  enlist  America  in  the  cause 
of  Hungary.  On  reaching  the  Capitol,  he  obtained  an  interview 
with  CLAY,  who  was  fast  approaching  the  grave ;  so  enfeebled  that 
he  had  to  be  assisted  to  rise,  as  he  received  the  Magyar  chief. 
During  this  interview,  he  addressed  to  Kossuth  the  following 
patriotic,  and  truly  American  sentiments  : 

"By  the  policy  to  which  we  have  adhered  since  the  days  of 
Washington,  we   have   prospered   beyond   precedent, — we  have 


HENRY     CLAY.  775 

done  more  for  the  cause  of  liberty  in  the  world  than  arms  could 
effect.  We  have  showed  to  other  nations  the  way  to  greatness 
and  happiness ;  and,  if  we  but  continue  united  as  one  people, 
and  persevere  in  the  policy  which  our  experience  has  so  clearly 
and  triumphantly  vindicated,  we  may  in  another  quarter  of  a 
century  furnish  an  example  which  the  reason  of  the  world  can 
not  resist.  But  if  we  should  involve  ourselves  in  the  tangled 
web  of  European  politics,  in  a  war  in  which  we  could  effect 
nothing,  and  if  in  that  struggle  Hungary  should  go  down,  and  we 
should  go  down  with  her,  where,  then,  would  be  the  last  hope  of 
the  friends  of  freedom  throughout  the  world  ?  Far  better  is  it  for 
ourselves,  for  Hungary,  and  for  the  cause  of  liberty,  that,  adhering 
to  our  wise,  pacific  system,  and  avoiding  the  distant  wars  of 
Europe,  we  should  keep  our  lamp  burning  brightly  on  this  western 
shore  as  a  light  to  all  nations,  than  to  hazard  its  utter  extinction 
amid  the  ruins  of  fallen  or  falling  republics  in  Europe." 

Never  more  was  that  voice  raised  in  behalf  of  his  beloved 
country.  His  health  continued  to  give  way.  Just  previous 
to  his  death,  he  remarked  to  the  Hon.  John  C.  Breckiuridge : 
"  I  am  not  afraid  to  die,  sir.  I  have  hope,  faith,  and  some  confi 
dence.  I  do  not  think  any  man  can  be  entirely  certain  in  regard  to 
his  future  state,  but  I  have  an  abiding  trust  in  the  merits  and  medi 
ation  of  our  Saviour."  In  this  frame  of  mind  he  lingered  until 
the  29th  of  June,  1852,  when,  seeming  to  commune  with  the  object 
of  his  earliest  solicitude  at  his  old  Hanover  home,  he  exclaimed : 
" My  mother!  my  mother!  my  mother  /"  and  expired  without  a 
groan.  Not  since  the  death  of  Washington,  was  there  witnessed 
such  exhibitions  of  national  sorrow  as  followed  the  event.  Every 
where  was  he  mourned  as  a  nation's  loss.  With  a  congressional 
escort,  his  remains  were  conveyed  to  Ashland,  and  after  solemn 
and  appropriate  funeral  obsequies,  were  deposited  in  the  Lexing 
ton  Cemetery.  There,  in  the  language  of  his  eulogist,  "Let  him 
rest  amid  the  tokens  of  the  freedom  he  so  much  loved.  Let  him 
sleep  on,  where  the  whistling  of  the  tameless  winds, — the  cease 
less  roll  of  the  murmuring  waters,— the  chirping  of  the  wild 
bird,— and  all  which  speaks  of  liberty,  may  chant  his  eternal 
lullaby.  Peace  be  with  thy  soul,  HENRY  CLAY  I  May  the  earth  lie 
light  upon  thee,  and  the  undying  laurel  of  glory  grow  green  over 
thy  grave." 


JOHN  EANDOLPH. 


FEW  persons  have  fully  understood  the  combination  of  talent, 
genius,  learning,  and  eccentricity,  embodied  in  the  character  of 
this  singular  man.  A  victim  through  life  to  the  stings  of  a  keen 
sensibility,  he  was  unsparing  in  the  infliction  of  severest  sarcasms 
apon  others  ;  a  statesman,  scholar  and  wit,  he  cared  little  for 
either  distinction,  and  while  all  his  own  motives  were  pure,  he 
was  ever  mistrustful  of  those  about  him.  -Loving  his  country  with 
the  fervor  of  disinterested  patriotism,  and  always  acting  as  he 
thought  would  best  contribute  to  its  prosperity,  he  was  ever  in  the 
minority.  Generous,  firm  and  ardent  in  his  friendships,  he  looked 
not  for  generosity  in  men,  nor  cared  a  whit  for  their  esteem  and 
good  will.  Yet,  in  the  legislative  history  of  the  nation,  he  was  a 
prominent  figure,  and  took  a  lasting  hold  upon  the  public  mind. 
Living  a  fretful  life,  in  continual  fear  of  insanity  or  death,  he 
reached  an  age  far  beyond  the  average,  and  died  retaining  the 
confidence  of  the  people. 

JOHN  EANDOLPH,  of  Roanoke,  the  youngest  son  of  John  and 
Frances  Randolph,  was  born,  June  2d,  1773,  at  Cawson's,  near 
the  junction  of  the  Appomatox  and  James  River,  in  the  State  of 
Virginia.  In  his  third  year  his  father  died,  and  he  was  left  to  the 
care  of  a  widowed  mother.  In  early  childhood  his  characteristics 
were  manifest, — in  a  physical  frame,  delicate  in  the  extreme, 
burned  a  soul,  fiery  and  passionate,  that  almost  consumed  him. 
Before  he  was  four  years  old,  he  would  faint  away  in  paroxysms 
of  passion,  and  could  with  difficulty  be  restored.  He  admitted, 
in  manhood,  that,  "but  for  a  spice  of  the  devil  in  his  temper," 

(776) 


JOHN  RANDOLPH. 


JOHN    KANDOLPH.  777 

he  might  have  been  "  consigned  to  the  distaff  or  the  needle,"  on 
account  of  his  delicacy.  His  mother  was  a  religious  woman, 
possessing  great  beauty  and  a  strong  intellect.  He  was  devoted 
to  her,  and  would  hang  on  her  neck  and  listen  to  her  instructions. 
"  When  I  could  first  remember,"  said  he  to  a  friend,  years  after 
ward,  "I  slept  in  the  same  bed  with  my  widowed  mother; — each 
night  before  putting  me  to  bed,  I  repeated,  on  my  knees  before 
her,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  the  Apostles'  Creed, — each  morning 
kneeling  in  the  bed,  I  put  up  my  little  hands  in  prayer  in  the 
same  form.  Years  have  since  passed  away :  I  have  been  a  sceptic, 
a  professed  scoffer,  glorying  in  my  infidelity,  and  vain  of  the 
ingenuity  with  which  I  could  defend  it.  Prayer  never  crossed  my 
mind,  but  in  scorn.  I  am  now  conscious  that  the  lessons  above 
mentioned,  taught  me  by  my  dear,  revered  mother,  are  of  more 
value  to  rne  than  all  that  I  have  learned  from  preceptors  and 
compeers.  On  Sunday  I  said  my  catechism,  a  great  part  of  which, 
at  the  distance  of  thirty-five  years,  I  can  yet  repeat.  "  His 
mother's  solicitude  was  not  entirely  confined  to  the  formation 
of  his  moral  character.  She  conceived  high  hopes  of  him,  and 
by  often  telling  him  that  she  wished  him  some  day  to  "  be  as  great 
a  speaker  as  Jerman  Baker  or  Edmund  Randolph,"  gave  his  mind 
the  proper  bent  at  the  right  time. 

She  was  married  a  second  time,  before  JOHN  reached  his  sixth 
year,  to  Mr.  Tucker.  He  undertook,  in  person,  the  education  of 
her  children  at  Matoax,  the  family  seat.  JOHN  was  delicate,  and 
of  course  indulged.  He  had  no  fondness  for  rough  out-door 
sports,  and  generally  took  his  recreations  within  doors.  He 
studied  his  lessons  more  through  choice  than  coercion.  He 
liked  to  read,  and  would  often  hide  away  in  a  dusty  old  closet, 
and  read  some  cumberous,  musty  volume,  with  the  solemnity 
and  earnestness  of  a  profound  antiquarian.  Voltaire's  Charles 
the  Xllth  of  Sweden,  the  History  of  Rome,  Arabian  Nights, 
Shakspeare,  Don  Quixote,  Gil  Bias,  Plutarch,  Pope  and  Thomp 
son,  were  all  perused  before  he  reached  his  twelfth  year.  The  boy 
was  laying  his  own  foundation,  and  laying  it  well.  His  reading 
was  desultory,  and  could  not  have  been  otherwise.  "I  have," 
said  he  in  after  years,  u  been  all  my  life  the  creature  of  impulse, 
the  sport  of  chance,  the  victim  of  my  own  uncontrolled  and  un 
controllable  sensations;  of  a  poetic  temperament,  I  admire  and 
pity  all  who  possess  this  temperament."  He  had  a  perfect  passion 


778  JOHN     RANDOLPH. 

for  Shakspeare,  and  a  large  share  of  dramatic  talent.  Thus 
matters  passed  at  Matoax  till  Arnold's  invasion  of  Virginia,  in 
1781.  Hearing  of  his  approach,  Mr.  Tucker  and  family  fled  for 
safety  to  Wiutopoke,  and  found  hospitality  in  the  house  of  Benja 
min  Ward,  jr.  Here,  young  RANDOLPH  saw,  for  the  first  time,  in 
the  person  of  Ward's  little  daughter,  the  being  destined  to  freeze 
the  more  genial  currents  of  his  soul,  and  cast  a  shade  of  melan 
choly  over  his  whole  life.  Leaving  Wintopoke,  Mr.  Tucker  joined 
the  army,  while  his  wife,  with  the  children,  proceeded  to  their 
estate  on  the  Appomatox.  Riding  over  these  vast  possessions 
with  JOHN  behind  her,  she  pointed  to  them  and  said:  "JOHNNY; 
all  this  land  belongs  to  you  and  your  brother  Theodorick ;  it  is 
your  father's  inheritance.  When  you  get  to  be  a  man  you  must 
not  sell  your  land ;  it  is  the  first  step  to  ruin  for  a  boy  to  part  with 
his  father's  home ;  be  sure  to  keep  your  land,  and  your  land  will 
keep  you."  This  injunction  made  a  deep  impression  on  his 
mind, — he  adhered  steadily  to  it.  It  may  here  be  remarked  that 
RANDOLPH  never  liked  the  doing  away  with  the  old  primogeniture 
system,  and  the  enactment  of  the  law  of  descents,  through  the  agency 
of  Jefferson,  Wythe,  and  Pendleton.  "The  old  families  of  Vir 
ginia,"  said  he,  "  will  form  connections  with  low  people,  and  sink 
into  the  mass  of  overseers'  sons  and  daughters ;  and  this  is  the 
legitimate  and  inevitable  conclusion  to  which  Mr.  Jefferson  and 
his  levelling  system  has  brought  us."  With  no  descendants  him 
self,  he  could  not  contemplate  the  idea  of  having  his  father's  estate 
cut  up  into  parcels. 

In  January,  1T82,  RANDOLPH  and  his  brothers  were  sent  to 
Orange  County  to  school,  where  they  remained  till  the  ensuing 
autumn.  Thence  they  went  to  Williamsburg  to  the  grammar 
school  of  the  same  preceptor,  Walker  Maury.  Here,  for  over  a 
year,  young  RANDOLPH  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  the  dead 
languages  and  mathematics,  in  each  of  which  he  made  consider 
able  progress.  The  plays  of  Plautus  and  Terrence*  were  fre 
quently  acted  in  Latin  by  the  boys  as  a  species  of  mental  recreation. 
On  these  occasions,  on  account  of  his  girlish  appearance,  he 
assumed  a  female  character,  which  was  always  well  sustained. 
Speaking  of  him  at  this  time,  one  of  his  companions  remarked, 
that  uhe  was  the  most  beautiful  boy  I  ever  beheld."  Of  all  his 

*  See  Peters'  "  Poets  and  Poetry  of  the  Ancients." 


JOHN     RANDOLPH.  779 

associates,  he  conceived  the  warmest  attachment  to  L.  W.  Taze- 
well.  The  esteem  was  reciprocal,  and  they  continued  through  life 
the  most  devoted  friends.  In  the  spring  of  1784,  he  accompanied 
his  parents  to  Bermuda,  on  a  visit  to  Mr.  Tucker's  relations. 
Returning  home  he  passed  his  time  among  his  books  and  friends, 
till  1787,  when  we  find  him  a  student  at  Princeton  College.  He 
remained  there  only  a  few  months, — long  enough  to  see  "  the 
prize  of  elocution  borne  off  by  mouthers  and  ranters;  to  "despise 
the  awards  and  the  umpires  from  the  bottom  of  his  heart,"  and  to 
become  convinced  that  "nowhere  was  there  such  foul  play  as 
among  professors  and  school  teachers,"  and  to  imbibe  "  a  contempt 
for  college  honors."  He  said  he  was  put  in  "a  wretched,  noisy 
grammar  school,  for  Dr.  Witherspoon's  emolument,"  and  that  he 
"  was  ten  times  a  better  scholar  than  the  master  of  it." 

His  beloved  and  accomplished  mother  died,  January  18th,  1788. 
This  event  caused  him  to  quit  Princeton.  Never  was  a  parent 
more  bitterly  mourned.  "  lam,"  he  exclaimed,  "a  fatalist.  Iain 
all  but  friendless.  Only  one  human  being  ever  knew  me.  She 
only,  knew  me."  He  often  visited  the  graves  of  his  parents,  and 
wept  like  a  friendless  boy.  In  June  of  the  same  year  he  entered 
Columbia  College,  New  York.  Here  he  mastered  the  Eaton 
Grammar  and  continued  the  study  of  the  classics.  Speaking  of. 
his  professor,  Cochran,  he  said :  "  We  read  Demosthenes  together, 
and  I  used  to  cry  with  indignation  at  the  success  of  Philip's  arts 
and  arms  over  the  liberties  of  Greece."  Soon  after,  he  was 
deprived  of  his  teacher's  assistance,  which  he  noted  as  one  among 
the  "great  misfortunes"  of  his  life.  He  lamented  that  he  did 
not  accomplish  more  at  the  time.  He  always  affirmed  that  he  was 
an  ignorant  man, — "  a  very  ignorant  man,  sir,"  being  a  frequent 
expression  with  him. 

RANDOLPH'S  early  proclivities  were  toward  politics,  and  he  re 
ceived  his  first  lessons  in  a  practical  school  of  experienco.  Ho 
attended  the  sitting  of  the  first  Congress  under  the  new  Consti 
tution.  In  daily  contact  with  such  men  as  Lee,  Bland,  White, 
Madison,  and  Mason,  he  listened  to  their  deliberations  with  the 
earnestness  and  intent  of  a  political  leader.  He  sided  with 
Mason, — the  father  of  States'  rights,  in  his  views.  Years  after 
ward,  he  said  in  a  speech:  "  I  was  at  Federal  hall ;  I  saw  Wash 
ington,  but  could  not  hear  him  take  the  oath  to  support  the 
Federal  Constitution.  The  Constitution  was  in  its  chrysalis  state. 


780  JOHN    RANDOLPH. 

I  saw  what  Washington  did  not  see  ;  but  two  other  men  in  Vir 
ginia,  saw  it, — George  Mason  and  Patrick  Henry, — the  poison 
under  its  wings"  To  a  mind  like  his,  quick,  active,  and  practi- 
.cal,  such  a  school  was  eminently  advantageous.  Many  of  the 
prominent  men  of  the  State  were  his  near  blood  relations ;  they 
sat  together  around  the  same  hearth,  and  eat  from  the  same  table. 
'Twere  not  strange,  then,  that  he  should  have  early  imbibed  the 
political  notions  of  George  Mason  and  Patrick  Henry.  To  all 
their  conversations  and  discussions,  he  gave  an  attentive  ear.  He 
was,  too,  on  terms  of  familiar  intercourse  with  Jefferson,  who  was 
also  a  kinsman.  Few  young  men  ever  enjoyed  advantages  so 
rare,  or  influences  so  powerful  and  lasting. 

An  event  now  took  place  which,  no  doubt,  influenced  him  in 
no  small  degree  in  the  outset  of  his  brilliant  career.  When  the 
people  were  roused  upon  the  subject  of  French  liberty,  Edmund 
Burke,  England's  great  parliamentarian,  wrote  his  famous  "  Re 
flections  on  the  Revolution  in  France."  It  provoked,  as  a  reply, 
the  celebrated  u  Rights  of  Man,"  from  the  keen  pen  of  Thomas 
Paine.  Here  was  a  tilt  between  an  ardent  enthusiast  and  a 
profound  statesman.  The  people  divided,  and  inclined  either  to 
the  doctrines  of  Burke  or  Paine,  according  to  their  peculiar  views. 
Those  infected  with  the  "  French  Evil"  as  it  was  termed,  adher 
ing  to  Paine, — the  opposition  to  Burke.  RANDOLPH,  notwith 
standing  adverse  influences,  had  the  resolution  to  study  Burke's 
"  Reflections  "  with  mature  care,  and  adopted  their  lofty  senti 
ments.  He  saw,  on  investigation,  that  they  were  the  offspring  of 
wisdom  and  experience,  and  as  such,  prized  them.  His  subse 
quent  independent  and  political  course,  stern  patriotism,  and  the 
jealous  eye  with  which  he  watched  the  rights  of  property, — 
frequently,  too,  exhibiting  a  veneration  for  Old  England,  showed 
that,  to  some  extent,  at  least,  in  forming  his  ideas,  Burke  was  his 
political  Gamaliel.  He  afterward  differed  widely  with  Jefferson, 
who,  in  choosing  a  national  friend  between  England  and  France, 
preferred  the  latter.  RANDOLPH  always  contended  that  we  should 
prefer  England. 

He  was  in  Philadelphia  at  this  time,  where  he  remained  among 
the  finest  society  in  the  country,  occasionally  taking  a  trip  to  Vir 
ginia,  till  the  spring  of  1794.  He  would,  during  this  time,  give 
himself  up  to  fun  and  frolic  with  his  congenial  and  refined  associ 
ates.  On  such  occasions,  his  wit  would  make  him  the  center  of 


JOHN    RANDOLPH. 

attraction.  In  the  spring  of  1796,  he  visited  his  old  fellow- 
students,  Bryan  and  Rutledge,  in  Georgia  and  South  Carolina. 
He  returned  in  July.  His  brother  Richard  died  during  his 
absence,  and  cast  additional  gloom  over  his  feelings.  He  never 
fully  recovered  from  this  bereavement,  and  felt  in  his  own  expres 
sive  words:  "lam  alone, — all  alone."  Years  afterward,  near  his 
brother's  birth-day,  he  thus  wrote  Mr.  Henry  St.  George  Tucker : 

"  DEAR  HENRY: — 

Our  poor  brother  Richard  was  born  in  1770.  He  would  have 
been  fifty-six  years  old  on  the  ninth  of  this  month.  I  can  no 
more.  J.  R.  of  R. 

He  now  assumed  the  duties  of  the  head  of  the  family  at  Bazarre, 
their  place  of  residence.  He  was  in  possession  of  his  own  and 
brother's  estates,  which  were  encumbered  by  a  heavy  British 
debt.  He  became  the  most  miserable  of  men.  The  stings  of 
hidden  grief  lacerated  his  sensitive  heart,  and  made  him  the 
victim  of  terrible  forebodings.  He  would  frequently,  in  the  dead 
of  night,  saddle  his  horse  and  ride  with  loaded  pistols  over  his 
farm.  Giving  himself  up  to  his  lonely  broodings,  he  would  exclaim 
with  the  Indian  warrior:  "Not  a  drop  of  Logan's  blood, — father's 
blood, — except  St.  George  ; — the  most  bereaved  and  pitiable  of  the 
step-sons  of  Nature!"  Then  again  he  walked  the  floor  for  whole 
nights,  exclaiming:  "Macbeth  hath  murdered  sleep!  Macbeth 
hath  murdered  sleep!"  How  mournful  to  contemplate  such  pas 
sages  as  these  in  the  life  of  such  a  man.  Could  the  "  red-leaved 
volume  of  his  heart"  have  been  opened,  what  a  ruin  of  cherished 
hopes  might  have  been  discovered,— what  torturing  memories  seen 
clinging  to  its  desolate  chambers,  echoing  to  voices  of  the  past. 
But  that  was  a  sacred  sanctuary, — we  have  no  right  to  intrude 
upon  the  guests  that  dwelt  there, — sorrow  and  despondency. 
Though  he  read  considerably  at  this  time,  when  interrogated  as 
to  what  he  had  been  doing,  his  reply  was  "  nothing  sir,  nothing" 
In  the  summer  of  1798,  in  company  with  a  friend,  he  went  on 
foot  to  the  mountains,  to  visit  a  friend  and  relative ;  he  walked  the 
entire  journey  and  returned  in  good  health  and  spirits. 

His  return  from  this  pedestrian  tour  began  a  new  career  for  the 
young  Virginian.  In  1799,  he  was  announced  as  a  candidate  for 
Congress,  in  the  afterward  celebrated  Charlotte  District  of  his 


782  JOHN    RANDOLPH. 

native  State.  "Our  friend,  JOHN  RANDOLPH,"  said  an  acquaint 
ance  at  the  time,  in  a  letter,  "offers  for  Congress,  and  will 
probably  be  elected.  He  is  a  brilliant  and  noble  young  man. 
He  will  be  an  object  of  admiration  and  terror  to  the  enemies  of 
liberty."  He  began  his  political  life  the  advocate  of  the  doctrine  of 
States'  rights,  and  was  determined  to  wage  relentless  war  against 
every  attempt  upon  them.  He  drew  his  sword,  and  laying  aside 
the  scabbard,  resolved  not  to  give  nor  take  quarter.  His  com 
petitor  for  a  seat  in  Congress  was  Powhatan  Boiling.  The  March 
court,  at  Charlotte  Court-House,  in  the  spring  of  1799,  was  a 
memorable  day  among  the  people.  Patrick  Henry,  the  gifted 
orator,  crumbling  with  age  and  infirmity,  was  to  address  them 
for  the  last  time, — the  great  luminary  was  about  to  set  behind 
the  horizon  of  time.  Young  RANDOLPH  was  to  reply, — just 
rising  in  morning  splendor,  he  was  to  light  up  the  gloom  caused 
by  the  setting  of  the  revolutionary  orb. 

Henry  appeared  in  an  attitude  differing  somewhat  from  former 
associations,  the  advocate  of  consolidation,  the  defender  of  the 
Alien  and  Sedition  laws.  RANDOLPH,  as  the  advocate  of  States' 
rights,  hurled  burning  anathemas  against  the  encroachments  of 
federal  power.  None  knew  anything  of  the  young  speaker,  save  as 
little  JACK  RANDOLPH, — a  pale  faced,  beardless  boy, — a  reckless, 
eccentric  youth,  dashing  through  the  neighborhood  on  wild  horses. 
When  they  met,  the  crowd  gathered  around,  saying :  "  And  is 
that  the  man  who  is  candidate  for  Congress?"  "Is  he  going  to 
speak  against  old  Pat  ?"  "  Why,  he 's  nothing  but  a  boy, — he 's 
got  no  beard."  "Old  Pat  will  eat  him  up  bodily." 

Boiling,  his  opponent,  was  on  hand,  erect  and  proud,  ready  for 
the  contest.  Everything  was  now  prepared  for  the  discussion. 
This  was  the  occasion  when  Henry  said  "  he  was  but  a  poor  worm 
of  the  dust,  fleeting  and  unsubstantial  as  the  shadow  of  a  cloud 
that  flies  over  your  fields  and  is  remembered  no  more."  James 
Adams  arose,  and  cried  out:  "Oh  yes!  Oh  yes!!  Colonel 
Henry  will  now  address  the  people  from  the  stand  for  the  last 
time,  and  at  the  risk  of  his  life."  As  the  old  orator  was  lifted  to 
the  stand,  he  said:  "Why,  Jimmy,  you  have  made  a  better  speech 
for  me  than  I  can  make  for  myself."  In  a  few  minutes  an  im 
mense  throng  had  assembled.  "Speak  out  father,"  said  Adams, 
a  and  let  us  hear  how  it  is."  He  then  proceeded  with  a  lengthy  and 
eloquent  address,  and  sank  down  at  its  close  completely  overcome. 


JOHN    RANDOLPH.  733 

It  was  RANDOLPH'S  turn  to  reply.  His  speech  was  searching, 
bold  and  defiant.  He  soon  convinced  his  hearers  "  that  old  Pat 
would  not  eat  him  up  bodily."  An  orator  of  the  first  stamp  was 
standing  before  them.  They  gathered  nearer  as  his  graceful 
gestures,  pure  diction,  and  burning  expressions  thrilled  their 
nerves.  Henry  himself  was  captivated.  Turning  to  a  friend  after 
RANDOLPH  had  closed,  he  said:  "I  haven't  seen  the  little  dog 
since  he  was  at  school, — he  was  a  great  atheist  then."  He  then 
took  RANDOLPH  by  the  hand  and  said:  "Young  man!  you  call 
me  father ;  then,  my  son,  I  have  somewhat  to  say  unto  thee, — 
keep  justice,  keep  truth,  and  you  will  learn  to  think  differently." 
Henry  was,  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  "Washington  himself, 
the  Federal  candidate  for  the  State  Legislature.  RANDOLPH  was 
the  Republican  candidate  for  Congress.  After  his  Charlotte 
speech,  he  soon  became  the  idol  of  the  people.  He  and  Henry 
were  both  elected  by  great  majorities.  He  took  his  seat  in  Con 
gress  at  a  time  when  the  two  political  parties  of  the  nation  were 
assuming  their  distinctive  organizations.  His  first  participation 
in  the  action  of  the  House  was  called  out  by  a  motion  on  the 
Republican  side  to  repeal  the  act  of  July  1798,  "to  augment  the 
army  of  the  United  States."  RANDOLPH  favored  it,  and  took 
the  ground  that,  "standing  or  mercenary  armies  were  inconsis 
tent  with  the  spirit  of  our  Constitution,  or  the  genius  of  a  free 
people ;" — he  also  denounced  such  soldiers  idly  in  government 
employ  as  "  ragamuffins"  and  a  public  nuisance.  The  motion  was 
lost  by  a  vote  of  sixty  to  thirty-nine, — showing  a  federal  majority 
of  twenty-one  in  the  House. 

It  is  not  to  be  presumed  that  a  new  member  of  RANDOLPH'S 
years  could  attain  distinction  immediately  upon  his  entrance  into 
Congress.  He  took  no  prominent  part  in  the  various  measures 
coming  before  that  body  during  the  session.  His  leisure  hours 
were  occupied  by  desultory  reading  and  correspondence.  The  old 
friendship  between  himself  and  George  Bryan  still  existed.  Bryan 
wrote  him,  in  1800,  intimating  the  details  of  an  unfortunate  love 
affair,  and  asking  his  company  to  Europe.  RANDOLPH  replied, 
signifying  his  willingness  to  go,  saying:  "  I,  too,  am  wretched ; 
misery  is  not  your  exclusive  charter.  I  have,  for  some  month  s 
meditated  a  temporary  relinquishment  of  my  country."  "  I,  too, 

\  am  wretched!" — what  a  volume  of  meaning  is  here  conveyed. 

;  Light  is  not  fully  thrown  upon  the  cause  of  his  wretchedness,  yet 


784  JOHN    RANDOLPH. 

there  is  no  room  to  question  that  it  grew  out  of  a  love,  deep  and 
quenchless  as  memory.  He  did  not  go  to  Europe  for  the  present. 
His  friend  went,  and  left  him  at  home  to  brood  on  his  sorrows. 
Some  letters  he  received  at  this  time,  from  his  erratic  friend,  Thomp 
son,  gives  a  little  insight  to  circumstances  surrounding  him.  "  In 
our  lives,  my  brother,"  said  he,  uwe  have  seen  two  fine  women,  Mrs. 

Judith  Randolph,  and  Miss  M a  W d  :  (meaning  the  Miss 

Ward  before  alluded  to),  never  extend  your  list ;  never  trust  your 
eyes  or  your  ears,  for  they  stand  alone."  He  also  speaks  in  the 
letter  of  rumors  afloat  to  his  prejudice:  "When  you  communi 
cate  with  M a,  as  probably  you  have  already  done,  she  will 

declare  herself  unaffected  by  this  tale,  which  has  disturbed  your 
peace."  He  further  beseeches  him  "  not  to  let  the  affair  make  too 
deep  an  impression  upon  his  mind,"  etc.  This  deep  passion  of 
love,  forever  burning  at  his  heart  no  doubt  was  the  cause  of  many 
of  RANDOLPH'S  eccentricities,  and  most  of  his  soothless  sorrows. 
He  said  himself:  "  ONE  I  loved  better  than  my  own -soul  or  the 
God  that  created  it.  My  apathy  is  not  natural  but  superinduced. 
There  was  a  volcano  under  my  ice,  but  it  is  burnt  out  and  a  face 
of  desolation  has  come  on,  not  to  be  rectified  in  ages,  could  my 
life  be  prolonged  to  a  patriarchal  longevity.  The  necessity  of 
loving  and  being  loved  was  never  felt  by  the  imaginary  beings  of 
Rousseau  and  Byron's  creation,  more  imperiously  than  by  myself. 
My  heart  was  offered  up  with  a  devotion  that  knew  no  reserve. 
Long  an  object  of  proscription  and  treachery,  I  have,  at  last,  (more 
mortifying  to  the  pride  of  man),  become  one  of  utter  indifference." 
This  is  the  key  to  a  life  of  melancholy.  The  lady  whom  he  "  loved 
better  than  his  own  soul  or  the  God  that  created  it,"  while  he  was 
a  member  of  Congress,  united  her  fortunes  in  marriage  to  those 
of  another.  It  was  the  severest  trial  that  had  befallen  him  since 
his  mother's  death.  He  knew  their  union  was  impossible,  but 
had  foolishly  indulged  the  hope  of  a  lasting  Platonic  attach 
ment.  After  her  marriage,  his  love  changed  to  worship,  and  all 
through  life,  in  fits  of  passion  and  nervous  slumbers,  her  name 
would  tremble  on  his  lips  reverentially  as  a  whispered  prayer. 
Well  might  his  biographer*  say :  "  There  was  a  tragedy  in  the  life 
of  this  man,  more  thrilling  than  romance."  Brief  allusion  has 
been  made  to  this  matter  as  necessary  to  a  correct  appreciation 
of  many  incidents  connected  with  his  after  life. 

*  Garland. 


JOHN    RANDOLPH.  735 

During  the  struggle  that  ensued  in  the  House  between  Jefferson 
and  Burr,  for  the  presidency,  RANDOLPH  contented  himself  with  his 
vote, — participating  to  no  great  extent.  On  the  success  of  Jeffer 
son,  and  the  assemblage  of  the  first  Congress  under  his  administra 
tion,  he  was  made  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means, 
the  duties  of  which,  by  resolution,  were  "  to  take  into  consideration 
all  such  reports  of  the  treasury  department,  and  all  such  propo 
sitions  relative  to  the  revenue,  as  may  be  referred  to  them  by  the 
House ;  to  inquire  into  the  state  of  the  public  debt,  of  the  revenue 
and  expenditures,  and  to  report  from  time  to  time  their  opinion 
thereon."  These  duties,  it  will  be  seen,  were  quite  onerous  and 
of  a  complicated  nature.  The  chairman  of  the  committee  embrac 
ing  so  wide  a  range  of  investigation,  was  one  of  the  most  re 
sponsible  positions  in  Congress.  Besides  the  relationship  exist 
ing  between  the  President  and  himself,  they  were  on  terms  of 
the  closest  intimacy.  His  first  duty  was  the  introduction  of  a 
proposition,  "  that  a  committee  be  appointed,  to  inquire  whether 
any  and  what  alterations  can  be  made  in  the  judiciary  department 
of  the  United  States,"  and  another,  concerning  the  expediency  of 
reducing  government  expenses.  He  was  made  chairman  of  the 
select  committee  to  which  they  were  referred.  He  next  brought 
in  a  resolution  relating  to  our  exports  to  the  Mediterranean,  and 
engaged  with  lively  interest  in  the  discussions  arising  upon  the 
apportionment  bill.  He  also  advocated  the  reduction  of  the  mili 
tary  establishment,  and  urged  the  appointment  of  a  public  printer, — 
the  latter  object  was  secured,  and  has  ever  since  been  an  append 
age  to  congressional  proceedings.  In  the  spring  of  1802,  he 
brought  in  a  bill  establishing  a  sinking  fund  of  over  seven 
millions  of  dollars,  drawn  from  duties  on  tunnage  and  merchan 
dise,  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  commissioners,  for  the  payment 
of  the  public  debt. 

At  the  next  session  of  Congress,  commencing  in  December 
1802,  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  and  the  navigation  of  the  Missis 
sippi  came  up.  Contrary  to  treaty  provisions  with  Spain,  the 
governor  of  New  Orleans,  Don  Morales,  had,  by  proclamation, 
excluded  our  vessels  from  its  port ;  it  was  also  understood  that 
Louisiana  had  been  ceded  to  France.  These  matters  were 
made  the  subject  of  a  special  message  from  President  Jefferson 
to  Congress.  Mr.  Griswold  moved  that  all  the  facts  connected 
with  them  be  laid  before  Congress.  The  consideration  of  the 


786  JOHN    RANDOLPH. 

message  was,  on  motion  of  RANDOLPH,  laid  before  a  committee  for 
deliberation  with  closed  doors.  On  the  motion  of  the  same  party, 
Griswold's  proposition  was  referred  to  the  committee  of  the  whole, 
on  the  state  of  the  Union.  RANDOLPH  having  drawn  up  a  reso 
lution  connected  with  the  subject,  remarked,  that  it  should  be 
presented  in  secret  session.  He  was  stoutly  opposed,  but  finally 
succeeded  in  having  the  galleries  cleared.  He  then  read  the 
following  resolution : 

"Resolved, — That  this  House  receive,  with  great  sensibility, 
the  information  of  a  disposition  in  certain  officers  of  the  Spanish 
government  at  New  Orleans,  to  obstruct  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  as  secured  by  the  most  solemn  treaty  stipulations. 
That,  adhering  to  the  humane  and  wise  policy  which  ought  ever 
to  characterize  a  free  people,  and  by  which  the  United  States  have 
always  professed  to  be  governed;  willing,  at  the  same  time,  to 
ascribe  this  breach  of  compact  to  the  misconduct  of  certain  indi 
viduals  rather  than  to  a  want  of  good  faith  in  his  Catholic  Majesty, 
and  relying  with  perfect  confidence  on  the  vigilance  and  wisdom 
of  the  executive,  they  will  await  the  issue  of  such  measures  as 
that  department  of  the  government  shall  have  pursued  for  assert 
ing  the  rights  and  vindicating  the  injuries  of  the  United  States; 
holding  it  to  be  their  duty,  at  the  same  time,  to  express  their 
unalterable  determination  to  maintain  the  boundaries  and  tho 
rights  of  navigation  and  commerce  through  the  river  Mississippi, 
as  established  by  existing  treaties." 

Following  this  resolution,  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  occupied 
the  attention  of  Congress.  Already  had  negotiations  been  opened 
with  a  view  to  that  object.  RANDOLPH  sided  with  Jefferson  and 
gave  his  able  assistance  until  the  measure  was  consummated  by 
treaty.  As  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  he 
was  prepared  to  give  effective  aid.  The  congressional  sessions 
of  1804-'05  formed  the  working  period  of  RANDOLPH'S  life.  As  a 
member  of  the  financial  and  several  other  committees,  he  was 
active,  vigilant  and  untiring  in  his  efforts.  "lie  was  abstemious 
in  his  habits,  unceasing  in  his  labors,  unremitting  in  his  attentions 
to  public  duties."  He  drew  upon  himself  the  consideration  of  his 
countrymen  and  rose  rapidly  to  popular  favor.  A  measure  upon 
which  he  entered  with  great  zeal  and  spirit  was  the  Yazoo  specu 
lation. 

The  State  of  Georgia,  by  legislative  action,  in  1795,  conveyed 


JOHN     RANDOLPH.  737 

to  some  companies  forty  millions  acres  of  land  for  about  a  half 
million  of  dollars.  The  people  of  the  State  with  just  indignation 
refused  to  endorse  the  act.  Investigation  was  had  of  the  whole 
matter.  It  was  discovered  that  every  member,  save  one,  who 
voted  for  the  act  was  interested  in  the  speculation.  The  press 
denounced  the  transaction  as  a  public  swindle,  and  the  people 
demanded  its  immediate  repeal.  At  the  next  election  of  repre 
sentatives  politics  were  entirely  discarded.  Yazoo  and  Anti-Yazoo 
formed  the  issue.  The  opposers  of  the  act  elected  a  large  majority 
to  the  legislature.  When  they  assembled,  their  first  labors  were 
to  repeal  the  odious  act  of  the  previous  session,  which  was  done 
almost  unanimously.  It  was  during  RANDOLPH'S  visit  to  Georgia, 
already  noted,  that  this  event  took  place.  He  felt  with  the  people, 
and  denounced  the  act  in  unmeasured  terms.  Its  repeal  did  not 
settle  the  matter. 

Parties  in  other  States  had  bought  up  the  claims  of  the  old 
companies,  and  by  such  title  contended  that  they  were  the  legal 
owners  of  the  land  in  question.  Meeting  bitter  opposition  from 
the  people  of  Georgia,  they  petitioned  Congress  for  payment, — the 
government,  in  the  meantime,  having  become  the  purchaser  of 
the  land  from  the  State.  RANDOLPH  occupied  his  seat  in  the  House 
when  the  petition  was  presented,  and  felt  all  his  former  indignation 
revived  when  the  subject  came  up  for  consideration.  On  the  25th 
of  January,  1805,  Mr.  Dana  presented  a  resolution  providing  for 
the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  adjust  the  difficulty  by  some 
sort  of  compromise.  RANDOLPH  took  the  occasion  to  denounce 
the  whole  scheme.  His  speech  was  able  and  severe.  He  vindi 
cated  the  rights  of  the  people  against  corruptive  legislation,  during 
all  the  discussions  arising  from  the  transaction,  with  enthusiasm 
and  effect. 

During  the  session  of  the  Ninth  Congress,  after  Monroe's 
appointment  as  Minister  to  Spain,  and  while  our  affairs  were  so 
complicated  with  France  and  that  nation,  Jefferson  sent  in  a  special 
message  urging  the  importance  of  "pressing  a  settlement"  of 
difficulties,  and  indicating  the  necessity  of  making  an  appropri 
ation  for  the  purpose.  The  message  was  deliberated  upon  in 
secret  session.  The  debates  upon  it  were  warm  and  animated. 
RANDOLPH,  it  is  said,  made  the  ablest  speech  of  his  life.  He  was 
chairman  of  the  select  committee  to  which  the  message  was  re 
ferred,  and  immediately  conferred  with  Jefferson  upon  the  sub- 
53 


788  JOHN     RANDOLPH. 

ject.  Learning,  as  he  said,  for  the  first  time,  that  two  millions 
of  dollars  were  required  to  purchase  Florida,  he  told  the  President 
plainly  he  would  never  agree  to  it.  He  felt  that  it  would  be 
derogatory  to  our  national  character,  to  make  the  appropriation 
after  the  failure  of  negotiations. 

Meantime  he  was  called  to  Baltimore;  before  his  departure  he 
had  an  interview  with  Madison,  then  Secretary  of  State.  Our 
relations  with  France  and  Spain  formed  the  theme  of  conversation. 
Madison,  who  had  just  read  Monroe's  despatch,  said  "  that  France 
would  not  permit  Spain  to  adjust  her  differences  with  us ;  that 
France  wanted  money,  and  that  we  must  give  it  to  Tier  or  have  a 
Spanish  and  French  war"  RANDOLPH  was  highly  indignant, — 
turning  a  withering  look  upon  the  Secretary,  he  said :  "  Good 
morning  sir !  I  see  I  am  not  calculated  for  a  politician,"  and 
abruptly  left  his  presence.  He  returned  to  his  post  in  December. 
The  committee  met,  and  the  old  subject,  the  purchase  of  Florida, 
came  up.  RANDOLPH  declared  himself  against  any  and  all  appro 
priations  for  that  purpose,  expressing  extreme  disgust  at  the  whole 
proceedings  from  first  to  last.  Early  in  January  1806,  he  made 
a  report  to  the  House,  expressive  of  the  indignation  felt  at  the 
treatment  extended  to  our  government  by  the  officials  at  Madrid, 
in  refusing  to  ratify  positive  agreements,  affirming  that  sufficient 
cause  existed  to  justify  a  declaration  of  war, — urging  the  speedy 
liquidation  of  the  national  debt,  and  recommending  the  collection 
of  sufficient  forces  to  protect  our  isolated  frontier  in  case  of  any 
military  demonstration  on  the  part  of  Spain.  The  report  was  not 
adopted.  Another  proposition  was  submitted,  having  reference 
to  the  acquisition  of  Florida.  Seeing  that  an  appropriation  would 
be  made,  RANDOLPH  moved  that  it  be  confined  to  that  sole  and 
specific  purpose.  Though,  at  first  agreed  to,  on  the  final  passage  of 
the  bill,  the  appropriation  was  left  indefinite, — to  be  applied  to 
any  "  extraordinary  expenses  "  which  contingencies  might  create. 
RANDOLPH  also  moved  that  the  amount  to  be  paid  for  the  territory 
be  limited ;  this  motion  was  lost.  His  course  in  regard  to  this 
matter  subjected  him  to  bitter  aspersions.  He  was  accused  of 
taking  grounds  against  the  administration, — of  trying  to  produce 
disorder  in  the  ranks  of  the  party,  etc.  So  much,  indeed,  was  he 
abused,  that  he  finally  called  for  the  publication  of  the  secret 
journal  of  the  whole  proceedings.  It  was  published,  but  the 


JOHN    RANDOLPH. 


789 


suppression  of  some  important  portions,  prevented  the  degree 
of  light  anticipated. 

Before  the  session  closed,  an  unpleasant,  though  not  a  serious 
difficulty  was  originated  between  JOHN  KANDOLPH  and  his  relative 
in  the  House,  Thos.  Mann  Randolph.  Mr.  Findly,  an  Eastern  mem 
ber,  delivered  a  lengthy  speech,  made  up  principally  of  violent 
abuse  of  RANDOLPH.  When  he  closed,  the  latter  arose  and  said, 
uhe  had  hoped,  however  we  might  have  differed  in  opinion  on 
the  various  subjects  discussed  at  this  session,  we  should,  on  the 
eve  of  separation,  have  forgiven  and  forgotten  any  asperities  and 
political  animosities  that  had  occurred  during  the  session ;  and 
that  we  should  have  parted  like  men  and  friends ;  he  had  hoped 
that  the  harmony  of  the  House  would  not  have  been  disturbed,  in 
the  last  moments  of  the  session,  either  by  those  who  had  been 
habitual  declaimers,  or  by  those  who  had  kept  the  noiseless  tenor 
of  their  way ;  that  contumely  and  personal  hatred  would  have 
been  banished  from  these  walls,  and  that  we  should,  at  least,  have 
separated  in  good  humor."  Noble  sentiments,  and  creditable 
both  to  the  head  and  heart  of  the  speaker.  Thos.  Maun  Randolph 
construed  them  into  an  allusion  to  himself.  Upon  what  grounds 
he  was  justified  in  making  the  following  inappropriate,  not  to  say 
foolish  remarks,  we  can  not  discover:  "Mr.  Speaker,"  said  he, 
"  I  rise  to  reply  to  the  gentleman  from  Virginia ;  I  will  not  pre 
tend  to  vie  with  him  in  point  of  talent  or  of  eloquence ;  in  these 
he  is  far,  very  far  my  superior.  This  is  not  the  first  time  that  the 
gentleman  has  availed  himself  of  the  sanction  and  the  presence 
of  this  assembly  to  apply  his  personal  allusions  to  me,  and  to 
make  use  of  language  and  conduct  here  which  he  would  not  do 
out  of  the  House. 

"But,  sir,  I  will  tell  that  gentleman,  that  however  he  may  be 
my  superior  in  talents  and  eloquence,  in  patriotism  I  am  his 
superior ;  yes,  sir,  his  superior.  Last  year,  sir,  that  gentleman 
commenced  florist,  and  dealt  in  flowers  and  gardening.  I  saw  him 
with  his  spade,  and  pitchfork,  and  rake,  and  manure,  cultivating 
his  flower  garden.  This,  sir,  was  on  the  Yazoo  question;  and 
then  I  perceived  the  gentleman  launch  forth  to  sea,  without  com 
pass  or  rudder,  and  masts  broken,  his  sails  tattered  and  torn,  and 
his  vessel  in  a  leaky  condition,  and  when  I  saw  that,  sir,  I  thought 
it  high  time  to  quit  him  and  look  out  for  the  land.  The  gentle- 


790  JOHN    KANDOLPH. 

man  can  talk  and  boast  of  the  arguments  of  lead  and  powder  and 
steel ;  with  these  arguments,  sir,  I  am  as  expert  as  himself  and 
as  willing  to  make  use  of  them." 

RANDOLPH,  through  a  friend,  demanded  an  apology,  or  a  meet 
ing.  T.  M.  Randolph  said,  if  JOHN  RANDOLPH  would  disavow 
having  intended  his  remarks  for  him,  he  would  make  reparation. 
Feeling  that  no  grounds,  whatever,  existed  for  personal  con 
struction  of  his  remarks,  and  as  he  expressed  it,  that  he  "had  been 
long  enough  a  target  for  every  worthless  scoundrel "  in  the  House 
to  aim  his  shafts  at,  RANDOLPH  had  no  disavowals  to  make.  lie 
demanded  an  immediate  apology  or  meeting.  T.  M.  Randolph's 
friend  was  selected  and  preliminaries  were  about  being  entered 
into.  RANDOLPH  took  a  seat  in  a  remote  part  of  the  room,  re 
solved  to  await  the  issue.  Things  began  to  look  a  little  serious 
in  the  view  of  the  challenged  party.  He  finally  rose  from  his 
seat,  and  disavowed  any  intention  of  wounding  his  kinsman's 
feelings,  and  expressed  deep  regret  for  what  he  had  said.  This 
public  apology  was  conveyed  to  RANDOLPH,  who  being  satisfied 
with  it.  the  matter  ended. 

After  the  close  of  the  session  RANDOLPH  retired,  for  a  time,  to 
Bazarre,  where  he  gave  himself  up  to  gloomy  feelings  and  fearful 
apprehensions.  He  had  lost  considerable  public  favor  by  his 
course  in  Congress.  The  friends  of  the  administration  alleged 
that  he  had  been  working  against  it,  and  brought  all  their  in 
fluences  to  bear  in  sustaining  their  allegation.  He  went  back  to 
Washington,  however,  at  the  re-assemblage  of  Congress,  deter 
mined  to  act  with  the  Republican  party.  The  most  prominent 
measure  occupying  attention  this  session  was  the  alleged  con 
spiracy  of  Aaron  Burr.  After  investigation  of  the  matter,  RAN 
DOLPH  presented  the  following  resolution  : 

"  Resolved^ — That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he 
is  hereby  requested  to  lay  before  the  House  any  information  in 
possession  of  the  executive,  except  such  as  he  may  deem  it  best  for 
the  public  welfare  not  to  disclose,  touching  any  illegal  combination 
of  private  individuals  against  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  Union, 
or  any  military  expedition  planned  by  such  individuals  against 
the  territories  of  any  power  in  amity  with  the  United  States ; 
together  with  the  measures  which  the  executive  has  pursued  or 
proposes  to  take  for  suppressing  the  same." 

The  resolution  passed  with  but  few  dissenting  votes.     He  was 


JOHN     RANDOLPH. 


791 


very  active  in  his  endeavors  to  discover  all  the  facts  in  regard  to 
the  matter,  and  to  do  justice  to  all  parties.  He  attended  Burr's 
trial  at  Richmond,  where,  during  the  time  it  was  in  progress,  he 
formed  many  valuable  friends.  It  has  been  related  of  him,  that 
Wirt  was  there  at  the  time,  hunting  up  the  facts  for  his  book, — the 
Life  of  Patrick  Henry.  Speaking  of  it  to  some  friends,  Tazewell 
told  him  he  should,  by  all  means,  talk  with  JOHN  RANDOLPH,  and 
added,  that  he  knew  more  about  Henry  than  any  living  man. 
Wirt  said  he  was  unacquainted  with  him.  Tazewell  promised  to 
bring  about  an  interview,  but  said  it  would  not  do  to  give  a  formal 
introduction, — "This  is  Mr.  Wirt,  sir,  who  is  desirous  of  obtain 
ing  from  you  some  materials  for  his  Life  of  Henry.  In  that  case 
RANDOLPH  would  not  open  his  lips."  He  promised,  however, 
that  they  should  meet.  Shortly  after,  Wirt  received  an  invitation 
to  visit  his  room  ;  on  arriving  there,  he  found  RANDOLPH  and  other 
gentlemen  seated  around.  They  had  not  conversed  long,  when 
Wirt  adroitly  mentioned  the  name  of  Patrick  Henry.  RANDOLPH 
seemed  inspired  in  a  moment.  Glowing  with  this  theme,  he  gave 
a  complete  and  perfect  description  of  the  orator,  frequently  rising 
*x)  his  feet,  and  giving  his  very  gesticulations.  Wirt  was  de 
lighted.  After  the  party  separated,  he  sent  RANDOLPH  a  polite  note, 
thanking  him  for  his  picture  of  Henry, — telling  him  of  his  engage 
ment,  and  requesting  that  he  would  put  it  down  on  paper.  RAN 
DOLPH  now  saw  through  the  whole  trick  ;  he  hastened  over  to  Taze 
well,  and  in  no  very  amiable  mood,  demanded  what  cause  he  had 
for  making  an  "  exhibition  "  of  him.  Tazewell  passed  it  off  pleas 
antly,  but  RANDOLPH,  ever  after,  studiously  avoided  mentioning 
the  name  of  his  old  friend  Patrick  Henry,  when  Wirt  was  near. 
This  brings  us  to  that  part  of  the  life  of  JOHN  RANDOLPH,  during 
which  the  troubles  with  England  began  to  indicate  the  war  of 
1812.  In  regard  to  the  measures  of  these  times,  he  occupied 
rather  a  singular  position.  Claiming  to  be  a  Republican,  he 
opposed  the  Embargo,  and  other  executive  measures,  and  con 
ceived  a  dislike  to  Madison,  exceeded  only  by  his  contempt  for  the 
elder  Adams.  He  denounced  the  Embargo  as  a  greater  "  Illiad 
of  woes  to  this  country  than  was  the  wrath  of  Achilles  to  Greece." 
He  was  opposed  to  the  elevation  of  Madison  to  the  presidency, 
while  he  favored  Monroe.  His  objection  to  Madison  had  existed 
from  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  Many  other  eminent  men 
in  Virginia  favored  Monroe  in  the  beginning  of  the  canvass,  but 


792  JOHN    RANDOLPH. 

beiog  convinced  that  he  would  get  no  support  out  of  the  State, 
and  fearing  the  influence  of  De  Witt  Clinton,  the  most  formidable 
opponent  of  Madison,  they  came  to  the  support  of  the  latter. 
EANDOLPH  stood  firm,  and  the  election  of  Madison  left  him  almost 
alone, — he  would  have  preferred  anything  to  the  charge  of  politi 
cal  apostacy.  Many  of  his  old  friends  who  he  thought  would 
stand  by  him  to  the  last  deserted  him, — won  over  by  the  trappings 
of  power. 

The  accession  of  Madison,  and  the  intrepidity  of  Clay  and  other 
leading  spirits  in  Congress,  hurried  on  the  war  with  Great  Britain. 
RANDOLPH  was  opposed  to  hostilities,  and  labored  earnestly  to 
avert  them.  He  was  evidently  patriotic  in  his  intentions,  and 
deeply  impressed  with  the  importance  of  the  subject.  In  reply  to 
the  arguments  of  the  war  party,  he  made  some  powerful  and  able 
speeches.  On  one  occasion  he  rose  and  said  : 

"  I  am  so  impressed  with  the  importance  of  the  subject,  and  the 
solemnity  of  the  occasion,  that  I  can  not  be  silent.  Sir,  we  are 
now  in  conclave ;  the  eyes  of  the  surrounding  world  are  not  upon 
ns  ;  we  are  shut  up  here  from  the  light  of  heaven,  but  the  eye  of 
God  is  upon  us.  He  knows  the  spirit  of  our  minds.  Shall  we 
deliberate  upon  this  subject  with  the  spirit  of  sobriety  and  candor, 
or  that  spirit  which  has  too  often  characterized  our  discussions 
upon  occasions  like  the  present  ?  We  ought  to  realize  that  we  are 
in  the  presence  of  that  God  who  knows  our  thoughts  and  motives, 
and  to  whom  we  must  hereafter  render  an  account  for  the  deeds 
done  in  the  body.  I  hope,  sir,  the  spirit  of  party,  and  every  im 
proper  passion,  will  be  exorcised  ;  that  our  hearts  may  be  as  pure 
and  clean  as  falls  to  the  lot  of  human  nature. 

"I  will  appeal  to  the  sobriety  and  reflection  of  the  House,  and 
ask  what  new  cause  of  war  for  the  last  twelve  months  ?  What 
new  cause  of  Embargo  within  that  period  ?  The  affair  of  the  Ches 
apeake  is  settled, — no  new  principle  interpolated  in  the  laws  of 
nations.  I  suppose  every  man  of  candor  and  sober  reflection  will 
ask,  why  we  did  not  go  to  war  twelve  months  ago  ?  Or,  will  it 
be  said  we  ought  to  make  up  by  our  promptness  now,  for  our  slow 
ness  then  ?  It  is  not  generally  wise  to  dive  into  futurity,  but  it  is 
wise  to  profit  by  experiences,  although  it  may  be  unpleasant.  I 
feel  much  concerned  to  have  the  bill  on  the  table  for  one  hour." 

The  Federal  party,  through  some  of  their  representatives, 
assumed  a  tone  still  more  deprecatory.  Josiah  Quincy  of  Massa- 


JOHN    RANDOLPH.  793 

chusetts,  openly  avowed  that  he  had  sent  dispatches  to  eastern 
merchants,  that  their  vessels  might  leave  port  before  the  Embargo 
should  take  effect.  "  We  did  it,"  he  said,  "  to  escape  into  the  jaws 
of  the  British  Lion  and  of  the  French  Tiger,  which  are  places  of 
repose,  of  joy,  and  delight,  when  compared  with  the  grasp  and 
fang  of  this  hyena  Embargo."  "  Look  now  upon  the  river  below 
Alexandria,  and  you  will  see  the  sailors  towing  down  their  ves 
sels,  as  from  a  pestilence,  against  wind  and  tide,  anxious  to  escape 
from  a  country  which  would  destroy  instead  of  preserving  them. 
I  object  to  it,  because  it  is  no  sufficient  preparation ;  because  it  is 
not  a  progress  toward  honorable  war,  but  a  subterfuge  from  the 
question.  If  we  must  perish,  let  us  perish  by  any  hand  except 
our  own." 

These  unavailing  appeals  were  continued  till  the  last  of  May, 
1812.  On  that  day,  RANDOLPH  made  a  speech  upon  our  general 
relations  with  England  and  France.  After  speaking  for  some  time, 
he  was  called  to  order,  upon  the  grounds  that  he  was  indulging  in 
too  wide  a  range  of  remarks  without  the  submission  of  a  motion 
to  the  House.  He  then  offered  the  following  proposition  :  "  That 
under  present  circumstances  it  is  inexpedient  to  resort  to  war 
with  Great  Britain"  But  we  had  endured  too  many  indignities 
from  that  power  to  remain  longer  quiet.  The  House  had  decided 
the  matter,  and  almost  unanimously  refused  even  to  consider  the 
proposition.  Deprived  of  the  opportunity  of  making  his  speech 
in  the  House,  RANDOLPH  now  appealed  to  his  constituents,  through 
an  elaborate  circular,  denouncing  the  declaration  of  war,  and  the 
course  of  Congress  in  not  entertaining  his  proposition,  thereby 
excluding  him  from  the  discussion  of  one  of  the  most  important 
subjects  that  ever  agitated  the  nation.  "I  consider  war  with 
England,  under  existing  circumstances,"  said  he,  "  as  comport 
ing  neither  with  the  interests  nor  the  honor  of  the  American 
people ;  but  as  an  idolatrous  sacrifice  of  both  on  the  altar  of 
French  rapacity,  perfidy  and  ambition."  Bitter  and  unrelenting 
was  his  opposition  till  the  formal  declaration,  of  the  18th  of  June, 
1812. 

He  now  stood  in  antagonism  with  the  administration,  both 
Houses  of  Congress  and  the  great  mass  of  the  American  people. 
He  had  endeavored  to  stem  the  most  popular  national  current. 
The  consequence  was,  he  was  borne  down  the  stream,  and  for  a 
time  almost  overwhelmed.  He  was  assailed  bitterly  from  all 


794  JOHN    KANDOLPH. 

sides.  In  1813,  he  presented  himself  for  re-election.  His  com 
petitor  was  John  W.  Eppes.  So  violent  were  the  feelings  against 
RANDOLPH,  that  in  Buckingham  county  he  was  threatened  with 
personal  violence.  He  conducted  the  canvass  with  vigor  and 
firmness.  On  the  day  of  his  appointment  in  Buckingham,  his  old 
friends  advised  him  not  to  speak.  "  You  do  not  know  me,"  said 
he,  "  or  you  would  give  me  no  such  advice."  Soon  as  it  was 
known  he  would  speak,  an  immense  throng  gathered  around. 
Some,  no  doubt,  came  to  see  the  exhibitions  of  violence,  as  many 
were  in  the  crowd  meditating  its  perpetration.  RANDOLPH  slowly 
rose  and  ominously  pointing  his  long  finger  at  the  most  lowering 
part  of  the  crowd,  said :  "I  understand  that  I  am  to  be  insulted 
to-day  if  I  attempt  to  address  the  people, — that  a  mob  is  prepared 
to  lay  their  rude  hands  upon  me,  and  drag  me  from  these  hustings 
for  daring  to  exercise  the  rights  of  a  freeman.  My  Bible,"  he 
continued  with  deep  emphasis,  his  keen  eye  steadily  upon  them, 
"  teaches  me  that  the  fear  of  God  is  the  beginning  of  wisdom,  but 
that  fear  of  man  is  the  consummation  of  folly."  These  few  words 
and  the  manner  in  which  they  were  spoken,  threw  a  spell  over 
his  hearers.  He  went  on  with  the  discussion  at  length,  and  no 
one  dared  interrupt  him.  He  put  forth  the  strongest  efforts,  and 
in  his  speech,  towered  above  himself.  But  so  strong  was  public 
opinion  against  him,  in  spite  of  all  his  exertions  he  was  beaten 
and  driven  into  retirement. 

Soon  after  his  defeat,  his  residence,  Bazarre,  with  his  large 
library,  was  destroyed  by  fire,  and  he  removed  to  Roanoke,  an 
estate  with  which  his  name  will  ever  be  identified.  Here,  in  soli 
tude  and  employed  in  correspondence,  he  passed  his  time  for  a 
considerable  period.  His  sensibility  upon  the  subject  of  his  family 
pride  was  keen  and  morbid.  He  was  a  fair  type  of  the  true  Eng 
lish  aristocrat.  He  did  not  prize  wealth  and  extensive  domains 
so  much  for  their  intrinsic  value,  as  for  their  descent  through  a 
long  line  of  honored  ancestry.  He  cherished  his  fathers'  memory, 
the  old  Randolph  stock,  and  the  hereditary  estates,  with  deep 
fondness,  and  always  denounced  the  abrogation  of  the  law  of 
descents.  This  led  to  a  rupture  between  him  and  his  step-father 
which  could  never  be  reconciled.  They  were  talking  upon  the 
old  law  of  descents,  and  RANDOLPH  was  relating  the  causes  of  its 
alteration.  Mr.  Tucker  said  :  "  Why,  JACK,  you  ought  not  to  be 
against  that  law,  for  you  know  if  you  were  to  die  without  issue 


JOHN     RANDOLPH.  795 

you  would  wish  your  half-brothers  to  have  your  estate."  All 
the  fires  of  ^Etna  kindled  at  once  in  his  bosom:  "I'll  be  d — d, 
sir,  if  I  do  know  it,"  he  replied  with  high  excitement.  From  that 
moment  friendly  relations  that  had  existed  for  thirty  years  ceased 
forever.  Selfishness,  he  thought,  was  manifest  in  the  remark  of 
his  step-father.  He,  in  fact,  talked  with  lawyers  about  bringing 
him  to  a  final  and  formal  settlement  as  guardian,  and  instituting 
a  rigid  investigation  into  the  manner  in  which  the  trust  had  been 
executed.  Though  dissuaded  from  this,  he  resisted  all  attempts 
at  reconciliation, — refusing  to  correspond  or  converse  upon  the 
subject  himself.  His  two  nephews,  St.  George  and  Tudor,  were 
the  only  desendants,  and  heirs  to  the  entire  possessions.  St.  George, 
soon  after  the  rupture  with  his  father,  in  consequence  of  an  un 
fortunate  attachment,  became  a  hopeless  maniac.  Tudor  was  now 
RANDOLPH'S  only  hope  for  the  preservation  of  the  ancient  line ;  his 
feelings  were  gloomy  enough. 

In  1814,  an  invasion  of  Virginia  was  threatened  by  the  British, 
and  much  alarm  prevailed.  Washington  city  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy  and  the  national  archives  were  destroyed.  RAN 
DOLPH  hastened  to  the  field  determined  to  fight  for  his  native  home. 
The  enemy  turned  their  attention  to  Baltimore,  however,  and 
RANDOLPH  returned  to  Richmond.  Tudor,  at  this  time,  was  taken 
dangerously  ill,  which  induced  him  to  hurry  to  Morrisania,  New 
York,  where  he  then  was.  Remaining  there  a  short  time,  he 
went  to  Philadelphia,  whence,  after  a  brief  sojourn  with  valued 
friends,  he  returned  to  Richmond.  His  nephew,  meantime,  con 
tinued  to  grow  worse,  which  caused  much  pain  and  anxiety. 

When  he  returned  to  Richmond,  his  old  friends  literally  forced 
him  to  become  a  candidate  for  Congress.  Many  who  opposed 
him  in  the  last  election  were  warm  in  their  protestations  of  love 
and  esteem.  He  finally  became  a  candidate  against  his  old  oppo 
nent,  Mr.  Eppes,  and  was  elected  by  a  triumphant  majority.  Thus 
he  was  again  returned  to  Congress,  the  scene  of  his  most  splendid 
exhibitions  of  intellectual  prowess.  The  measures  incident  to 
hostilities  with  Great  Britain,  operated  at  this  time  with  great 
severity  upon  the  commercial  interests  of  the  New  England  States. 
The  allegation  that  they  would  endeavor  to  occupy,  henceforth, 
the  position  of  neutral  parties  to  the  contest,  or  affect  a  final 
separation  from  the  other  States,  formed  cause  of  serious  appre 
hension.  RANDOLPH  was  urged  to  use  his  efforts  against  it ;  he 


796  JOHN    RANDOLPH. 

was  assured  that  his  voice  would  have  great  weight  in  New  Eng 
land.  Though  he  did  not  personally  appear  among  the  homes  of 
the  descendants  of  the  pilgrims,  he  addressed  the  people  a  lengthy 
letter,  breathing  the  most  fervid  patriotism,  and  urging  them  to 
united  maintenance  of  the  national  honor.  "  What  is  your  object," 
said  he,  "  PEACE  ?  Can  this  peace  be  obtained  on  any  terms,  while 
England  sees  a  prospect  of  disuniting  that  confederacy  which  has 
already  given  so  deep  a  blow  to  her  maritime  pride,  and  threatens, 
at  no  distant  day,  to  dispute  with  her  the  empire  of  the  ocean  ? 
The  wound  which  our  gallant  tars  have  inflicted  on  her  tenderest 
point  has  maddened  her  to  rage.  Cursed  as  we  are  with  a  weak 
and  wretched  administration,  she  can  no  longer  despise  us. 
Already  she  begins  to  hate  us ;  and  she  seeks  to  glut  a  revenge 
as  impotent  as  it  is  rancorous,  by  inroads  that  would  have  dis 
graced  the  buccaneers,  and  bulletins,  that  would  only  not  disgrace 
the  sovereign  of  Elba.  She  already  is  compelled  to  confess  in  her 
heart  what  her  lips  deny,  that  if  English  bull  dogs  and  game 
cocks  degenerate  in  our  soil,  English  MEN  do  not; — and  should, 
(which  God  forbid),  our  brethren  of  the  East,  withdraw  from  this 
contest  for  all  that  is  precious  to  man,  we  will  maintain  it,  so  long 
as  our  proud  and  insulting  foe  shall  refuse  to  accede  to  equitable 
terms  of  peace.  The  government  will  then  pass  into  proper 
hands, — the  talent  of  the  country  will  be  called  forth,  and  the 
schemes  of  moon-struck  philosophers  and  their  disciples  pass 
away,  and  '  leave  not  a  track  behind.' ':  The  address  is  continued 
at  some  length,  in  earnest  and  eloquent  exhortations  to  harmonious 
action,  and  closing  with  allusions  to  Washington  and  his  native 
Virginia. 

RANDOLPH,  who  had  been  a  skeptic  and  a  scoffer,  about  this 
time,  turned  his  thoughts  to  religious  matters.  He  studied  the 
Scriptures  with  diligence,  and  in  a  proper  spirit.  He  thus  con 
cludes  a  letter  to  his  old  friend,  Key:  "Implicitly  will  I  throw 
myself  upon  his,  (the  Lord's)  mercy:  'Not  my  will  but  thine  be 
done.  Lord  be  merciful  to  me  a  sinner.  Help,  Lord,  or  I  perish.' 
And  now  my  friend,  if  after  these  glimpses  of  light  I  shall  shut 
mine  eyes  and  harden  my  heart,  which  now  is  as  melted  wax ; 
if  I  should  be  enticed  back  to  the  herd,  and  lose  all  recollection 
of  my  wounds,  how  much  deeper  my  guilt  than  his  whose  heart 
has  never  been  touched  by  the  sense  of  his  perishing,  undone  con 
dition.  This  has  rushed  upon  my  mind  when  I  have  thought  of 


JOHN    KANDOLPH.  797 

partaking  of  the  Lord's  supper.  After  binding  myself  to  the 
sacred  rite,  should  passion  overcome  me,  should  I  be  induced  to 
forget  in  some  unhappy  hour  that  holy  obligation, — I  shudder  to 
think  of  it.  There  are  two  ways  only,  which  I  am  of  opinion, 
that  I  may  he  servicable  to  mankind.  One  of  these  is  teaching 
children,  and  I  have  some  thoughts  of  establishing  a  school. 
Then  again,  it  comes  into  my  head  that  I  am  borne  away  by  a 
transient  enthusiasm,  or  that  I  may  be  reduced  to  the  condition  of 
some  unhappy  fanatics,  who  mistake  the  perversion  of  their  intel 
lects  for  the  conversion  of  their  hearts.  Pray  for  me."  Whether 
his  conversion  was  ever  genuine  we  leave  others  to  decide ;  there 
was  certainly  true  penitence  expressed.  He  now  evidently  needed 
the  consoling  influences  of  Divine  favor.  His  surviving  nephew, 
"  his  last  hope,"  Tudor  Randolph,  went  abroad  for  his  health. 
He  reached  Cheltenham,  England,  in  the  spring  of  1815,  where 
he  soon  after  died.  The  mournful  news  of  his  death  filled  his 
uncle's  cup  of  wretchedness.  He  was  now,  indeed,  like  Logan, — 
all  alone,  and  for  a  time  gave  himself  up  to  sorrow  and  grief. 
Yet  he  could  not  entirely  forget  the  political  affairs  of  his  country. 
Though,  he  said,  he  was  sick  of  politics,  and  was  determined  to  wash 
his  hands  of  them  as  soon  as  possible,  he  continued  an  active 
member  of  Congress,  through  the  bank  charter  excitement  of  1816. 
He  sternly  opposed  the  bank  bill  in  all  its  forms  and  amendments, 
as  unconstitutional  and  inexpedient.  After  the  close  of  this 
eventful  session,  he  returned  to  the  solitude  of  his  home,  where  he 
remained  for  some  time  entirely  alone. 

During  the  session  of  1816-'1T  his  health  became  very  bad,  and 
his  temper  peevish  and  fretful.  Mr.  Roane,  a  member  from  the 
same  State,  relates  the  following  incident  of  him  :  "I  remember," 
said  he,  "  that  one  morning  Mr.  Lewis  came  into  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  addressed  Mr.  Tyler  and  myself,  who  were 
the  youngest  members  from  Virginia,  and  said  we  must  go  to 
Georgetown  to  Mr.  RANDOLPH.  We  asked  him  for  what ;  he  said 
that  Mr.  RANDOLPH  had  told  him  that  he  was  determined  not  to  be 
buried  as  Beau  Dawson  had  been,  at  the  public  expense,  and  he 
had  selected  us  young  bloods  to  come  to  him  and  take  charge  of 
his  funeral.  We  went  over  immediately.  When  we  entered  Mr. 
RANDOLPH'S  apartment  he  was  in  his  morning  gown.  He  rose 
and  shook  us  by  the  hand.  On  our  inquiries  after  his  health,  he 
said  :  4  Dying !  dying !  dying  I  in  a  dreadful  state  ! '  He  inquired 


798  JOHN    RANDOLPH. 

what  was  going  on  in  Congress.  We  told  him  that  the  galleries 
were  filling  with  people  of  the  District,  and  that  there  was  con 
siderable  discussion  upon  the  re-chartering  of  the  batch  of  banks  in 
the  District.  He  then  broke  off  and  commenced  upon  another 
subject,  and  pronounced  a  glowing  eulogium  upon  the  character 
and  talents  of  Patrick  Henry.  After  sitting  some  time  and  no 
thing  being  said  on  the  business  on  which  we  had  been  sent  to  him, 
we  rose  and  took  our  leave.  When  we  got  to  the  door,  I  said: 
'I  wish,  Mr.  RANDOLPH,  you  could  be  in  the  House  to-day.'  He 
shook  his  head.  'Dying,  sir,  dying  ! '  When  we  got  back  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  Mr.  Lewis  came  in  and  asked  how  we 
found  Mr.  RANDOLPH.  We  laughed  and  said  as  well  as  usual, — 
that  we  had  spent  a  very  pleasant  morning  with  him,  and  had 
been  much  amused  by  his  conversation.  Scarcely  a  moment  after, 
Mr.  Lewis  exclaimed :  c  There  he  is ! '  and  there,  to  be  sure,  he  was. 
He  had  entered  by  another  door,  having  arrived  at  the  Capitol 
almost  as  soon  as  we  did.  In  a  few  moments  he  arose  and  com 
menced  a  speech,  the  first  sentence  of  which  I  can  repeat  verbatim : 
4  Mr.  Speaker,'  said  he,  '  this  is  Shrove  Tuesday.  Many  a  gallant 
cock  has  died  in  the  pit  on  this  day,  and  I  have  come  to  die  in  the 
pit  also.'  He  then  went  on  with  his  speech,  and  after  a  short  time 
turned  and  addressed  the  crowd  of  c  hungry  expectants,'  as  he 
called  them, — tellers,  clerks,  and  porters,  in  the  gallery." 

RANDOLPH  left  Washington  about  the  time  of  Monroe's  inaugu 
ration.  On  the  road  to  Fredericksburg,  he  came  up  with  the  stage 
in  which  was  Mr.  Roane  and  other  members  of  Congress.  "  How 
are  you,  Mr.  RANDOLPH,"  asked  Roane?  "Dying,  sir,  dying!" 
was  the  reply.  He  then  dashed  ahead,  replying  to  all  inquiries 
in  regard  to  his  health  along  the  road  :  "Dying,  sir,  dying  !  "  In 
fact,  he  was  nearer  dying  than  his  friends  thought.  His  health  was 
very  bad,  and  his  thougnts  of  death  were  not  wholly  without  cause. 

The  above  is  but  one  of  the  numerous  incidents  illustrating  the 

O 

eccentricities  of  JOHN  RANDOLPH  of  Roanoke.  It  is  related  of 
him  that  he  was  once  at  a  horse  race,  that  took  place  between 
Eclipse  and  Sir  Henry, — two  celebrated  horses.  Betting  was 
freely  indulged  in.  After  the  horses  started,  Sir  Henry  took  the 
lead  considerably.  "  I  '11  bet  two  to  one  on  Sir  Henry,"  exclaimed 
RANDOLPH.  "I'll  take  that  bet,"  said  a  bystander.  A  moment 
after  Eclipse  dashed  far  ahead  of  Sir  Henry.  "  I  didn  't  speak  to 
you,  sir,"  instantly  said  RANDOLPH  to  the  man  who  had  taken  his  bet. 


JOHN     RANDOLPH.  799 

On  another  occasion  he  was  traveling  with  his  favorite  boy, 
John.  He  spent  the  night  at  a  country  inn.  On  leaving  next 
morning,  the  landlord  asked :  "  Which  way  are  you  going,  Mr. 
RANDOLPH."  "  I  don  't  owe  you  a  cent,  sir,  and  I  'm  going  which 
way  I  d— d  please,"  was  the  reply.  Immediately  beyond  the  inn 
the  rode  forked,  and  not  knowing  which  branch  led  to  his  desti 
nation,  he  told  John  to  ask  the  landlord.  The  latter  hallooed  out 
at  the  top  of  his  voice,  saying :  "  Tell  Mr.  RANDOLPH  he  don't  owe 
me  a  cent,  and  he  can  take  which  road  he  d — d  pleases" 

He  once  offended  a  young  man  of  no  merit  or  distinction,  who 
afterward  sought  every  opportunity  to  quarrel  with  him.  He  sent 
RANDOLPH  a  challenge,  to  which  he  paid  no  attention.  Finally, 
determined  to  bring  matters  to  a  crisis,  the  fellow  went  to  Rich 
mond,  expressly  to  offer  what  he  supposed  a  personal  insult. 
After  looking  about  for  some  time,  he  saw  the  object  of  his  search 
walking  on  the  street.  This,  he  thought,  a  favorable  opportunity. 
Straitening  himself  up  to  a  degree  of  considerable  importance,  he 
threw  himself  in  RANDOLPH'S  way.  They  each  walked  strait  ahead 
until  they  almost  came  in  collision, — when  the  young  man  said  : 
"I  never  give  the  road  to  d — d  dogs,  sir."  "I  always  do" 
exclaimed  RANDOLPH,  as  he  politely  bowed  himself  out  of  the 
way  of  his  crest-fallen  dignity. 

He  stepped  into  the  bank  at  Richmond,  just  after  the  death 
of  Decatur,  to  write  a  check.  Mr.  Anderson,  the  cashier,  handed 
him  a  pen  and  ink.  He  looked  at  the  ink  and  seeing  it  was  black, 
said  :  "Give  me  red  ink;  I  now  go  for  blood."  He  then  filled 
the  check,  and  asked  Anderson  to  write  his  name  on  it,  which  he 
refused  to  do.  He  then  took  the  pen  himself,  and  wrote:  "  JOHN 
RANDOLPH  of  Roanoke,  his  M  mark,"  and  sent  the  check  to  pay 
an  account. 

While  contemplating  a  trip  to  Europe,  he  accosted  Anderson  in 
Richmond,  and  told  him  his  physicians  advised  the  voyage.  He 
then  asked  Anderson  if  there  was  a  good  ship  in  James  River,  in 
which  he  could  get  passage.  Anderson  told  him  there  was  not, 
and  advised  him  to  embark  at  New  York.  "  Do  you  think,"  he 
replied,  "  I  would  give  iny  money  to  those  who  are  ready  to  make 
my  negroes  cut  rny  throat  ? — if  I  can  not  go  to  England  from  a 
southern  port  I  will  not  go  at  all."  Anderson  then  told  him  there 
was  a  vessel  in  the  river.  RANDOLPH  asked  the  name  of  it.  •'  The 
Henry  Clay,"  was  his  reply.  He  threw  his  arms  up  and  ex- 


800  JOHN     RANDOLPH. 

claimed  :  "  HENRY  CLAY  !  no  sir,  I  will  never  step  on  the  planks 
of  a  ship  of  that  name." 

These  exhibitions  sometimes  led  his  friends  to  think  he  labored 
under  a  species  of  insanity, — and  he,  no  doubt,  suffered  at  times 
from  fits  of  mental  aberration.  The  following  upon  the  subject 
is  from  one*  whose  judgment  and  opinions  are  eminently  entitled 
to  weight  and  influence : 

"It  is  not  just  to  judge  such  a  man  by  ordinary  rules,  nor  by 
detached  and  separate  incidents  in  his  life.  To  comprehend  him, 
he  must  be  judged  as  a  whole, — physically  and  mentally, — and 
under  many  aspects,  and  for  his  entire  life.  He  was  never  well, — 
a  chronic  victim  of  ill  health  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave.  A 
letter  from  his  most  intimate  and  valued  friend,  Mr.  Macon, 
written  to  me  after  his  death,  expressed  the  belief  that  he  had  never 
enjoyed  during  his  life  one  day  of  perfect  health, — such  as  well 
people  enjoy.  Such  life-long  Buffering  must  have  its  effect  on  the 
temper  and  on  the  mind  ;  and  it  had  on  his, — bringing  the  temper 
often  to  the  querulous  mood,  and  the  state  of  his  mind  sometimes 
to  the  question  of  insanity ;  a  question  which  became  judicial 
after  his  death,  when  the  validity  of  his  will  came  to  be  contested. 
I  had  my  opinion  on  the  point,  and  gave  it  responsibly,  in  a  depo 
sition  duly  taken,  to  be  read  on  the  trial  of  the  will ;  and  in  which 
a  belief  in  his  insanity,  at  several  specified  periods,  was  fully 
expressed, — with  the  reasons  for  the  opinion.  I  had  good  oppor 
tunities  of  forming  an  opinion,  living  in  the  same  house  with  him 
several  years,  having  his  confidence,  and  seeing  him  at  all  hours 
of  the  day  and  night.  It  also  on  several  occasions  became  my 
duty  to  study  the  question,  with  a  view  to  govern  my  own  con 
duct  under  critical  circumstances.  Twice  he  applied  to  me  to 
carry  challenges  for  him.  It  would  have  been  inhuman  to  have 
gone  out  with  a  man  not  in  his  right  mind,  and  critical  to  one's 
self,  as  any  accident  on  the  ground  might  seriously  compromise 
the  second.  My  opinion  was  fixed,  of  occasional  temporary  aber 
ration  of  mind ;  and  during  such  periods  he  would  do  and  say 
strange  things, — but  always  in  his  own  way, — not  only  method, 
but  genius  in  his  fantasies :  nothing  to  bespeak  a  bad  heart,  but 
only  exaltation  and  excitement.  The  most  brilliant  talk  that  I 
ever  heard  from  him  came  forth  on  such  occasions, — a  flow 

*  Thomas  H.  Benton. 


JOHN     RANDOLPH. 


801 


for  hours  (at  one  time  seven  hours),  of  copious  wit  and  classic 
allusion, — a  perfect  scattering  of  the  diamonds  of  the  mind.  I 
heard  a  friend  remark  on  one  of  these  occasions,  "  he  has  wasted 
intellectual  jewelry  enough  here  this  evening  to  equip  many 
speakers  for  great  orations."  I  once  sounded  him  on  the  delicate 
point  of  his  own  opinion  of  himself: — of  course  when  he  was  in 
a  perfectly  natural  state,  and  when  he  had  said  something  to 
permit  an  approach  to  such  a  subject.  It  was  during  his  last 
visit  to  Washington,  two  winters  before  he  died.  It  was  in  my 
room,  in  the  gloom  of  the  evening  light,  as  the  day  was  going  out 
and  the  lamps  not  lit, — no  one  present  but  ourselves, — he  reclin 
ing  on  a  sofa,  silent  and  thoughtful,  speaking  but  seldom,  and  I 
only  in  reply,  I  heard  him  repeat,  as  if  to  himself,  those  lines  from 
Johnson,  (which  in  fact  I  had  often  heard  from  him  before),  on  'Sen 
ility  and  Imbecility,'  which  show  us  life  under  its  most  melancholy 
form. 

"In  life's  last  scenes  what  prodigies  surprise, 
Fear  of  the  brave,  and  follies  of  the  wise! 
From  Malborough's  eyes  the  streams  of  dotage  flow, 
And  Swift  expires,  a  driveller  and  a  show." 

"  When  he  had  thus  repeated  these  lines,  which  he  did  with  deep 
feeling,  and  in  slow  and  measured  cadence,  I  deemed  it  excusable 
to  make  a  remark  of  a  kind  which  I  had  never  ventured  on  before ; 
and  said :  Mr.  RANDOLPH  I  have  several  times  heard  you  repeat 
these  lines,  as  if  they  could  have  an  application  to  yourself,  while 
no  person  can  have  less  reason  to  fear  the  fate  of  Swift.  I  said 
this  to  sound  him,  and  to  see  what  he  thought  of  himself.  His 
answer  was  :  CI  have  lived  in  dread  of  insanity.'  That  answer 
was  the  opening  of  a  sealed  book, — revealed  to  me  the  source  of 
much  mental  agony  that  I  had  seen  him  undergo.  I  did  deem 
him  in  danger  of  the  fate  of  Swift,  and  from  the  same  cause  as 
judged  by  his  latest  and  greatest  biographer,  Sir  Walter  Scott." 

It  has  been  stated  that  he  had  turned  his  attention  to  religious 
contemplations.  In  1818,  he  felt  assurances  that  his  sins  had  been 
forgiven.  "  Congratulate  me,  dear  Frank,"  said  he  to  his  friend, 
Mr.  Key,  "  wish  me  joy  you  need  not ;  give  it  you  can  not.  I  am 
at  last  reconciled  to  my  God,  and  have  assurances  of  his  pardon, 
through  faith  in  Christ,  against  which  the  very  gates  of  hell  can 
not  prevail.  Fear  has  been  driven  out  by  perfect  love.  I  now 
know  that  you  know  how  I  feel ;  and  within  a  month,  for  the  first 
time,  I  understood  your  feelings  and  character,  and  that  of  every 


802  JOHN    RANDOLPH. 

real  Christian.  Love  to  Mrs.  Key  and  your  brood.  I  am  not 
now  afraid  of  being  'righteous  overmuch,'  or  of  '  Methodistical 
notions.'" 

He  continued  a"  member  of  Congress  through  the  debate  on  the 
Missouri  question,  in  which  he  participated  to  a  great  extent. 
Upon  no  subject  had  his  mind  ever  been  aroused  to  such  intensity 
of  feeling.  He  could  scarcely  sleep  or  eat.  He  was  opposed  to 
the  compromise  by  which  the  matter  was  settled,  and  took  great 
umbrage  at  Clay  for  the  prominent  part  he  took  in  the  action. 
More  than  once  they  came  to  open  rupture.  He  went  to  Clay  and 
insisted  that  before  acquiescence  in  it,  southern  members  should 
resign  their  seats,  go  home  and  tell  their  constituents  of  the  south, 
the  confederacy  was  at  an  end.  Absolutely  necessary  as  that 
measure  was,  RANDOLPH  opposed  it  at  every  stage,  and  always  af 
firmed  that  it  was  smuggled  through  the  House  unconstitutionally. 

Persons  could  not  well  have  differed  more  radically  in  their 
views  of  the  proper  way  to  settle  this  important  national  question 
than  RANDOLPH  and  Clay.  They  frequently  came  in  contact,  RAN 
DOLPH  indulging  toward  his  potent  adversary  remarks  of  the  most 
satirical  severity.  He  describes  a  scene  between  them  in  the 
following  characteristic  manner : 

"The  anniversary  of  Washington's  birth-day  (says  he,  in  a 
letter  to  Dr.  Brockenbrough,  February  22d,  1820)  will  be  a 
memorable  day  in  the  history  of  my  life,  if  indeed  any  history 
shall  be  attached  to  it.  Yesterday,  I  spoke  four  hours  and  a  half 
to  as  attentive  an  audience  as  ever  listened  to  a  public  speaker 
Every  eye  was  riveted  upon  me,  save  one,  and  that  was  sedu 
lously  and  affectedly  turned  away.  The  ears,  however  were  drink 
ing  up  the  words  as  those  of  the  royal  dame  imbibed  i  the  juice 
of  cursed  heberon,'  though  not,  like  his,  unconscious  of  the  leprous 
distillmeut ;  as  I  could  plainly  perceive  by  the  play  of  the  muscles 
of  the  face,  and  the  coming  and  going  of  the  color,  and  the  petty 
agitation  of  the  whole  man,  like  the  affected  fidget  and  flirt  of  the 
fan  whereby  a  veteran  coquette  endeavors  to  hide  her  chagrin  from 
the  spectators  of  her  mortification. 

"  This  person  was  no  other  than  Mr.  Speaker  himself,  the  only 
man  in  the  House  to  whose  attention  I  had  a  right.  He  left  the 
chair,  called  Coll  to  it,  paced  the  lobby  at  the  back  of  it  in  great 
agitation,  resumed,  read  MSS.,  newspapers,  printed  documents  on 
the  table  (i.  e.  affected  to  read  them),  beckoned  the  attendants, 


JOHN     RANDOLPH.  393 

took  snuff,  looked  at  his  shoe-buckles,  at  his  ruffles,  toward  the 
other  side  of  the  House, — everywhere  but  at  me.  I  had  mentioned 
to  him  as  delicately  as  I  could,  that  being  unable  to  catch  his  eye, 
I  had  been  obliged  (against  my  will,  and  what  I  thought  the  rule 
of  order  and  decorum  in  debate)  to  look  elsewhere  for  support. 
This  apology  I  expected  would  call  him  to  a  sense  of  what  was 
due  to  himself  and  his  station,  as  well  as  to  me ;  but  it  had  no 
effect.  At  last,  when  you  might  have  heard  a  pin  drop  upon  tho 
carpet,  he  beckoned  one  of  the  attendants  and  began  whispering 
to  the  lad  (I  believe  to  fetch  a  snuff-box).  '  Fooled  to  the  top  of 
my  bent,'  I  '  checked  in  mid  volley,'  and  said :  4  The  rules  of  this 
House,  sir,  require,  and  properly  require,  every  member  when  he 
speaks  to  address  himself  respectfully  to  Mr.  Speaker;  to  that 
rule,  which  would  seem  to  imply  a  correlative  duty  of  respectful 
attention  on  the  part  of  the  Chair,  I  always  adhere ;  never  seek 
ing  for  attention  in  the  countenances  of  the  members,  much  less 
of  the  spectators  and  auditors  in  the  lobby  or  the  gallery :  as,  how 
ever,  I  find  the  Chair  resolutely  bent  on  not  attending  to  me,  I 
shall  take  my  seat :'  which  I  did  accordingly.  The  chastisement 
was  so  deserved,  so  studiously  provoked,  that  it  was  not  in  my 
nature  to  forego  inflicting  it.  Like  ;  Worcester's  rebellion,  it  lay 
in  my  way  and  I  found  it.' 

"He  replied  in  a  subdued  tone  of  voice,  and  with  a  manner 
quite  changed  from  his  usual  petulance  and  arrogance  (for  it  is 
generally  one  or  t  'other,  sometimes  both),  c  that  he  had  paid  all 
possible  attention,  etc.,  which  was  not  true,  in  fact;  for  from  the 
time  that  I  entered  upon  the  subject  of  his  conduct  in  relation  to 
the  bank  in  1811  (renewal  of  old  charter),  and  in  1816  (the  new 
bank),  and  on  internal  improvements,  etc.,  (quoting  his  words  in 
his  last  speech,  that  'this  was  a  limited,  cautiously  restricted 
government),  and  held  up  the  ;  Compromise '  in  its  true  colors, 
he  never  once  glanced  his  eye  upon  me  but  to  withdraw  it,  as  if 
he  had  seen  a  basilisk." 

Notwithstanding  the  bitterness  of  feeling  evinced  toward  Clay 
indicated  in  the  foregoing,  enough  has  been  seen  of  the  relations 
existing  between  the  two,  to  show  that  each  entertained  for  the 
other  the  highest  respect  and  admiration, 

After  the  close  of  that  session  of  Congress  KANDOLPII  retired  to 
Koanoke,  where  he  was  again  the  victim  of  solitariness  and  melan 
choly.  "  Be  not  solitary  ;  be  not  idle,"  he  would  say  to  the  young 

54: 


804  JOHN     RANDOLPH. 

men  of  the  country.  Yet  u  alone,  all  alone,"  as  he  expressed  it, 
he  could  not  avoid  the  one  nor  successfully  combat  the  other.  He 
made  wills  and  destroyed  them,  then  made  others  to  share  the  same 
fate.  He  finally,  however,  made  his  last  will  and  testament. 

He  set  all  his  slaves  free,  and  made  provision  for  their  being 
properly  attended  to.  Though  this  was  the  result  of  philanthropic 
motives,  it  did  not  redound  to  the  benefit  of  his  slaves,  as  most 
of  them  gave  themselves  up  to  idleness  and  became  worthless 
vagabonds. 

The  most  weighty  matter  of  deliberation  at  the  next  session  of 
Congress  was  the  apportionment  bill.  Taking  the  ground  that 
"government  to  be  safe  and  to  be  free  must  consist  of  repre 
sentatives  who  have  a  common  interest  and  a  common  feeling  with 
the  represented,"  he  opposed  the  several  propositions  fixing  the 
ratio  at  seventy-five,  and  at  forty  thousand.  He  did  not  wish  his 
own  State  to  fall  behind  the  New  England  States  in  the  number 
of  representatives.  Finally  a  proposition  was  made  fixing  the 
ratio  at  thirty-eight  thousand ;  he  favored  this  and  made  one  of 
the  most  logical  and  argumentative  speeches  delivered  during  the 
session.  He  was  again  in  the  minority.  The  bill  fixing  the  ratio 
at  forty  thousand  passed  by  a  large  vote,  and  Virginia  fell  forever 
into  numerical  inferiority  of  representation. 

In  the  spring  of  1822,  RANDOLPH  took  his  departure  for  Europe, 
whither  he  said  he  ought  to  have  gone  years  before, — referring  to 
the  period  when  he  meditated  "  a  temporary  relinquisbment  of  his 
country. 

His  'voyage  was  very  agreeable.  He  had  the  company  of  Mr. 
Hervey,  then  a  comparative  youth,  for  whom  he  conceived  a  very 
warm  attachment.  On  parting  with  him  after  their  arrival,  he 
said:  "I  do  not  wish  you  to  tell  any  one  that  I  am  here.  I  do 
not  covet  any  attention  at  present,  sir.  I  have  come  to  England 
to  see  and  not  to  be  seen, — to  hear  and  not  to  ~be  heard.  I  don 't 
want  to  be  made  a  lion  of,  sir.  You  understand  me.  I  have 
formed  a  friendship  for  you,  which  I  hope  will  be  continued,  sir; 
and  when  you  come  to  London  you  must  instantly  inform  me  of 
your  arrival ;  there  is  my  address,  sir.  God  bless  you ;  and 
remember,  you  tell  your  father  not  to  give  you  whisky  punches  or 
novels" 

On  his  arrival  in  London  he  met  Hervey  and  got  an  intro 
duction  to  his  father,  with  whom  he  was  highly  delighted.  Ha 


JOHN     RANDOLPH.  gQ5 

also  formed  the  acquaintance  of  Mrs.  Fry,  the  Newgate  philanthro 
pist.  She  was  much  pleased  with  him  and  frequently  entertained 
him.  She  sent  him  a  note  one  day  to  dine  with  her  ;  apologizing 
for  naming  so  unfashionable  an  hour  as  four  o'clock,  it  being 
usual  for  people  to  dine  in  the  locality  where  he  was  quartered  at 
eight.  He  replied  as  follows:  uMr.  KANDOLPH  regrets  that  a 
prior  engagement  will  deprive  him  of  the  pleasure  of  dining  with 
Mrs.  Fry  on  Tuesday  next.  No  apology,  however,  was  necessary 
for  the  early  hour  named  in  her  note,  as  it  is  two  hours  later 
than  Mr.  RANDOLPH  is  accustomed  to  dine  in  Virginia ;  and  he 
has  not  yet  been  long  enough  in  London  to  learn  how  to  turn  day 
into  night,  and  vice  versa." 

His  friend  Hervey  procured  an  order  for  the  admission  of  RAN 
DOLPH  and  himself  into  the  House  of  Lords,  on  the  night  the 
Catholic  Peers'  Bill  was  discussed.  He  informed  RANDOLPH  of 
what  he  had  done,  and  asked  his  company.  "  Pray,  sir,"  said  he, 
" at  which  door  do  you  intend  to  enter  the  House?"  "  At  the 
lower  door,  of  course,  where  all  strangers  enter,"  replied  Hervey. 
"Not  all  strangers,  if  you  please,"  said  RANDOLPH,  "for  I  shall 
enter  at  the  private  door,  near  the  throne."  Hervey  told  him  it 
was  impossible,  that  it  was  an  extraordinary  occasion,  and  that  no 
stranger  could  be  admitted  there.  Yain  expostulation !  "  What 
sir,"  said  RANDOLPH,  "  do  you  suppose  I  would  consent  to  struggle 
with,  and  push  through  the  crowd  of  persons,  who  for  two  long 
hours  must  fight  their  way  through  the  lower  door  !  Oh,  no  sir  ! 
I  shall  do  no  such  thing:  and  if  I  can  not  enter  as  a  gentleman 
commoner,  I  go  not  at  all."  On  this  they  parted.  After  long 
and  severe  labor,  almost  squeezed  and  suffocated  to  death,  Hervey 
got  in  and  managed  to  procure  a  stand  near  the  bannisters. 
"Presently,"  said  he,  "to  my  no  small  surprise  and  envy,  I  saw 
4  RANDOLPH  of  Roanoke,'  in  all  his  glory,  walking  in  most  leisurely 
and  perfectly  at  home,  alongside  of  Canning  and  Lord  Castlereagh, 
Sir  Robert  Peel,  and  other  distinguished  members  of  the  House 
of  Commons.  Some  of  these  gentlemen  selected  for  him  a  promi 
nent  position  where  he  could  see  and  hear  perfectly,  and  I  ob 
served  many  courtesies  passing  between  them  during  the  night.' 

Soon  after,  RANDOLPH  participated  in  the  festivities  of  a  ball, 
extended  to  the  nobility  by  his  Majesty,  George  the  Fourth 
Speaking  of  this  assemblage  of  English  aristocrats,  he  said: 
"  There  were  jewels  enough  sir,  there,  to  make  new  crowns  for  all 


806  JOHN     RANDOLPH. 

of  Europe.  And  I,  too,  Republican  though  I  am,  must  needs  go 
in  court  dress!  Well  sir,  don  't  imagine  that  I  was  so  foolish  as 
to  purchase  a  new  suit  at  a  cost  of  twenty  or  thirty  guineas.  Oh 
no!  I  have  not  studied  London  life  for  nothing.  I  had  been  told 
sir,  that  many  a  noble  lady  would  appear  at  the  ball  that  night 
with  jewels  hired  for  the  occasion  ;  and  I  took  the  hint  sir,  and 
hired  a  full  court  dress  for  five  guineas.  When  I  beheld  myself 
in  the  glass,  I  laughed  at  the  oddity  of  my  appearance,  and  con 
gratulated  myself  that  I  was  three  thousand  miles  from  Charlotte 
Court-house.  Had  I  played  the  harlequin  there  sir,  I  think  my 
next  election  would  have  been  doubtful."  He  met  Lord  Castle- 
reagh,  Miss  Edgeworth  and  other  notables  there,  from  all  of  whom 
he  received  proofs  of  esteem  and  admiration. 

After  traveling  through  England  and  Scotland,  meeting  every 
where  a  cordial  reception,  he  returned  to  the  United  States, 
March  30th,  1823,  in  time  to  be  at  the  close  of  the  Seven 
teenth  Congress.  He  took  his  seat  in  the  Eighteenth  Congress, 
when  consolidation  was  the  order  of  the  day.  It  was  at  the  first 
session  of  this  Congress  that  the  resolutions  favoring  the  cause  of 
Greek  independence  were  presented.  He  took  grounds  against 
the  impetuous  Clay  and  colossal  Webster.  "This  Quixotism," 
said  he,  "in  regard  either  to  Greece  or  South  America,  is  not 
what  the  sober,  reflecting  minds  of  our  people  require  at  our  hands. 
Sir,  we  are  in  debt  as  individuals,  and  we  are  in  debt  as  a  nation  ; 
and  never  since  the  days  of  Saul  and  David,  or  Caesar  and  Cata- 
line,  could  a  more  unpropitious  period  have  been  found  for  such 
an  undertaking."  He  also  opposed,  with  characteristic  ability, 
Clay's  internal  improvement  scheme.  He  was  also  with  the 
opposition  in  many  of  the  features  of  the  tariff  of  1824.  During 
the  discussions  upon  this  measure  he  came  in  contact  with  Lewis 
McLean  of  Delaware,  and  certainly  came  off  victorious,  having 
given  one  of  the  finest  retorts  found  in  the  annals  of  political 
debate. 

After  these  labors  he  again  visited  Europe.  He  traveled  through 
England,  France,  and  Switzerland,  with  infinite  pleasure  and  profit. 
After  an  agreeable  sojourn  in  the  Old  World,  he  returned  home 
in  December,  1824.  In  the  presidential  election  of  that  year  he 
took  but  little  interest,  though  his  personal  preferences  were  for 
Mr.  Crawford.  In  1825  he  was  again  elected  to  Congress,  and 
took  his  seat  as  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  opposition  to  Adams' 


JOHN     RANDOLPH. 

administration.  He  necessarily  came  in  contact  with  its  ablest 
supporters.  Against  Clay  he  was  particularly  severe.  Speaking 
of  the  similarity  of  views  entertained  between  that  gentleman  and 
Adams  in  regard  to  the  Panama  question,  he  denounced  their 
labors  as  "the  coalition  of  Blifil  and  Black  George, — the  combi 
nation  unheard  of  till  then,  of  the  puritan  with  the  blackleg." 
Clay  challenged  him  and  demanded  a  meeting  or  an  apology. 
He  replied  by  saying:  "I  have  no  explanations  to  give.  I  will 
not  give  any.  I  am  called  to  the  field.  I  have  agreed  to  go  and 
am  ready  to  go."  That  night  he  called  on  his  friend,  James 
Hamilton,  and  said :  "  Hamilton,  I  have  determined  to  receive 
without  returning  Clay's  fire;  nothing  shall  induce  me  to'harm  a 
hair  of  his  head  ;  I  will  not  make  his  wife  a  widow,  or  his  child 
ren  orphans.  Their  tears  would  be  shed  over  his  grave:  but 
when  the  sod  of  Virginia  rests  on  my  bosom,  there  is  not  in  this 
wide  world  an  individual  to  pay  this  tribute  upon  mine."  He  said 
this  with  tears  trembling  in  his  eyes.  That  night  Hamilton  and 
Tattcall,  both  friends,  called  on  him.  They  found  him  reading 
Milton's  Paradise  Lost.  Tattnall,  who  was  to  act  as  his  second, 
told  him  he  had  heard  that  he  did  not  intend  to  fire  at  Clay,  and 
said  if  that  was  the  case  he  would  not  go  with  him  to  the  field. 
To  prevent  this,  RANDOLPH  said  with  a  smile:  "Well  Tattnall,  I 
promise  you  one  thing ;  if  I  see  the  devil  in  Clay's  eye,  and  that 
with  malice  prepense,  he  means  to  take  my  life,  I  may  change  my 
mind."  This  was  evidently  said  to  prevent  his  second  from 
refusing  to  go.  They  met, — RANDOLPH  turned  to  Hamilton  and 
Baid  :  "Clay  is  calm  but  not  vindictive.  I  hold  to  my  purpose, 
Hamilton,  in  any  event;  remember  this."  While  taking  their 
stand  RANDOLPH'S  pistol  accidentally  went  off.  General  Jessup, 
Clay's  second,  said  his  friend  should  leave  the  ground  it'  that 
happened  again.  At  Clay's  request  he  was  allowed  to  proceed. 
The  parties  took  their  stands;  the  word  was  given,  and  Clay 
deliberately  fired,— his  ball  passing  through  RANDOLPH'S  gown. 
RANDOLPH  then  raised  his  pistol  and  fired  in  the  air.  Clay  ad 
vanced  toward  him,  and  with  great  feeling  said:  "  I  trust  in  God, 
sir,  you  are  untouched  ;  after  what  has  occurred,  I  would  not  have 
harmed  you  for  a  thousand  worlds."  RANDOLPH  calmly  and 
somewhat  facetiously  replied  :  "  Mr.  Clay,  you  owe  me  a  new  coat, 
sir."  The  latter  expressed  his  gratitude  that  he  was  to  no  greater 
extent  his  debtor,  and  the  affair  terminated.  We  may  add  that 


808  JOHN     RANDOLPH. 

RANDOLPH  had  been  opposed  to  dueling, — but  after  thinking  much 
upon  the  subject,  concluded  it  was  no  more  than  private,  indi 
vidual  -war,  and  was  as  justifiable  as  national  conflicts. 

At  the  session  of  1826-'27,  KANDOLPH  was  beaten  for  the  Senate 
by  Mr.  Tyler,  but  was  immediately  after  sent  to  the  House  by  his 
old  constituents, — "  such  constituents,"  he  said,  "as  man  never 
had  and  never  would  have  again."  He  remained  a  leader  of  the 
opposition,  which  being  in  the  minority,  he  urged  his  friends  "to 
observe  that  practice  which  is  the  hardest  for  all,  especially  for 
young  physicians, — we  ought  to  throw  in  no  medicine  at  all ; — to 
abstain,  to  observe  a  wise  and  masterly  inactivity"  Many  of 
his  speeches  during  that  session  show  a  fine  degree  of  eloquence, 
learning  and  research.  After  its  adjournment  he  sought  repose  at 
Roanoke,  where  friendly  correspondence  was  all  that  relieved  the 
monotony  of  his  life.  He  took  great  interest  as  the  friend  of 
Jackson  in  the  ensuing  presidential  campaign.  None  was  more 
intensely  gratified  at  the  result  than  he,  or  labored  harder  to  pro 
cure  it.  On  Jackson's  inauguration  he  retired  forever  from  Con 
gress,  having  previously  indicated  that  he  would  not  consent  to 
re-election.  He  saw  his  party  triumphant, — he  wanted  none  of  the 
spoils, — and  felt  that  his  work  was  done.  Contrary  to  his  wishes 
to  spend  the  balance  of  his  life  in  retirement  and  travel,  he  was 
elected  to  the  Virginia  Convention,  which  met  for  the  purpose  of 
revising  the  State  constitution.  That  was  one  of  the  most  remark 
able  body  of  men  ever  assembled  in  the  Old  Commonwealth. 
Marshall,  Madison,  Tazewell,  Leigh,  Johnson  and  Taylor,  were 
among  the  members.  Wisdom,  talent,  varied  learning,  vast 
erudition  graced  Richmond  then.  There,  too,  were  ambitious 
men  from  other  States  for  the  purpose  of  deriving  instruction  from 
the  lips  of  age  and  experience.  RANDOLPH  was  an  object  of 
interest  and  admiration.  Mingling  with  those  whom  he  had 
known  for  long  years  through  their  labors,  he  left  the  convention 
with  increased  fame  and  reputation. 

In  September,  1829,  he  received  from  Jackson  the  appointment 
as  Minister  to  Russia.  He  entered  upon  his  duties  in  the  spring 
of  1830,  and  reached  St.  Petersburg  the  same  fall,  where  he  was 
nceived  with  marked  cordiality  and  respect.  The  duties  which 
he  had  to  discharge  were  neither  arduous  nor  of  an  important 
nature.  He  represented  our  country  at  the  court  of  the  Czar  with 
dignity  and  simplicity,  and  maintained  our  national  honor.  He 


JOHN     RANDOLPH.  809 

returned  to  the  United  States  in  the  fall  of  1831,  feeling,  as  ho 
said,  "seven  years  nearer  the  grave" 

By  this  time  he  had  became  a  confirmed  opium  eater,  of  which 
he  made  no  disguise.  "I  live,"  said  he,  "by,  if  not  upon  opium. 
I  am  fast  sinking  into  an  opium-eating  sot,  but,  please  God !  I 
shall  shake  off  the  incubus  yet  before  I  die ;  for,  whatever  differ 
ence  of  opinion  may  exist  on  the  subject  of  suicide,  there  can  be 
none  as  to  Crushing  into  the  presence  of  our  Creator •'  in  a  state 
of  drunkenness,  whether  produced  by  opium  or  brandy."  This 
terrible  practice,  no  doubt,  contributed  much  to  his  increased 
attenuation,  and  hastened  his  death.  He  was  now  evidently  fast 
approaching  the  grave.  The  alarming  movements  of  South  Caro 
lina  nullification,  roused,  for  the  last  time,  his  failing  energies. 
Going  over  his  county  in  his  carriage,  unable  to  stand,  he  would 
sit  down  and  address  the  people  in  words  of  fire,  upon  the  con 
dition  of  the  country.  His  efforts  were  continued  till  the  compro 
mise  tariff  was  adopted.  Again  he  saw  peace  and  tranquillity 
restored.  It  was  his  last  triumph,  and  a  fit  time  for  him  to  die. 
He  desired  to  go  to  England,  and  was  making  preparations  for  the 
voyage  when  the  summons  came.  He  went  once  more  to  Mataox, 
visited  the  graves  of  his  ancestors,  and  in  great  feebleness  hastened 
to  Washington  city.  He  went  into  the  Senate  chamber  for  the 
last  time,  when  the  affecting  and  memorable  parting  scene  between 
Clay  and  himself  took  place.  He  then  proceeded  to  Philadelphia. 
The  night  of  his  arrival  was  dark  and  stormy,  and  it  was  with 
much  difficulty  that  lodging  was  procured ;  after  he  had  suc 
ceeded,  he  raised  his  hands  and  said :  "  Great  God  !  I  thank  thee. 
I  shall  be  among  friends  and  be  taken  care  of."  Dr.  Parish  was 
immediately  sent  for.  He  entered  the  room  and  asked  the  patient 
how  long  he  had  been  ill.  "  Don  't  ask  me  that  question  ;  I  have 
been  sick  all  my  life,"  said  KANDOLPH.  The  Dr.  felt  his  pulse  say 
ing,  "there  are  idiosyncrasies  in  many  constitutions ;  I  wish  to 
know  what  is  peculiar  about  you."  "  I  have  been  an  idiosyncrasy 
all  my  life.  All  the  preparations  of  camphor  injure  me.  As  to 
ether  it  will  blow  me  up.  Not  so  with  opium ;  I  can  take  opium 
like  a  Turk,  and  have  been  in  the  habitual  use  of  it  for  some 
time,"  was  the  answer.  All  efforts  to  revive  him  were  fruitless. 
He  could  scarcely  breathe,  his  expectoration  was  so  difficult.  Just 
before  he  died  he  got  the  Dr.  to  read  for  him.  In  reading  ho 
came  to  the  word  "  Omnipotence,"  which  the  Dr.  pronounced 


810  JOHN     RANDOLPH. 

Omnipotence.  "  Omnipotence,  sir,"  said  Randolph.  The  Dr. 
remonstrated.  "Pass  on  sir,"  said  his  dying  patient.  Soon  after 
he  came  to  the  word  "  Impetus,"  which  he  pronounced  Impetus, 
"impetus,  sir,"  exclaimed  RANDOLPH.  The  Dr.  again  differed. 
"  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  it  sir,"  was  the  reply.  After  the 
reading,  he  sank  rapidly.  He  ordered  his  father's  breast  button  to 
be  brought  to  him  and  fastened  in  his  shirt  bosom,  which  was 
done.  He  then  closed  his  eyes, — but  suddenly  raising  upward,  he 
exclaimed  with  vehemence:  "Remorse!  KEMORSE!  REMORSE! — 
let  me  see  the  word, — get  a  dictionary,  let  me  see  the  word." 
"  There  is  none  in  the  room  sir."  "  Write  it  down  then, — let  me 
see  the  word."  One  of  his  cards  bearing  "RANDOLPH,  of  Roan- 
oke"  was  procured.  He  was  asked  if  it  should  be  written  on  the 
card.  "Yes;  nothing  more  proper."  The  word  "remorse"  was 
written  on  both  sides  and  handed  to  him.  In  deep  agitation  he 
fastened  his  eyes  upon  the  word,  saying:  "Remorse!  you  have 
no  idea  what  it  is :  you  can  form  no  idea  of  it  whatever :  it  has 
contributed  to  bring  me  to  my  present  situation, — but  I  have 
looked  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  hope  I  have  obtained  pardon. 
Now  let  John  take  your  pencil  and  draw  a  line  under  the  word." 
This  was  done,  when  the  Dr.  asked  what  was  to  be  done  with  it. 
"  Put  it  in  your  pocket,"  said  he,  "  when  I  am  dead  look  at  it." 

He  then  became  more  quiet, — sent  for  witnesses,  in  the  presence 
of  whom  he  confirmed  his  will,  and  soon  after  breathed  his  last. 
So  died  JOHN  RANDOLPH,  of  Roanoke,  June  24th,  1833,  in  the 
sixty-first  year  of  his  age.  His  remains  were  conveyed  to  Vir 
ginia,  and  deposited  beside  those  of  his  fathers',  over  which  he 
had  shed  bitter  and  solitary  tears.  There  let  them  rest  as  a  part 
of  the  soil  with  which  has  commingled  the  ashes  of  so  many  of 
her  illustrious  sons. 


DANIEL  WEBSTER. 


DANIEL   WEBSTER. 


A  DISTINGUISHED  character  of  antiquity,  was  questioned  as  to 
what  constituted  the  best  means  of  national  defense:  he  an 
swered, — men.  The  interrogatory  was  repeated  again,  and  even 
the  third  time ;  and  he  replied,  with  emphasis, — MEN.  The  effi 
ciency  of  this  kind  of  national  defense  is  clearly  shown  in  the 
history  of  our  confederacy.  America  is  as  much  indebted  for  her 
renown,  to  the  wisdom  and  firmness  of  her  statesmen,  as  to  the 
patriotism  of  her  military  heroes,  so  signally  tested  "in  the  great 
struggle  for  Independence." 

In  our  political  firmament,  have  always  shone  stars  of  the 
brightest  luster,  that  have  failed  not  to  guide  us  to  peace  and 
prosperity.  Some  of  these  have  been  of  the  first  magnitude  and 
of  dazzling  brilliancy.  High  in  the  honored  constellation,  was 
one  that  rose  in  the  East, — shed  its  light  "  over  the  sea,  and  over 
the  land ;"  nor  culminated,  until  it  had  gilded  the  far-off  horizon 
of  Eternity.  That  star  was  DANIEL  WEBSTER. 

His  lineage  is  traced  back  to  his  great-great-grandfather, 
Thomas  Webster,  who  came  from  Norfolk,  England,  to  this 
country,  in  1656.  He  located  at  Hampton,  a  small  village  in  New 
Hampshire,  arid  raised  a  highly  reputable  family.  His  son  Eben- 
ezer,  married  and  had  several  sons,  to  one  of  which  he  gave  his 
own  name.  Ebenezer  seems  to  have  been  a  favorite  family  name 
with  the  ancestors  of  the  great  statesman.  From  Thomas  Web 
ster,  the  first  of  the  stock  of  whom  we  have  any  accurate  account, 
the  name  was  given  from  father  to  son,  through  three  genera 
tions.  The  family  were  noted  for  integrity,  firmness  and  energy. 
Ebenezer  Webster,  the  last  of  that  name,  and  father  of  DANIEL, 

(811) 


812  DANIEL    WEBSTER. 

was  a  man  of  marked  courage  and  hardihood.  He  served  effi 
ciently  as  a  Ranger  in  the  French  war  of  1763.  After  the  close 
of  the  struggle,  he  settled  at  the  little  town  of  Salisbury,  New 
Hampshire.  He  was,  in  fact,  one  of  the  earliest  pioneers  of  civ 
ilization  in  that  then  dreary  part  of  the  country.  He  was  just 
beginning  to  establish  himself  comfortably,  when  the  Revolution 
called  him  to  arms.  He  enrolled  himself  in  the  armies  of  liberty 
with  ardor  and  enthusiasm.  He  was  a  Captain  under  Gen.  Stark, 
at  Bennington,  and  behaved  with  coolness  and  bravery.  He  sub 
sequently  led  the  attack  against  the  rear  of  the  British,  on  the  occa 
sion  when  Stark  said:  " Fellow  Soldiers!  there  is  the  enemy;  if 
we  don't  take  them,  Molly  Stark  will  be  a  widow  to-night." 
Though  in  the  attack  he  was  foiled  by  superior  numbers,  Captain 
Webster  exhibited  great  heroism  and  fortitude.  Transferred  to 
the  left  wing  of  the  army,  he  again  rushed  into  the  fight  with 
ardor,  and  contributed  much  to  the  honors  of  the  day.  He  was 
afterward  at  White  Plains,  and  several  other  engagements,  and 
always  displayed  the  same  spirit  of  valor  and  firmness.  After 
the  close  of  the  war,  he  returned  to  Salisbury,  and  took  an  inter 
est  in  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  that  secured  the  esteem  of  his 
fellow-citizens.  His  well-known  probity,  and  excellent  judgment, 
elicited  respect  and  consideration.  He  was  several  times  sent 
to  the  Legislature,  as  Representative  and  Senator,  and  finally 
selected  as  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  Laden  with 
honors,  he  died  in  the  spring  of  1806,  in  the  sixty-eighth  year 
of  his  age. 

He  was  twice  married.  The  maiden  name  of  his  second  wife 
was  Abigail  Eastman,  a  lady  of  Welsh  descent.  By  her  he  had 
two  sons, — DANIEL  and  Ezekiel. 

DANIEL  WEBSTER  was  born  January  the  18th,  1Y82,  in  the  town 
of  Salisbury,  New  Hampshire.  The  rigid  moral  principles  of 
the  early  New  England  settlers  surrounded  him  from  the  first. 
Though  the  resources  of  the  country  were  undeveloped,  and  few 
facilities  for  mental  culture  afforded,  among  the  granite  hills  that 
surrounded  his  home,  his  young  mind  was  not  neglected.  When 
a  small  boy,  he  walked,  through  snow  and  ice,  a  distance  of  two 
and  a  half  miles,  to  a  common  school.  A  strong  desire  for  books 
early  showed  itself,  in  the  eager  avidity  with  which  he  seized 
upon  every  sort  of  useful  information.  His  father  was  a  true 
type  of  the  New  Englander,  and  extended  every  aid  to  his  son. 


DANIEL    WEBSTER.  313 

Young  DANIEL  read  many  excellent  books,  and  in  the  selection 
of  his  favorites,  exhibited  discrimination,  refined  and  correct. 
The  Spectator,  Watts'  Psalms,  and  the  Essay  on  Man,  seem  to 
have  captivated  the  mind  of  the  coming  orator  and  statesman. 
He  was  continued  at  the  common  school,  at  intervals  when  he 
could  be  spared  from  home,  until  he  entered  his  fourteenth  year. 
He  was  then  sent  to  Exeter,  in  his  native  State,  and  placed  at  the 
Academy,  under  the  charge  of  Dr.  Abbott.  He  had  never  before 
been  beyond  the  rugged  hills  of  his  forest  home ;  and  finding  him 
self  among  near  a  hundred  students,  all  of  whom  had  enjoyed 
advantages  superior  to  any  he  had  received,  he  felt  no  inconsid 
erable  diffidence.  But  becoming  domesticated  among  his  new 
acquaintances,  he  soon  ingratiated  himself  into  their  favor,  and 
excelled  the  most  of  them  in  his  studies.  He  did  not  long  remain 
at  this  institution.  In  1797,  his  father,  seeing  evident  sparks  of 
greatness  in  his  son,  began  to  entertain  the  idea  of  giving  him  a 
collegiate  education.  With  this  view,  he  was  placed  under  the 
care  of  Rev.  S.  Woods  of  Boscawen.  With  this  worthy  man,  he 
attained  a  tolerable  knowledge  of  the  Latin  language.  It  is  a 
significant  fact,  that  his  young  soul  took  fire  over  the  pages  of 
Cicero,  and  that  he  remained  through  life,  his  favorite  author  and 
constant  companion.  Making  the  best  use  of  his  time,  and  the 
advantages  thrown  in  his  way,  in  1797,  he  passed  honorably  the 
ordeal  of  examination  and  entered  the  Freshman's  class  at  Dart 
mouth  college.  Well  as  he  loved'  his  regular  studies,  and  anxious 
as  he  was  to  attain  a  correct  knowledge  of  the  classics,  he  devoted 
much  time  to  the  study  of  history  and  general  literature.  Much 
of  his  time  during  hours  of  recreation,  was  devoted  to  making 
selections,  and  writing  essays  for  a  newspaper.  His  most  dis 
tinguishing  trait  at  college,  seems  to  have  been  a  grasping  desire 
to  range  the  field  of  literature  with  intellectual  rapacity,  and 
pluck  whatever  blossoms  came  in  his  way.  He  finally  graduated, 
creditably,  but  with  no  marked  distinction.  The  vast  fund  of 
general  information  attained  during  this  time,  was  greater  than 
his  proficiency  in  any  one  particular  department  of  science. 

Well  prepared  for  a  course  of  legal  studies,  after  graduating  he 
entered  the  office  of  Mr.  Thompson,  a  practitioner  of  considerable 
ability,  in  his  native  village.  Under  the  eye  of  this  gentleman,  he 
made  rapid  progress  in  his  chosen  profession,  and  laid  broad  and 
deep  the  basis  of  his  future  eminence.  Let  it  not  be  supposed, 


DANIEL    WEBSTER. 

however,  that  his  legal  studies  met  with  no  interruption,  or  that  no 
object  of  solicitude  save  his  ambition  presented  itself.  He  wished 
to  give  his  brother  Ezekiel  an  education,  and  fit  him  for  the  higher 
walks  of  life.  To  do  this  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  vacate  his 
law  office  and  assume  the  responsibilities  of  teaching,  which  he 
did  in  the  town  of  Fryburg,  Maine,  on  a  salary  of  three  hundred 
and  fifty  dollars  a  year.  He  afterward  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
his  brother  a  prominent  member  of  the  bar,  and  on  the  road  to 
distinction,  which  would  have  been  attained,  had  not  sudden 
death  cut  him  off  in  the  outset  of  his  career. 

In  1802,  he  re-entered  the  office  of  Mr.  Thompson,  and  took  up 
the  law ;  he  also  read  the  classics  with  relish  and  profit, — Horace, 
Sallust,  and  other  authors  were  devoured  with  greedy  avidity. 
His  favorite  sport  at  this  time,  as  indeed  it  was  through  life, 
was  angling,  and  Isaac  "Walton  has  had  few  more  successful 
disciples.  He  enjoyed  this  species  of  recreation  with  a  degree  of 
zest  amounting  to  a  passion.  "It  so  happened,"  said  he  in  a 
speech  delivered  in  1851,  "  that  all  the  public  services  rendered 
in  my  day  and  generation,  have  been  connected  with  the  general 
government.  I  think  I  ought  to  make  an  exception.  I  was  ten 
days  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  and  I  turned  my 
thoughts  to  the  search  for  some  good  object  in  which  I  could  be 
useful  in  that  position,  and  after  much  reflection  I  introduced  a 
bill  which,  with  the  general  consent  of  both  Houses  passed  into  a 
law,  and  is  now  a  law  of  the  State,  which  enacts  that  no  man 
in  the  State  shall  catch  trout  in  any  other  manner  than  the  old 
way,  with  an  ordinary  hook  and  line" 

The  following  anecdote  is  related  of  him  in  after  life,  connected 
with  one  of  his  angling  excursions,  which  the  statesman  often 
told  to  the  infinite  mirth  of  his  friends : 

"Some  years  since,  Mr.  WEBSTER  started  off  from  Marshfield  on 
a  trouting  expedition  to  Sandwich,  a  neighboring  town  on  Cape 
Cod.  On  approaching  a  fine  stream  he  alighted  from  his  wagon 
and  just  then  he  met  the  owner  of  the  farm,  whose  stream  ran 
through  it.  'Good  morning,'  says  WEBSTER,  'is  there  any  trout 
here?'  '  Well,'  says  the  farmer, '  some  people  fish  here  but  I  don  't 
know  what  they  do  get.'  'I'll  throw  my  line  in,'  says  WEBSTER, 
'  and  see  what  there  is.'  WEBSTER  walked  the  banks  of  the  stream 
trying  his  luck,  and  the  old  farmer  followed  him.  Soon  WEBSTER 
remarked,  'You  have  some  bog  on  your  farm.'  'Yes,'  says 


DANIEL    WEBSTER. 


815 


the  farmer,  4  and  that  ain't  the  worst  of  it.'  Fishing  still 
further  along,  WEBSTER  says,  'You  seem  to  have  plenty  of 
mosquitoes  here.'  4  Yes,'  he  replied,  'and  that  ain't  the  worst 
of  it.'  WEBSTER  still  kept  on  throwing  his  line  into  the  deep 
pools,  and  then  said,  '  You  have  plenty  of  briers  here.'  4  Yes,' 
says  the  farmer,  4  and  that  ain  't  the  worst  of  it.'  Mr.  WEBSTER, 
getting  somewhat  discouraged  in  a  hot  August  day,  bitten  by 
mosquitoes,  scratched  by  briers,  and  not  raising  a  single 
fish,  dropped  his  rod  and  said,  che  didn't  believe  there  was 
any  trout  here.'  'And  that  ain't  the  worst  of  it,'  says  the 
farmer.  c  Well,'  says  Mr.  WEBSTER,  '  I  would  like  to  know  what 
the  worst  of  it  is  T  '  There  never  was  any  here  /'  says  the 
farmer." 

In  1804,  young  WEBSTER  went  to  the  city  of  Boston,  where  his 
legal  studies  were  completed  under  the  tuition  of  Christopher  Gore, 
an  attorney  of  varied  attainments  and  high  distinction.  In  1805 
he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  Speak 
ing  of  his  studies,  WEBSTER  always  affirmed  that  Thompson  made 
a  sad  mistake  by  confining  him  upon  the  pages  of  Coke  and  Little 
ton,  which  kept  him  so  long  "  groping  about  in  the  dark,  believing, 
of  course,  that  he  should  come  to  the  light,  but  not  foreseeing 
when  or  whereabouts."  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  he  said, 
furnished  him  light,  and  made  the  way  clear.  He  recommends 
to  all  preceptors  in  the  law  "  to  furnish  the  students,  in  the  out 
set,  one  of  each  kind  of  the  writs  issued  in  a  suit,  together  with 
one  of  each  kind  of  the  papers,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end, — 
for  instance,  a  declaration,  a  demurrer,  a  plea,  a  record,  and  a 
judgment  roll, — so  that  he  can  have  ocular  demonstration  of 
what  each  contains,  and  can  read  it  and  turn  over,  and  look  at  it 
inside  out, — that  he  may  see  the  documents  about  which  he  is  to 
read." 

After  his  admission  to  the  bar  he  commenced  practice  in  the 
village  of  Boscawen,  but  soon  after  removed  to  Portsmouth.  His 
father  was  then  judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  but  died 
soon  after.  He  heard  his  son's  first  speech  at  the  bar,  and  saw  at 
once  his  brilliant  destiny.  Speaking  of  this,  WEBSTER  afterward 
said,  his  father  presided  and  heard  his  first  speech,  but  never  heard 
him  again.  His  father  died,  much  lamented,  in  the  spring  of 
1806.  The  next  year  WEBSTER  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  the 
New  Hampshire  Supreme  Court;  his  brother  Ezekiel  was  ad- 


816 


DANIEL    WEBSTER. 


mitted  about  the  same  time,  and  went  into  a  prosperous  practice. 
He  died  very  suddenly,  while  delivering  an  argument  at  Con 
cord,  in  his  native  State.  In  the  summer  of  1808,  WEBSTER  was 
married  to  Grace  Fletcher,  daughter  of  Rev.  Mr.  Fletcher  of  New 
Hampshire,  a  lady  of  beauty  and  accomplishments.  The  issue  of 
this  union  was  four  children, — two  sons  and  two  daughters,  all  of 
whom  are  dead  except  one,— Fletcher  Webster,  of  Boston. 

For  nine  years  WEBSTER  \vas  engaged  in  Portsmouth  in  an 
honorable  and  lucrative  law  practice.  He  established  a  wide 
spread  reputation,  won  the  confidence  of  his  professional  brethren, 
and  was  sought  after  in  many  of  the  most  difficult  cases.  Bright 
as  his  legal  prospects  were,  however,  other  matters  wrere  to  call  his 
wonderful  talents  into  action.  By  the  time  he  had  turned  his 
thirtieth  year,  the  people  had  marked  him  as  suited  for  public  life, 
and  he  was  elected  to  Congress.  He  took  his  place  there  in  1813, 
at  the  extra  session.  War  with  England  had  been  declared,  and 
was  the  prominent  topic  of  discussion.  Clay,  battling  his  way 
from  obscurity,  was  speaker  of  the  House  and  leader  of  the  war 
party.  He  did  not  recognize  then,  perhaps,  in  the  person  of  the 
young  member  from  New  Hampshire,  his  matchless  rival,  on  whom, 
the  balance  of  his  political  life,  he  must  keep  fixed  his  eagle  gaze. 
Calhoun,  Grundy,  and  Foray  the,  too,  were  there.  Intellect,  talent 
and  learning,  shed  luster  over  the  House  when  WEBSTER  appeared 
on  the  arena,  a  brilliant  light,  destined  to  attract  the  gaze  of  all. 
He  was  not  long  in  making  his  mark  in  the  national  Legislature 
In  June,  1813,  a  resolution  was  introduced  requiring  information 
from  the  President,  concerning  a  decree  of  France,  purporting  to 
be  an  abrogation  of  the  Milan  and  Berlin  decrees.  On  this 
resolution  he  made  his  first  speech  in  Congress.  The  House 
was  taken  by  surprise.  It  was  powerful,  vigorous,  logical,  and 
thorough. 

"  No  member  before,"  says  a  cotemporary,  "  ever  riveted  the 
attention  of  the  House  so  closely  in  his  first  speech.  Members 
left  their  seats,  when  they  could  not  see  the  speaker  face  to  face, 
and  sat  down  or  stood  on  the  floor  before  him.  All  listened 
attentively  and  silently  during  the  whole  speech ;  and  when  it 
was  over  many  went  up  and  warmly  congratulated  the  orator ; 
among  whom  were  some  not  the  most  niggard  of  their  compli 
ments,  and  who  most  dissented  from  the  views  he  expressed." 
Of  his  maiden  speech,  Chief  Justice  Marshall  said:  "At  the  time 


DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

when  this  speech  was  delivered  I  did  not  know  Mr.  WEBSTER,  but 
I  was  so  struck  with  it  that  I  did  not  hesitate  then  to  state  that 
Mr.  WEBSTER  was  a  very  able  man,  and  would  become  one  of  the 
very  first  statesmen  in  America,  and  perhaps  the  very  first."  It 
will  be  readily  admitted,  that  such  encomiums  from  sources  so 
unquestionable,  seldom  greet  members  of  Congress  on  their  first 
appearance.  Had  WEBSTER  been  earlier  in  Congress  he  would 
doubtless  have  opposed  many  measures  that  had  been  acted  upon ; 
but  entering  the  body  after  we  were  engaged  in  the  war,  he  wished 
it  pushed  to  a  successful  termination.  He  zealously  advocated  the 
improvement  of  our  naval  forces,  urging  the  necessity  of  our 
being  in  a  position  to  cope  with  the  enemy  by  sea  as  well  as  land. 
He  also  engaged  warmly  in  the  discussions  growing  out  of  Ran 
dolph's  "  Illiad  of  woes," — the  Embargo.  "  His  speeches  on  these 
questions,"  says  Everett,  "raised  him  to  the  front  rank  of  de 
baters." 

In  1814,  WEBSTER  was  re-elected  to  Congress.  The  treaty  of 
peace  having  been  concluded  with  Great  Britain  before  the  assem 
blage  of  the  next  session,  other  matters  occupied  their  attention. 
The  finances  of  the  nation  being  at  a  very  low  ebb,  some  means 
must  be  resorted  to,  to  relieve  the  prevailing  distresses.  The 
national  bank  measure  was  originated.  The  first  bill  upon  the 
subject  after, passing  the  Senate,  was  opposed  by  WEBSTER  as  "a 
mere  paper  money  contrivance,  calculated  to  injure  the  people,  to 
increase  the  financial  embarrassments  of  the  government,  and  to 
bring  discredit  upon  the  country."  This  first  bill,  fixing  the  capital 
of  the  bank  at  fifty  millions  of  dollars, — five  millions  in  specie,  the 
balance  in  government  securities, — and  requiring  a  loan  to  the 
treasury  of  thirty  millions,  was  voted  down.  It  was  afterward  so 
amended  as  to  make  it  more  of  a  "  specie  paying  bank,"  when  it 
received  WEBSTER'S  support.  It  passed  in  this  shape,  but  was 
vetoed  by  President  Madison. 

On  the  adjournment  of  Congress  WEBSTER  removed  to  the  city 
of  Boston,  with  a  view  of  practicing  his  profession.  He  was 
greeted  in  that  city  with  a  cordial  welcome  by  old  friends  and  for 
mer  associates.  He  yet  had  one  session  to  serve  as  a  member 
from  his  native  State.  The  session  was  to  him  one  of  no  very 
great  importance.  He  served  through  his  term  with  fidelity  and 
honor,  and  after  adjournment  again,  returned  to  Boston  and  re 
sumed  his  business  for  a  period  of  two  years.  At  the  expiration 
55 


DANIEL     WEBSTER 

of  that  time  he  was  urged  to  run  for  Congress,  and  also  offered  a 
seat  in  the  Senate.  He  declined  both.  He  wished  to  become  a 
first  rate  lawyer  before  engaging  in  other  pursuits, — to  make  him 
self  master  of  the  high  calling  he  had  selected,  before  seeking 
other  fields  of  labor.  He  served  a  brief  period  in  the  Massa 
chusetts  Legislature, — was  chosen  one  of  the  electors  and  sent  to 
the  convention  called  to  revise  the  State  constitution,  in  all  of  which 
positions  he  vindicated  his  rising  reputation.  In  1823,  no  longer 
able  to  resist  the  will  of  the  people,  he  consented  to  run  for  Con 
gress,  and  was  elected  by  a  handsome  majority.  He  took  his  seat 
in  the  Eighteenth  Congress,  among  old  associates  and  familiar 
friends.  Clay  was  still  speaker,  and  continued  to  accumulate  that 
commanding  influence  that  indicated  the  future  leadership  of  the 
Whig  party.  Among  the  most  important  subjects  coming  up  for 
deliberation  was  the  Greek  Revolution.  His  great  heart  beating 
warmly  for  liberty  everywhere,  WEBSTER  favored  the  friendly  ex 
pression  of  public  opinion  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  in  behalf 
of  Greece.  On  the  8th  of  December,  1823,  he  presented  a  resolution 
to  the  effect,  "That  provision  ought  to  be  made  by  law  for  defray 
ing  the  expenses  incident  to  the  appointment  of  an  agent  or  com 
missioner  to  Greece  whenever  the  president  shall  deem  it  expedient 
to  make  such  appointment."  His  speech  upon  this  resolution  is 
a  splendid  exhibition  of  true  eloquence,  and  a  trumpet-toned 
denunciation  of  tyrannical  usurpation  upon  the  rights  of  man 
kind.  The  following  eloquent  and  true  estimate  of  the  power  of 
public  opinion  uttered  in  this  speech,  will  live  and  be  admired 
while  the  language  finds  a  reader,  or  purity  of  diction  a  patron : 
"  It  may  be  asked,  perhaps,  what  we  can  do  ?  Are  we  to  go  to  war? 
Are  we  to  interfere  in  the  'Greek  cause,  or  any  other  European 
cause?  Are  we  to  endanger  our  pacific  relations.  No,  certainly 
not.  What  then,  the  question  recurs,  remains  for  us?  If  we 
will  not  endanger  our  own  peace  ;  if  we  will  neither  furnish  armies 
nor  navies  to  the  cause  which  we  think  the  just  one,  what  is 
then  within  our  power  ? 

"Sir,  this  reasoning  mistakes  the  age.  The  time  has  been, 
indeed,  when  fleets,  and  armies,  and  subsidies  were  principal 
reliances,  even  in  the  best  cause.  But,  happily  for  mankind, 
there  has  arrived  a  great  change  in  this  respect.  Moral  causes 
come  into  consideration  in  proportion  as  the  progress  of  know 
ledge  is  advanced  ;  and  the  public  opinion  of  the  civilized  world 


DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

is  rapidly  gaining  an  ascendency  over  mere  brutal  force.  It  may 
be  silenced  by  military  power,  but  it  can  not  be  conquered.  It  is 
elastic,  irrepressible,  and  invulnerable  to  weapons  of  ordinary  war 
fare.  It  is  that  impassable,  inextinguishable  enemy  of  mere 
violence  and  arbitrary  rule,  which,  like  Milton's  angels, 

'Vital  in  every  part, 
Can  not,  but  by  annihilating,  die.' 

Unless  this  be  propitiated  or  satisfied,  it  is  in  vain  for  power  to 
talk  either  of  triumphs  or  repose.  No  matter  what  fields  are 
desolated,  what  fortresses  surrendered,  what  armies  subdued,  or 
what  provinces  overrun,  there  is  an  enemy  that  still  exists  to 
check  the  glory  of  these  triumphs.  It  follows  the  conqueror  back 
to  the  very  scene  of  his  ovation ;  it  calls  upon  him  to  take  notice 
that  the  world,  though  silent,  is  yet  indignant;  it  shows  him  that 
the  scepter  of  his  victory  is  a  barren  scepter ;  that  it  shall  confer 
neither  joy  nor  honor,  but  molder  to  dry  ashes  in  his  grasp.  In 
the  midst  of  his  exultation,  it  pierces  his  ear  with  the  cry  of  injured 
justice ;  it  denounces  against  him  the  indignation  of  an  enlight 
ened  and  civilized  age ;  it  turns  to  bitterness  the  cup  of  his  rejoic 
ing,  and  wounds  him  with  the  sting  which  belongs  to  the  con 
sciousness  of  having  outraged  the  opinion  of  mankind."  The 
"  Greek  Speech,"  whence  the  foregoing  is  taken,  is  one  of  the 
most  eloquent  and  powerful  in  the  American  annals. 

WESTER  took  an  active  part  upon  the  tariff  of  ^.824,  arguing  in 
opposition  until  its  passage.  In  the  fall  of  that  year  he  was  again 
elected  to  Congress,  almost  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  his  con 
stituents.  The  most  noted  question  of  the  next  session  was  the 
Panama  Mission,  in  regard  to  which,  he  entertained  views  coinci 
dent  with  those  of  Clay  and  Adams,  elsewhere  set  forth. 

In  December,  1820,  he  was  invited  to  deliver  a  discourse  com 
memorative  of  the  landing  of  the  pilgrims,  and  gave  vent  to  one 
of  the  most  exuberent  gushes  of  eloquence  and  feeling,  that- ever 
melted  a  heart  or  enchained  a  hearer.  He  had  ever  cherished  for 
the  pilgrim  pioneers,  a  veuerative  adoration.  "Our  fathers," 
said  he,  "  came  hither  to  a  land  from  which  they  were  never  to 
return.  Hither  they  had  brought  and  here  they  were  to  fix  their 
hopes,  their  attachments  and  their  objects.  Some  natural  tears 
they  shed  as  they  left  the  pleasant  abodes  of  their  fathers,  and  some 
emotions  they  suppressed  when  the  white  clifls  of  their  native 
country,  now  seen  for  the  last  time,  grew  dim  to  their  sight.  They 


g9Q  DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

were  acting,  however,  upon  a  resolution  not  to  be  changed.  With 
whatever  stifled  regret,  with  whatever  occasional  hesitation,  with 
whatever  appalling  apprehension  which  must  sometime  arise  with 
force  to  shake  the  firmest  purpose,  they  had  yet  committed  them 
selves  to  heaven  and  the  elements ;  and  a  thousand  leagues  of 
water  soon  interposed  to  separate  them  forever  from  the  land 
which  gave  them  birth.  A  new  existence  awaited  them  here ; 
and  when  they  saw  these  shores,  rough,  cold,  barbarous  arid  barren, 
as  then  they  were,  they  beheld  their  country.  That  mixed  and 
strong  feeling  which  we  call  love  of  country,  and  which  is,  in 
general,  never  extinguished  in  the  heart  of  man,  grasped  and 
embraced  its  proper  object  here.  Whatever  constitutes  country 
except  the  earth  and  the  sun,  all  the  moral  causes  of  affection  and 
attachment  which  operate  upon  the  heart,  they  had  brought  with 
them  to  their  new  abode.  Before  they  had  reached  the  shore, 
they  had  established  the  elements  of  a  social  system,  and  at  a 
much  earlier  period  had  settled  their  forms  of  religious  worship. 
At  the  moment  of  their  landing,  therefore,  they  possessed  insti 
tutions  of  religion :  and  friends  and  families,  and  social  and  re 
ligious  institutions,  established  by  consent,  founded  on  choice  and 
preference,  how  early  do  these  fill  up  our  idea  of  country  I  The 
morning  that  beamed  upon  the  first  night  of  their  repose,  saw  the 
pilgrims  already  established  in  their  country.  There  were  politi 
cal  institutions,  and  civil  liberty,  and  religious  liberty,  and  wor 
ship.  Poetry  has  fancied  nothing  in  the  wanderings  of  heroes  so 
distinct  and  characteristic.  Here  was  man,  indeed,  unprotected 
and  unprovided  for,  on  the  shore  of  a  rude  and  fearful  wilderness  ; 
but  it  was  politic,  intelligent,  educated  man.  Everything  was 
civilized  but  the  physical  world.  Institutions  containing  in  sub 
stance  all  that  ages  had  done  for  human  government  were  estab 
lished  in  a  forest.  Cultivated  mind  was  to  act  on  uncultivated 
nature ;  and  more  than  all,  a  government  and  a  country  were  to 
commence  with  the  very  first  foundations  laid  under  the  divine  light 
of  the  Christian  religion.  Happy  auspices  of  a  happy  futurity! 
Who  would  wish  that  his  country's  existence  had  otherwise  begun? 
Who  would  desire  the  power  of  going  back  to  ages  of  fable? 
Who  would  wish  for  an  origin  obscured  in  the  darkness  of  an 
tiquity  ?  Who  would  wish  for  other  emblazoning  of  his  country's 
heraldry,  or  other  ornaments  of  her  genealogy,  than  to  be  able  to 
say,  that  her  first  existence  was  with  intelligence ;  her  first  breath 


DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

the  inspirations  of  liberty ;  her  first  principle  the  truth  of  divine 
religion?" 

WEBSTER'S  eloquence  was  grand,  towering,  massive,  overwhelm 
ing,  resistless.  As  an  orator  we  doubt  whether  he  ever  had  an 
equal.  Demosthenes  of  ancient,  and  Burke  of  modern  times, 
may,  perhaps,  rank  beside  him.  He  was  selected  to  deliver  the 
address  on  the  occasion  of  laying  the  corner  stone  of  the  Bunker 
Hill  monument.  Speaking  of  which,  he  said:  "Let  it  rise  till  it 
meet  the  sun  in  his  coming ;  let  the  earliest  light  of  morning  gild 
it,  and  parting  day  linger  upon  its  summit."  It  was  on  this 
occasion  when,  turning  to  the  survivors  of  the  battle  fought  there, 
he  said : 

u  Venerable  men !  you  have  come  down  to  us  from  a  former 
generation.  Heaven  has  bounteously  lengthened  out  your  lives 
that  you  might  behold  this  joyous  day.  You  are  now  where  you 
stood  fifty  years  ago,  this  very  hour,  with  your  brothers  and  your 
neighbors,  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  the  strife  of  your  country. 
Behold  how  altered !  The  same  heavens  are  indeed  over  your 
heads,  the  same  ocean  rolls  at  your  feet ;  but  all  else  how  changed  ! 
You  hear  now  no  roar  of  hostile  cannon,  you  see  no  mixed 
volumes  of  smoke  and  flames  arising  from  burning  Charlestown. 
The  ground  strewed  with  the  dead  and  the  dying;  the  impetuous 
charge ;  the  steady  and  successful  repulse  ;  the  loud  call  to  repeated 
assaults  ;  the  summoning  of  all  that  is  manly  to  repeated  resist 
ance  ;  a  thousand  bosoms  freely  and  fearlessly  bared  in  an  instant 
to  whatever  of  terror  there  may  be  in  war  and  death ; — all  these 
you  have  witnessed,  but  you  witness  them  no  more.  The  bights 
of  yonder  metropolis,  its  towers  and  roofs,  which  you  then  saw 
filled  with  wives  and  children  and  countrymen,  in  distress  and 
terror,  and  looking  with  unutterable  emotions  for  the  issue  of  the 
combat,  have  presented  you,  to-day,  with  the  sight  of  its  whole 
happy  population,  come  out  to  welcome  and  to  greet  you  with  a 
universal  jubilee.  Yonder  proud  ships,  by  a  felicity  of  position, 
appropriately  lying  at  the  foot  of  this  mount,  and  seeming  fondly 
to  cling  around  it,  are  not  means  of  annoyance  to  you,  but  your 
country's  own  means  of  distinction  and  defense.  All  is  peace ; 
and  God  has  granted  you  this  sight  of  your  country's  happiness, 
ere  you  slumber  in  the  grave  forever.  He  has  allowed  you  to 
behold  and  partake  the  reward  of  your  patriotic  toils  ;  and  he  has 
allowed  us,  your  sons  and  countrymen  to  meet  you  here,  and  in 


g22  DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

the  name  of  the  present  generation,  in  the  name  of  your  country, 
in  the  name  of  liberty  to  thank  you!  But,  alas !  you  are  not  all 
here.  Time  and  the  sword  have  thinned  your  ranks.  Prescott, 
Putnam,  Stark,  Brooks,  Kead,  Pomeroy,  Bridge  !  our  eyes  seek 
for  you  in  vain  amidst  this  broken  band.  You  are  gathered  to 
your  fathers,  and  live  only  to  your  country  in  her  grateful  remem 
brance,  and  your  own  bright  example.  You  lived,  at  least,  long 
enough  to  know  that  your  work  had  been  nobly  and  success 
fully  accomplished.  You  lived  to  see  your  country's  independence 
established,  and  to  sheathe  your  swords  from  war.  On  the  light 
of  liberty,  you  saw  arise  the  light  of  peace,  like 

'  Another  morn 
Risen  on  mid  noon : — ' 

and  the  sky  on  which  you  closed  your  eyes  was  cloudless. 

"  But, — ah  ! — Him  !  the  first  great  martyr  in  this  great  cause ! 
Him !  the  premature  victim  of  his  own  self-devoting  heart ! 
Him !  the  head  of  our  civic  counsels  and  the  destined  leader  of 
our  military  bands ;  whom  nothing  brought  hither  but  the  un 
quenchable  fire  of  his  own  spirit;  him  !  cut  off  by  Providence  in 
the  hour  of  overwhelming  anxiety  and  thick  gloom  ;  falling  ere  he 
saw  the  star  of  his  country  rise ;  pouring  out  his  generous  blood 
like  water,  before  he  knew  whether  it  would  fertilize  a  land  of 
freedom  or  of  bondage  !  how  shall  I  struggle  with  the  emotions 
that  stifle  the  utterance  of  thy  name  !  Our  poor  work  may  perish, 
but  thine  shall  endure!  This  monument  may  rnolder  away;  the 
solid  ground  it  rests  upon  may  sink  down  to  a  level  with  the  sea ; 
but  thy  memory  shall  not  fail.  Wheresoever  among  men  a  heart 
shall  be  found  that  beats  to  the  transports  of  patriotism  and  liberty, 
its  aspirations  shall  be  to  claim  kindred  with  thy  spirit. 

"Veterans !  you  are  the  remnant  of  many  a  well-fought  battle. 
You  bring  with  you  marks  of  honor  from  Trenton  and  Mon- 
mouth;  from  Yorktown,  Camden,  Beunington  and  Saratoga.  Vete 
rans  of  half  a  century !  when  in  your  youthful  days,  you  put 
everything  at  hazard  in  your  country's  cause,  good  as  that  cause 
was,  and  sanguine  as  youth  is,  still  your  fondest  hopes  did  not 
stretch  onward  to  a  scene  like  this !  At  a  period  to  which  you 
could  not  reasonably  have  expected  to  arrive ;  at  a  moment  of 
national  prosperity  such  as  you  could  never  have  foreseen,  you 
are  now  met  here  to  enjoy  the  fellowship  of  old  soldiers,  and  to 
receive  the  overflowings  of  universal  gratitude." 


DANIEL     WEBSTER 

It  is  related  of  WEBSTER,  that  as  he  was  about  speaking  at 
Bunker  Hill,  the  crowd  pressed  so  upon  him,  in  their  eagerness 
to  catch  every  word,  that  great  inconvenience  was  occasioned.  The 
authorities,  after  vainly  trying  to  make  the  people  give  room, 
requested  the  orator  to  interpose.  WEBSTER  arose,  and  with 
his  own  peculiar  gesture  said :  "Gentlemen,  stand  back  !"  Some 
individual  camo  up  and  told  him  the  crowd  could  not  move. 
The  speaker  again  turned  his  massive  brow  toward  the  throng, 
and  said:  "  Gentlemen!  stand  lack!"  A  friend  cried  out: 
"Mr.  WEBSTER!  it  is  impossible."  " Impossible f "  said  the 
orator,  "  NOTHING  is  impossible  on  Bunker  Hill."  It  was  enough ; 
the  people  fell  back  as  though  a  simoon  had  met  them  in  the  face. 
Order  was  secured  and  he  proceeded  with  the  address. 

WEBSTER  was  also  selected  to  pronounce  the  eulogy  upon  Jeffer 
son  and  John  Adams,  the  singular  co-incidents  of  whose  lives 
invested  them  with  additional  interest.  It  was  in  this  effort  that 
he  gave  the  correct  and  widely  known  definition  of  eloquence. 
Speaking  of  the  attributes  of  his  subjects  and  the  causes  of  their 
power,  he  said : 

"  When   public  bodies   are  to   be   addressed   on   momentous 
occasions,  when  great  interests  are  at  stake  and  strong  passions 
excited,  nothing  is  valuable  in  speech  further  than  it  is  connected 
with  high  intellectual  and  moral  endowments.     Clearness,  force 
and  earnestness,  are  the  qualities  which  produce  conviction.     True 
eloquence,  indeed,  does  not  consist  in  speech.     It  can  not  be 
brought  from  far.     Labor  and  learning  may  toil  for  it,  but  they 
will  toil  in  vain.     Words  and  phrases  may  be  marshaled  in  every 
way,  but  they  can  not  compass  it.     It  must  exist  in  the  man,  and 
in  the  subject,  in   the   occasion.     Affected   passion,  intense  ex 
pression,  the  pomp  of  declamation,  all  may  aspire  after  it, — they 
can  not  reach  it.     It  comes,  if  come  at  all,  like  the  outbreaking  of 
a  fountain  from  the  earth,  or  the  bursting  forth  of  volcanic  fires, 
with  spontaneous,  original,  native  force.     The  graces  taught  in  the 
schools,  the  costly  ornaments  and  studied  contrivances  of  speech, 
shock  and  disgust  men  when  their  own  lives,  and  the  fate  of  their 
wives,  their  children,  and  their  country,  hang  on  the  decision  of  the 
hour.     Then  words  have  lost  their  power,  rhetoric  is  vain,  and  all 
elaborate   oratory  contemptible.     Even   genius  itself  then   falls 
rebuked  and  subdued  as  in  the  presence  of  higher  qualities.     Then 
patriotism  is  eloquent ;  then  self-devotion  is  eloquent.     The  clear 


824  DANIEL     W  E  B  S  T  E  11 . 

conceptions,  outrunning  the  deductions,  the  higher  purpose,  the 
firm  resolve,  the  dauntless  spirit  speaking  on  the  tongue,  beaming 
from  the  eye,  informing  every  feature,  and  urging  the  whole  man 
onward,  right  onward  to  his  object, — this,  this  is  eloquence ;  or 
rather  it  is  something  greater  and  higher  than  all  eloquence, — it 
is  action,  noble,  sublime,  god-like  action." 

In  1826,  he  was  chosen  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  to 
fill  the  unexpired  term  of  Mr.  Mills,  deceased,  and  began  his 
splendid  career  as  the  "  defender  of  the  Constitution."  He  soon 
measured  strength  with  Tazewell  upon  the  subject  of  the  Process 
bill,  regulative  of  "  the  proceedings  of  the  United  States  courts." 
He  also  took  an  active  part  in  the  discussion  of  the  tariff  measures 
of  the  season.  Though  not  fully  approving  of  the  tariff  of  1826 
and  1828,  he  voted  for  those  measures  after  their  amendments,  as 
the  best  that  could  be  done  under  the  circumstances.  The  act  of 
1828  being  followed  by  the  nullification  movement  of  South  Caro 
lina,  and  the  hostile  indications  between  the  two  sections  of  the 
country,  furnished  WEBSTER  with  opportunities  of  winning  im 
perishable  distinction.  At  the  first  session  of  the  Twenty-first 
Congress  the  public  land  question  presented  itself  for  legislative 
consideration.  Growing  principally  out  of  deep  anxiety  on  the 
part  of  the  North  and  the  South  to  secure  the  balance  of  political 
power  in  the  Western  States,  intense  feelings  of  rivalry  were 
engendered.  In  December,  Foote  of  Connecticut  presented  his 
since  famous  resolution,  which  was  in  these  words : 

"  Resolved, — That  the  committee  be  instructed  to  inquire  and 
report  the  quantity  of  public  land  remaining  unsold  within  each 
State  and  territory,  and  whether  it  be  expedient  to  limit  for  a 
certain  period  the  sales  of  public  lands,  to  such  land  as  have  here 
tofore  been  offered  for  sale  and  are  now  subject  to  entry  at  the 
minimum  price.  And  also,  whether  the  office  of  Surveyor 
General  and  some  of  the  land  offices  may  not  be  abolished  with 
out  detriment  to  the  public  service." 

This  resolution  of  inquiry,  it  would  not  seem  at  first  glance, 
was  to  be  the  precursor  of  one  of  the  most  able  and  remarkable 
debates  ever  recorded.  Benton  immediately  denounced  it  as 
designed  to  injure  the  West,  a  denunciation  which  he  continued  to 
indulge  after  all  such  intentions  were  disclaimed  by  the  author 
of  the  resolution.  On  the  18th  of  January,  1830,  he  made  a  set 
speech  against  it,  in  which  much  bitterness  against  the  New 


DANIEL     WEBSTER.  §25 

England  States  was  indicated.  "The  resolution  was  introduced," 
said  he,  "to  check-mate  my  graduation  bill.  It  was  an  offer  of 
battle  to  the  West.  I  accepted  the  offer ;  I  am  fighting  the  battle ; 
some  are  crying  out  and  hauling  off;  but  I  am  standing  to  it  and 
mean  to  stand  to  it.  I  call  upon  the  adversary  to  come  on  and 
lay  on  ;  and  I  tell  him, 

'  Damn  'd  be  he  that  first  cries  hold, — enough.'  " 

Holmes  of  Maine  replied  to  Benton  on  the  19th,  when  general 
discussion  followed.     Colonel  Hayne,  of  South  Carolina,  one  of 
the  most  brilliant  and  gifted  men  in  the  Senate,  now  came  to 
Benton's  assistance,  and  exceeded  that  member  in  his  denunciation 
of  the  resolution   and   the  New  England  States.     The  Eastern 
States,  he  avowed,  "always  sought  to  create  a  manufactory  of 
paupers,  who  should  supply  the  manufactories  of  rich  proprietors, 
and  enable  then  to  amass  great  wealth,"  and  hence  were  opposed 
to  giving  settlers  easy  access  to  the  public  domain.    He  frequently, 
too,  let  fall  remarks  of  personal  application  to  WEBSTER.     Speak 
ing  of  the  national  measures  by  which  the  interests  of  the  growing 
West  had  been  fostered,  he  said:  "  If  you  look  to  the  votes  on  any 
one  of  these  measures,  and  strike  out  from  the  list  of  ayes  the 
names  of  New  England  members,  it  will  be  found  that  in  every 
case  the  South  would  then  have  voted  down  the  West,  and  the 
measures  would  have  failed."     These  and  expressions  of  similar 
import  nettled  WEBSTER  and  his  friends.     He  replied  to  Hayne's 
speech  with  dignity  and  force.     "While  I  stand  here,"  said  he, 
"  as  the  representative  of  Massachusetts,  I  will  be  her  true  repre 
sentative,  and  by  the  blessing  of  God  I  will  vindicate  her  char 
acter,  motives  and  history  from  every  imputation  coming  from  a 
respectable  source."     To  this  speech  Benton  replied,  when  in  con 
sequence  of  important  legal  engagements  on  the  part  of  WEBSTER, 
it  was  moved  on  Thursday,  the  21st,  that  further  discussion  be  post 
poned  till  the  ensuing  Monday.    Eager  for  the  contest,  and  stung  by 
WEBSTER'S  former  speech,  Hayne  objected.     "  He  saw  the  gentle 
man  from  Massachusetts  in  his  seat  and  presumed  he  could  make 
an  arrangement  which  would  enable  him  to  attend."     Laying  his 
hand  on'  his  heart,  he  said  :  "Some  things  have  fallen  from  him 
which  rankle  here."    "  The  gentleman,"  he  added,  "  has  discharged 
his  tire  in  the  face  of  the  Senate ;  and  I  hope  the  opportunity  will 
now  be  afforded  me  of  returning  the  shot."    No  farther  indulgence 
was  asked.     Eising  with  impressive  dignity,  WEBSTER  said  :  "  Let 


826  DANIEL    WEBSTER. 

the  discussion  proceed.  I  am  ready  now  to  receive  the  gentle 
man's  fire." 

The  debate  now  went  on :  Hayue  proceeded  through  a  speech 
of  an  hour's  duration  in  a  manner  more  bold  and  defiant  than 
on  the  former  occasion.  He  disclaimed  the  charge  of  wishing  to 
excite  feelings  of  ill-will  in  one  section  of  the  country  against  the 
other ;  objected  to  the  construction  given  to  his  remarks ;  charged 
his  opponent  with  taking  a  singular  course  in  the  debate  by  making 
him  the  object  of  his  especial  notice,  instead  of  carrying  out  his 
declaration  to  vindicate  the  North  and  the  East  from  the  attacks 
made  by  Benton.  "He  choses,"  said  Hayne,  "  to  consider  me  as 
the  author  of  those  charges ;  selects  me  as  his  adversary,  and 
pours  out  all  the  vials  of  his  mighty  wrath  upon  my  devoted 
head.  Nor  is  he  willing  to  stop  there.  He  goes  on  to  assail  the 
institutions  and  policy  of  the  South,  and  calls  in  question  the 
principles  and  conduct  of  the  State  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
represent."  Presuming  to  assign  his  motives  for  such  a  course, 
the  speaker  proceeded :  "  Has  he  discovered  in  former  contro 
versies  with  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  that  he  is  overmatched 
by  that  Senator ;  and  does  he  hope  for  an  easy  victory  over  a  more 
feeble  adversary  ?  •  Has  his  distempered  fancy  been  disturbed  by 
gloomy  forebodings  of  the  c  new  alliances '  to  be  formed,  at  which 
he  hinted  ?  Has  the  ghost  of  the  murdered  coalition  come  back 
like  the  ghost  of  the  murdered  Banquo,  to  'sear  the  eyeballs '  of 
the  gentleman,  and  will  not  l  down  at  his  bidding  ?'  Are  dark 
visions  of  broken  hopes  and  honors  lost  forever,  still  floating 
before  his  heated  imagination."  Intimating  that  WEBSTER  made 
him  the  object  of  his  remarks,  instead  of  Beuton,  for  the  purpose 
of  avoiding  the  contest  with  the  latter  gentleman,  he  continued : 
"  The  South  shall  not  be  forced  into  a  conflict  not  its  own.  The 
gallant  West  needs  no  aid  from  the  South  to  repel  any  attack 
which  may  be  made  upon  them  from  any  quarter." 

After  this  somewhat  fiery  exordium  the  speaker  become  more 
analytic  ;  he  accused  WEBSTER  of  inconsistency, — of  changing  his 
views  upon  the  subject-matter  of  the  resolution.  He  took  issue 
with  him  on  the  assertion  that  the  East  had  favored,  or  manifested 
disposition  to  favor  the  interests  of  the  West.  Referring  again  to 
the  contest  in  the  House  in  1825,  as  the  only  instance  of  favor 
extended  by  the  East  to  the  West,  he  said:  "A  happy  union 
between  the  members  of  the  celebrated  coalition  was  consummated, 


DANIEL     WEBSTER.  827 

whose  immediate  issue  was  a  president  from  one  quarter  of  the 
Union,  with  the  succession,  as  it  was  supposed,  to  another."  After 
adverting  to  the  national  debt  he  touched  upon  the  slavery  ques 
tion, — contending  that  the  institution  of  slavery  was  calculated  to 
elevate  the  interests  of  the  people  of  the  South,  and  denouncing 
the  professions  of  northern  men  in  behalf  of  the  degraded  African 
slave  as  the  offspring  of  "  false  philanthropy,  which  like  the  father 
of  evil,  is  constantly  walking  to  and  fro  about  the  earth  seeking 
whom  it  may  devour.'*  After  dwelling  upon  the  old  order  of  the 
day, — consolidation, — in  regard  to  which  he  again  accused  his 
rival  of  inconsistency,  he  concluded  by  referring  to  feelings  of 
disunion  which  he  alleged  had  been  thrown  out  by  him  as  being 
entertained  by  the  peeple  of  the  South,  and  said  :  "The  gentleman 
has  thought  proper,  for  purposes  best  known  to  himself,  to  strike 
the  South,  through  me,  the  most  unworthy  of  her  servants.  He 
has  crossed  the  border,  he  has  divided  the  State  of  South  Caro 
lina,  is  making  war  upon  her  citizens,  and  endeavoring  to  over 
throw  her  principles  and  her  institutions.  Sir,  when  the  gentle 
man  provokes  me  to  such  a  conflict  I  meet  him  at  the  threshold. 
I  will  struggle  while  I  have  life  for  our  altars  and  our  fire 
sides, — and  if  God  gives  me  strength  I  will  drive  back  the  enemy 
discomfited.  Nor  shall  I  stop  there.  If  the  gentleman  provokes 
war  he  shall  have  war.  Sir,  I  will  not  stop  at  the  border.  I  will 
carry  the  war  into  the  enemies  territory,  and  not  consent  to  lay 
down  my  arms  until  I  have  obtained  indemnity  for  the  past  and 
security  for  the  future.  It  is  with  unfeigned  reluctance,  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  that  I  enter  upon  the  performance  of  this  part  of  my  duty. 
I  shrink  almost  instinctively  from  a  course,  however  necessary, 
which  may  have  a  tendency  to  sectional  feelings  and  sectional 
jealousies.  But  sir,  the  task  has  been  forced  upon  me,  and  I  pro 
ceed  right  onward  to  the  performance  of  my  duty.  Be  the  conse 
quences  what  they  may,  the  responsibility  is  with  those  who  have 
imposed  upon  me  the  necessity.  The  senator  from  Massachusetts 
has  thought  proper  to  cast  the  first  stone ;  and  if  he  shall  find, 
according  to  a  homely  adage,  that  he  i  lives  in  a  glass  house,'  on 
his  head  be  the  consequences." 

Motion  was  now  made  to  adjourn,  which  being  carried,  no 
further  debate  was  had  until  the  ensuing  Monday,  when  it  was 
resumed  by  Hayne,  bestowing  first  an  eloquent  and  glowing  eulogy 
upon  South  Carolina,  after  which,  he  gave  vent  to  bitter  denunci- 


828  DANIEL    WEBS  TEE. 

ation  of  New  England,  quoting  largely  from  partisan  docu 
ments  to  support  his  allegations.  After  enchaining  the  House 
for  some  time  by  an  exhibition  of  masterly  eloquence,  he  con 
cluded  thus :  "  If  animated  by  that  ardent  love  of  liberty  which 
has  always  been  the  most  prominent  trait  of  southern  character, 
we  should  be  hurried  beyond  the  bounds  of  a  cold  and  calcu 
lating  prudence,  who  is  there,  with  one  bold  and  generous  senti 
ment  in  his  bosom,  that  would  not  be  disposed,  in  the  language 
of  Burke,  to  exclaim,  '  you  must  pardon  something  to  the  spirit  of 
liberty.'" 

Thus  closed  one  of  the  most  eloquent  and  powerful  efforts  that 
ever  drew  attention  from  a  political  body.  Hayne  took  his  seat 
with  a  just  feeling  of  triumph,  and  received  the  congratulations 
of  friends  all  around.  His  victory  was  supposed  to  be  complete. 
But  the  ominous  words  of  "  Harry  Yane !  woe  to  thee,  Sir  Harry 
Vane,"  from  Oliver  Cromwell,  were  not  more  fatal  to  the  "  Rump 
Parliament,"  than  were  those  soon  to  be  uttered  by  WEBSTER,  to  his 
imagined  victory.  It  was  a  proud  day  for  the  gallant  Hayue.  His 
friends  thought  his  speech  unanswerable, — and  even  the  friends 
of  WEBSTER  were  solicitous  of  the  issue.  It  is  related  by  March, 
in  his  Reminisenees,  that  "  The  town  was  divided  into  geograph 
ical  opinions.  One's  home  could  be  distinguished  from  his 
countenance  or  manner ;  a  southerner's  by  his  buoyant,  joyous 
expression  and  confident  air;  a' Yankee  by  his  timid,  anxious  eye 
and  depressed  bearing.  One  walked  with  a  bold,  determined 
step  that  courted  observation ;  the  other  with  a  shuffling  gait  that 
seemed  to  long  for  some  dark  corner,  some  place  to  hear  and  see 
and  be  unseen." 

Nothing  of  the  speech  had  escaped  the  mind  of  WEBSTER.  Not 
the  least  intimidated  he  had  taken  notes  of  the  whole,  and  treasured 
each  quotation  and  reference.  He  had  to  reply  to  the  senator 
with  but  little  time  for  preparation.  As  soon  as  Hayne  closed  he 
rose  to  reply,  but  it  being  rather  late  in  the  day  motion  to  adjourn 
was  made,  which  was  acquiesced  in.  WEBSTER  meantime  thought 
over  the  arguments  of  the  Colonel.  He  was  heard  to  laugh  to 
himself,  and  being  asked  the  cause  replied  :  "  I  have  been  thinking 
of  the  way  in  which  Colonel  Hayne's  quotation  about  Banquo's 
ghost  can  be  turned  against  himself;  and  I  am  going  to  get  up 
and  make  a  note  of  it,"  which  was  immediately  done. 

The  day  after,  WEBSTER  made  his  reply.     The  occasion  was  one 


DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

of  deep  interest.  The  Senate  chamber  was  unusually  crowded. 
Many  ladies  were  present,  to  accomodate  whom,  grave  senators  gave 
up  their  seats.  One  large,  fleshy  man,  not  being  able  to  squeeze 
himself  into  the  throng,  got  to  a  window  and  cut  a  hole  through 
the  stained  glass  where  he  could  see  the  speaker.  The  Vice-presi 
dent  took  his  chair.  Preliminaries  were  done  away  with  by 
motion  to  hear  the  speech.  WEBSTEK  was  ready.  Man,  perhaps, 
never  looked  or  felt  more  proudly  majestic,  or  calm  and  self- 
possessed.  Amid  perfect  stillness  and  with  mighty  dignity  he 
rose.  All  eyes  were  fastened  upon  him  as  lifting  his  broad  brow, 
and  directing  his  glance  full  upon  the  Vice-president,  he  pro 
nounced  the  exordium  to  his  remarkable  speech. 

"Mr.  President,"  said  he,  "when  the  mariner  has  been  tossed 
for  many  days  in  thick  weather,  and  on  an  unknown  sea,  he 
naturally  avails  himself  of  the  first  pause  in  the  storm,  the 
earliest  glances  of  the  sun,  to  take  his  latitude,  and  ascertain  how 
far  the  elements  have  driven  him  from  his  true  course.  Let  us 
imitate  this  prudence  ;  and  before  we  float  further  on  the  waves 
of  this  debate,  refer  to  the  point  from  which  we  departed,  that  we 
may,  at  least,  be  able  to  form  some  conjecture  where  we  now  are. 
I  ask  for  the  reading  of  the  resolution." 

The  dignity  and  feeling  with  which  this  was  said,  won  the 
profound  attention  of  Hayne's  friends,  who  had  been  so  exult 
ant.  One  of  them  affected  indifference  by  pretending  to  read 
a  newspaper,  which,  it  is  said,  on  examination,  proved  to  be 
upside  down.  The  speaker  soon  came  to  Hayne's  application  of 
Banquo's  ghost,  to  which  part  of  his  speech  he  thus  most  happily 
replied : 

"Sir,  the  honorable  member  was  not  for  other  reasons  entirely 
happy  in  his  allusions  to  the  story  of  Banquo's  murder  and 
Banquo's  ghost.  It  was  not,  I  think,  the  friends,  but  the  enemies 
of  the  murdered  Banquo,  at  whose  bidding  his  spirit  would  not 
down.  The  honorable  gentleman  is  fresh  in  his  reading  of  the 
English  classics,  and  can  put  me  right  if  I  am  wrong ;  but,  accord 
ing  to  my  poor  recollection,  it  was  at  those  who  had  begun  with 
caresses,  and  ended  with  foul  and  treacherous  murder,  that  the 
gory  locks  were  shaken.  The  ghost  of  Banquo,  like  that  of 
Hamlet,  was  an  honest  ghost.  It  disturbed  no  innocent  man.  It 
knew  where  its  appearance  would  strike  terror,  and  who  would 
cry  out  c  A  ghost!'  It  made  itself  visible  in  the  right  quarter, 


DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

and  compelled  the  guilty  and  the  conscience-smitten,  and  none 
others,  to  start,  with, 

'  Prithee,  see  there  !  behold !  look !  lo, 
If  I  stand  here,  I  saw  him  I1 

Their  eyeballs  were  seared  (was  it  not  so,  sir?)  who  had  thought 
to  shield  themselves,  by  concealing  their  own  hand,  and  laying 
the  imputation  of  the  crime  on  a  low  and  hireling  agency  in 
wickedness ;  who  had  vainly  attempted  to  stifle  the  workings  of 
their  own  coward  consciences,  by  ejaculating,  through  white  lips 
and  chattering  teeth,  c  Thou  canst  not  say  I  did  it!'  I  have  mis 
read  the  great  poet  if  those  who  had  no  way  partaken  in  the 
deed  of  death,  either  found  that  they  were,  or  feared  that  they 
should  l)e,  pushed  from  their  stools  by  the  ghost  of  the  slain,  or 
exclaimed,  to  a  specter  created  by  their  own  fears  and  their  own 
remorse,  i  A  vaunt!  and  quit  our  sight!" 

The  countenance  of  WEBSTER'S  friends  now  brightened  as  they 
saw  him  turn  the  flank  of  his  opponent  by  turning  his  application 
against  himself.  "While  upon  this  part  of  his  speech,  dwelling 
forcibly  upon  the  folly  and  instability  of  such  characters  as  im 
personated  by  Macbeth,  he  is  said  to  have  fixed  his  eye  firmly 
on  Calhoun,  the  Vice-president,  saying  of  Banquo's  murderers, 
they  placed 

''A  barren  scepter  in  their  gripe, 
Thence  to  be  wrenched  by  an  unlineal  hand, 
No  son  of  theirs  succeeding." 

As  he  said  this,  all  eyes  turned  to  Calhoun,  who  showed  evident 
emotion. 

No  further  uneasiness  existed  as  to  his  being  able  to  cope  suc 
cessfully  with  his  powerful  antagonist,  and  reversionary  feelings 
soon  began  to  take  place.  The  buoyancy  of  Hayne's  friends 
began  to  animate  those  of  WEBSTER,  while  the  depression  prevail 
ing  among  them  overspread  those  of  the  former.  Proceeding 
with  his  speech,  becoming  more  animated  and  majestic  at  the 
close  of  each  stately  period,  he  thus  replied  to  Hayne's  taunt 
about  Benton's  being  an  "overraafcA  for  him : 

"It  was  put  as  a  question  for  me  to  answer,  and  so  put  as  if  it 
were  difficult  for  me  to  answer,  whether  I  deemed  the  member  from 
Missouri  an  ovematch  for  myself  in  debate  here.  It  seems  to  me, 
sir,  that  this  is  extraordinary  language,  and  an  extraordinary  tone 
for  the  discussions  of  this  body. 

"  Matches  and  over-matches !     Those  terms  are  more  applicable 


DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

elsewhere  than  here,  and  fitter  fur  other  assemblies  than  this. 
Sir,  the  gentleman  seems  to  forget  where  and  what  we  are.     This 
is  a  senate :  a  senate  of  equals  :  of  men  of  individual  honor  and 
personal  character,  and  of  absolute  independence.     We  know  no 
masters ;  we  acknowledge  no  dictators.     This  is  a  hall  for  mutual 
consultation  and  discussion  ;  not  an  arena  for  the  exhibition  of 
champions.     I  offer  myself,  sir,  as  a  match  for  no  man,  I  throw 
the  challenge  of  debate  at  no  man's  feet.     But  then,  sir,  since  the 
honorable  member  has  put  the  question  in  a  manner  that  calls 
for  an  answer,  I  will  give  him  an  answer ;  and  I  tell  him  that, 
holding  myself  to  be  the  humblest  of  the  members  here,  I  yet 
know  nothing  in  the  arm  of  his  friend  from  Missouri,  either  alone 
or  when  aided  by  the  arm  of  his  friend  from  South  Carolina,  that 
need  deter  even  me  from  espousing  whatever  opinions  I  may  choose 
to  espouse,  from  debating  whatever  I  may  choose  to  debate,  or  from 
speaking  whatever  I  may  see  fit  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate.     Sir, 
when  uttered  as  matter  of  commendation  or  compliment,  I  should 
dissent  from  nothing  which  the  honorable  member  might  say  of 
his  friend.     Still  less  do  I  put  forth  any  pretensions  of  my  own. 
But  when  put  to  me  as  a  matter  of  taunt,  I  throw  it  back,  and  say 
to  the  gentleman  that  he  could  possibly  say  nothing  less  likely 
than  such  a  comparison  to  wound  my  pride  of  personal  character. 
The  anger  of  its  tone  rescued  the  remark  from  intentional  irony, 
which  otherwise,  probably,  would  have  been  its  general  accepta 
tion.     But,  sir,  if  it  be  imagined  that  by  this  mutual  quotation 
and    commendation ;    if   it  be    supposed,   that    by   casting   the 
characters  of  the  drama,  assigning  to  each  his  part;  to  one  the 
attack ;  to  another  the  cry  of  onset :  or,  if  it  be  thought  that  by  a 
loud  and  empty  vaunt  of  anticipated  victory,  any  laurels  are  to  be 
won  here ;  if  it  be  imagined,  especially,  that  any  or  all  of  these 
things  will  shake  any  purpose  of  mine,  I  can  tell  the  honorable 
member,  once  for  all,  that  he  is  greatly  mistaken,  and  that  he  is 
dealing  with  one  of  whose  temper  and  character  he  has  yet  much 
to  learn.     Sir,  I  shall  not  allow  myself,  on  this  occasion,  to  be 
betrayed  into  any  loss  of  temper;  but  if  provoked,  as  I  trust  I 
never  shall  allow  myself  to  be,  into  crimination  and  recrimination, 
the  honorable  member  may  perhaps  find  that,  in  that  contest,  there 
will  be  blows  to  take  as  well  as  blows  to  give ;  that  others  can 
state  comparisons  as  significant,  at  least,  as  his  own,  and  that  his 
impunity  may,  perhaps,  demand  of  him  whatevers  power  of  taunt 


832  DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

and  sarcasm  he  may  possess.  I  commend  him  to  a  prudent 
husbandry  of  his  resources." 

The  South  Carolina  senator  was  soon  made  aware  that  "  a  pru 
dent  husbandry  of  his  resources"  was,  indeed,  essential  on  the 
occasion.  Replying  to  Hayne's  remarks  concerning  the  "murdered 
coalition,"  he  looked  and  acted,  it  is  said,  as  though  "  the  thing 
was  too  mean  for  scorn  itself."  "It  is,"  said  he,  "  the  very  cast- 
off  slough  of  a  polluted  and  shameless  press.  Incapable  of  fur 
ther  mischief,  it  lies  in  the  sewer,  lifeless  and  despised.  It  is  not 
now,  sir,  in  the  power  of  the  honorable  member  to  give  it  dignity 
or  decency,  by  attempting  to  elevate  it,  and  introduce  it  into  the 
Senate.  He  can  not  change  it  from  what  it  is, — an  object  of 
general  disgust  and  scorn.  On  the  contrary,  the  contact,  if  he 
choose  to  touch  it,  is  more  likely  to  drag  him  down,  down  to  the 
place  where  it  lies  itself." 

He  met  his  antagonist  at  every  point,  and  met  him  triumphantly. 
Coming  to  that  part  of  Hayne's  speech  where  he  pronounced  the 
eulogium  upon  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  to  the  disparagement 
of  Massachusetts,  WEBSTER  replied  in  the  following  lofty  senti 
ments  : 

"  The  eulogium  pronounced  on  the  character  of  the  State  of 
South  Carolina  by  the  honorable  gentleman,  for  her  revolutionary 
and  other  merits,  meets  my  hearty  concurrence.  I  shall  not  acknow 
ledge  that  the  honorable  member  goes  before  me  in  regard  for  what 
ever  of  distinguished  talent,  or  distinguished  character,  South 
Carolina  has  produced.  I  claim  part  of  the  honor:  I  partake  in 
the  pride  of  her  great  names.  I  claim  them  for  countrymen,  one  and 
all.  The  Laurenses,  Rutledges,  the  Pinckneys,  the  Surnpters,  the 
Marions, — Americans  all, — whose  fame  is  no  more  to  be  hemmed 
in  by  State  lines,  than  their  talents  and  patriotism  were  capable 
of  being  circumscribed  within  the  same  narrow  limits.  In  their 
day  and  generation  they  served  and  honored  the  country,  and  the 
whole  country,  and  their  renown  is  of  the  treasures  of  the  whole 
country.  Him,  whose  honored  name  the  gentleman  bears  him 
self, — does  he  suppose  me  less  capable  of  gratitude  for  his  patriot 
ism,  or  sympathy  for  his  sufferings,  than  if  his  eyes  had  first 
opened  upon  the  light  in  Massachusetts,  instead  of  South  Caro 
lina?  Sir,  does  he  suppose  it  in  his  power  to  exhibit  a  Carolina 
name  so  bright  as  to  produce  envy  in  my  bosom  ?  No,  sir, — 
increased  gratification  and  delight,  rather.  Sir,  I  thank  God  that, 


DANIEL    WEBSTER.  333 

if  I  am  gifted  with  little  of  the  spirit  which  is  said  to  be  able  to 
raise  mortals  to  the  skies,  I  have  yet  none,  as  I  trust,  of  that  other 
spirit  which  would  drag  angels  down. 

"  When  I  shall  be  found,  sir,  in  my  place  here  in  the  Senate,  or 
elsewhere,  to  sneer  at  public  merit,  because  it  happened  to  spring 
up  beyond  the  little  limits  of  my  own  State  and  neighborhood ; 
when  I  refuse,  for  any  such  cause,  or  for  any  cause,  the  homage 
due  to  American  talent,  to  elevated  patriotism,  to  sincere  devotion 
to  liberty  and  the  country ;  or  if  I  see  an  uncommon  endowment 
of  heaven, — if  I  see  extraordinary  capacity  and  virtue  in  any  son 
of  the  South, — and  if  moved  by  local  prejudice,  or  gangrened  by 
State  jealousy,  I  get  up  here  to  abate  the  tithe  of  a  hair  from  his 
just  character  and  just  fame,  may  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of 
my  mouth ! 

"Sir,  let  me  recur  to  pleasing  recollections, — let  me  indulge  in 
refreshing  remembrances  of  the  past, — let  me  remind  you  that  in 
early  times  no  States  cherished  greater  harmony,  both  of  principle 
and  of  feeling,  than  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina.  Would 
to  God  that  harmony  might  again  return.  Shoulder  to  shoulder 
they  went  through  the  Eevolution, — hand  in  hand  they  stood 
round  the  administration  of  Washington,  and  felt  his  own  great 
arm  lean  on  them  for  support.  Unkind  feeling,  if  it  exist,  alien 
ation  and  distrust  are  the  growth,  unnatural  to  such  soils,  of  false 
principles  since  sown.  They  are  weeds,  the  seeds  of  which  that 
same  great  arm  never  scattered. 

"Mr.  President,  I  shall  enter  on  no  encomium  upon  Massa 
chusetts, — she  needs  none.  There  she  is, — behold  her  and  judge 
for  yourselves.  There  is  her  history, — the  world  knows  it  by 
heart.  The  past,  at  least,  is  secure.  There  is  Boston,  and  Con 
cord,  and  Lexington,  and  Bunker  Hill ;  and  there  they  will  remain 
for  ever.  The  bones  of  her  sons,  fallen  in  the  great  struggle  for 
independence,  now  lie  mingled  with  the  soil  of  every  State,  from 
New  England  to  Georgia ;  and  there  they  will  lie  for  ever.  And, 
sir,  where  American  liberty  raised  its  first  voice,  and  where  its 
youth  was  nurtured  and  sustained,  there  it  still  lives  in  the  strength 
of  its  manhood,  and  full  of  its  original  spirit.  If  discord  and  dis 
union  shall  wound  it, — if  party  strife  and  blind  ambition  shall 
hawk  at  and  tear  it :  if  folly  and  madness,  if  uneasiness,  under 
salutary  and  necessary  restraint,  shall  succeed  to  separate  it  from 
that  Union,  by  which  alone  its  existence  is  made  sure,  it  will  stand 
56 


834  DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

in  the  end  by  the  side  of  that  cradle  in  which  its  infancy  was 
rocked  ;  it  will  stretch  forth  its  arm  with  whatever  of  vigor  it  may 
still  retain  over  the  friends  who  gather  round  it:  and  it  will  fall 
at  last,  if  fall  it  must,  amidst  the  proudest  monuments  of  its  own 
glory,  and  on  the  very  spot  of  its  origin." 

It  is  said  that  a  large  number  of  New  Englanders  were  sitting 
together  in  the  Hall,  regarding  their  noble  champion  with  inteusest 
interest,  and  that  as  he  closed  the  foregoing  with  his  glowing  eye 
fixed  upon  them,  "  they  shed  tears  like  girls" 

Meeting  Ilayne  with  unanswerable  arguments  upon  every  issue 
embraced  in  the  resolution,  he  finally  came  to  his  remarks  upon 
disunion.  Elevated  to  the  highest  pitch  of  moral  grandeur,  his 
chest  heaving  with  the  emotions  of  his  soul,  he  delivered  the 
following  high  sentiments, — sentiments  which  the  world  knows 
" by  heart:-' 

"  I  profess,  sir,  in  my  career  hitherto  to  have  kept  steadily  in 
view  the  prosperity  and  honor  of  the  whole  country,  and  the 
preservation  of  our  federal  Union.  It  is  to  that  Union  we  owe 
our  safety  at  home,  and  our  consideration  and  dignity  abroad. 
It  is  to  that  Union  that  we  are  chiefly  indebted  for  whatever 
makes  us  most  proud  of  our  country.  That  Union  we  reached 
only  by  the  discipline  of  our  virtues,  in  the  severe  school  of 
adversity.  It  had  its  origin  in  the  necessities  of  disordered 
finance,  prostrate  commerce,  and  ruined  credit.  Under  its 
benign  influences,  these  great  interests  immediately  awoke,  as 
from  the  dead,  and  sprang  forth  with  newness  of  life.  Every 
year  of  its  duration  has  teemed  with  fresh  proofs  of  its  utility  and 
its  blessings  ;  and  although  our  territory  has  stretched  out  wider 
and  wider,  and  our  population  spread  further  and  further,  they 
have  not  outrun  its  protection,  or  its  benefits.  It  has  been  to  us 
all,  a  copious  fountain  of  national,  social,  and  personal  happiness. 

"  I  have  not  allowed  myself,  sir,  to  look  beyond  the  Union,  to  see 
what  might  lie  hidden  in  the  dark  recess  behind.  I  have  not 
coolly  weighed  the  chances  of  preserving  liberty,  when  the  bonds 
that  unite  us  together  shall  be  broken  asunder.  I  have  not 
accustomed  myself  to  hang  over  the  precipice  of  disunion  to  see 
whether,  with  my  short  sight,  I  can  fathom  the  depth  of  the  abyss 
below ;  nor  could  I  regard  him  as  a  safe  counselor  in  the  affairs 
of  this  government,  whose  thoughts  should  be  mainly  bent  on 
considering,  not  how  the  Union  should  be  best  preserved,  but  how 


DANIEL    WEBSTER.  335 

tolerable  might  be  the  condition  of  the  people  when  it  shall  be 
broken  up  and  destroyed. 

"While  the  Union  lasts,  we  have  high,  exciting,  gratifying 
prospects  spread  out  before  us,  for  us  and  our  children.  Beyond 
that  I  seek  not  to  penetrate  the  veil.  God  grant  that,  in  my  day 
at  least,  that  curtain  may  not  rise.  God  grant  that  on  my  vision 
never  may  be  opened  what  lies  behind.  When  my  eyes  shall  be 
turned  to  behold,  for  the  last  time,  the  sun  in  heaven,  may  I  not 
see  him  shining  on  the  broken  and  dishonored  fragments  of  a  once 
glorious  Union  ;  on  States  dissevered,  discordant,  belligerent ;  on 
a  land  rent  with  civil  feuds,  or  drenched,  it  may  be,  in  fraternal 
blood  !  Let  their  last  feeble  and  lingering  glance  rather  behold 
the  gorgeous  ensign  of  the  republic,  now  known  and  honored 
throughout  the  earth,  still  full  high  advanced,  its  arms  and  trophies 
streaming  in  their  original  lustre,  not  a  stripe  erased  or  polluted, 
nor  a  single  star  obscured, — bearing  for  its  motto  no  such  miser 
able  interrogatory  as, — What  is  all  this  worth?  Nor  those  other 
words  of  delusion  and  folly, — Liberty  first,  and  Union  afterward, — 
but  everywhere,  spread  all  over  in  characters  of  living  light,  blaz 
ing  on  all  its  ample  folds  as  they  float  over  the  sea  and  over  the 
land,  and  in  every  wind  under  the  whole  heavens,  that  other 
sentiment  dear  to  every  true  American  heart, — Liberty  and  Union, 
now  and  for  ever,  one  and  inseparable !" 

Such  was  the  close  of  what  is  doubtless  WEBSTER'S  master-piece. 
Its  delivery  produced  an  effect  upon  his  listeners  never  surpassed 
in  the  history  of  parliamentary  debate.  It  is  said,  when  "  the 
speech  was  over,  tne  tones  of  the  orator  still  lingered  upon  the 
ear,  and  the  audience,  unconscious  of  the  close,  retained  their 
positions.  The  agitated  countenance,  the  heaving  breast,  the 
suffused  eye,  attested  the  continued  influence  of  the  spell  upon 
them.  Hands  that  in  the  excitement  of  the  moment  had  sought 
each  other,  still  remained  closed  in  an  unconscious  grasp.  Eye 
still  turned  to  eye  to  receive  and  repay  mutual  sympathy,  and 
seemed  forgetful  of  all  but  the  orator's  presence  and  words."  "  The 
New  Englanders,"  it  is  said,  "  after  adjournment,  walked  down 
Pennsylvania  Avenue  with  a  firmer  step  and  bolder  air, — '  pride  in 
their  port,  defiance  in  their  eye.'  *  *  *  Not  one  of  them 
but  felt  he  had  gained  a  personal  victory.  Not  one  who  was  not 
ready  to  exclaim:  'Thank  God,  I  too  am  a  Yankee.' ': 

That  evening  WEBSTER  attended  the  President's  levee, — where 


33$  DANIEL    WEBSTER. 

he  was  the  cynosure  of  all  eyes. — an  object  of  greater  attraction 
than  Jackson  himself.  He  received  congratulations  warm  and 
heartfelt,  from  all  sides.  Animated  with  the  glow  of  high  intel 
lectual  excitement,  he  received  his  friends  in  his  happiest  manner. 
Meeting  his  competitor  in  the  debate,  as  he  approached  him,  he 
said  with  a  smile:  "  How  are  you  this  evening,  Colonel  Hayne." 
"  None  the  letter  for  you,  sir"  pleasantly  replied  the  gallant 
South  Carolinian.  This  debate,  and  WEBSTER'S  speech,  created  a 
profound  sensation  over  the  country,  which  was  speedily  flooded 
with  reports  in  newspapers  and  pamphlets,  from  one  end  to  the 
other.  It  identifies  WEBSTER,  forever,  with  the  masters  of  oratory, 
and  sheds  imperishable  luster  upon  his  name.  He  came  into  the 
debate  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  though  little  time  for  preparing 
his  reply  was  afforded,  his  physical  and  mental  powers  were  in 
a  condition  of  full  maturity.  He  was  also  in  vigorous  health, 
with  every  incentive  around  him  to  rouse  the  fiery  soul  of  an  orator. 
He  had  just  entered  his  fiftieth  year,  with  not  a  faculty  impaired. 
The  following  description  of  him  at  the  period  has  been  preserved  : 

"The  personal  appearance  of  Mr.  WEBSTER  has  been  a  theme  of 
frequent  discussion.  Time  had  not  thinned  nor  bleached  his  hair : 
it  was  dark  as  the  raven's  plumage,  surmounting  his  massive  brow 
in  ample  folds.  His  eyes,  always  dark  and  deep  set,  enkindled  by 
some  glowing  thought,  shone  from  beneath  his  sombre,  overhang 
ing  brow  like  lights,  in  the  blackness  of  night,  from  a  sepulcher. 
It  was  such  a  countenance  as  Salvator  Rosa  delighted  to  paint. 

"No  one  understood,  better  than  Mr.  WEBSTER,  the  philosophy 
of  dress ;  what  a  powerful  auxiliary  it  is  to  Speech  and  manner, 
when  harmonizing  with  them.  On  this  occasion  he  appeared 
in  a  blue  coat  and  buff  vest, — the  Revolutionary  colors  of  buff 
and  blue; — with  a  white  cravat;  a  costume,  than  which  none 
was  more  becoming  to  his  face  and  expression.  This  courtly  par 
ticularity  of  dress  added  no  little  to  the  influence  of  his  manner 
and  appearance." 

Speaking  of  his  feelings  toward  his  antagonist  during  the  deli  very 
of  this  splendid  oration,  WEBSTER  himself  said  :  "  I  felt  as  if  every 
thing  I  had  ever  seen  or  read  or  heard,  was  floating  before  me  in 
one  grand  panorama,  and  I  had  little  else  to  do  than  to  reach  up 
and  cull  a  thunderbolt  and  hurl  it  at  him."  Being  congratulated 
as  the  author  of  a  speech  that  would  live  through  all  coming  time, 
he  said  :  "How  I  wish  my  poor  brother,  (Ezekiel),  had  lived  till 


DANIEL     WEBSTER.  837 

after  this  speech,  that  I  might  know  if  he  would  have  been  grati 
fied"  He  never  lost  his  affection  for  that  only  brother,  nor  ceased 
to  mourn  his  early  decease.  During  the  administration  of  Jack 
son,  as  President,  WEBSTER  continued  an  active  and  prominent 
member  in  the  Senate.  He  agreed  and  voted  with  Calhoun,  re 
jecting  the  appointment  of  Van  Buren  as  Minister  to  England, 
because  apprehensive  that  too  many  concessions  would  be  made 
at  the  court  of  St.  James.  He  also,  in  the  session  of  1831-'32, 
advocated  and  voted  for  Dallas'  bank  bill,  believing  that  the 
financial  condition  of  the  country  demanded  the  measure  contem 
plated,  which  passed,  but  was  vetoed  by  the  President. 

The  Nullification  Ordinance  and  military  preparations  of  South 
Carolina  next  claimed  public  attention.  Jackson  was  re-elected 
President  in  1832.  South  Carolina  was  in  a  state  of  revolt. 
Hayiie  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  and  was  elected  governor 
of  the  State ;  Calhoun  resigned  his  office  as  Yice-president,  and 
succeeded  him  to  the  Senate.  Hugh  L.  "White,  of  Tennessee,  was 
elected  Speaker.  Congress  met  in  December  ; — Calhoun,  though 
threatened  with  arrest,  hastened  to  his  post.  Jackson  sent  special 
orders  to  the  army,  and  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people  of 
South  Carolina  requiring  obedience  to  the  laws  of  the  land. 
Governor  Hayne  issued  a  counter  proclamation,  while  Colonel 
Preston,  of  the  same  State,  declared  to  the  excited  nullifiers,  that 
"there  were  sixteen  thousand  back-countrymen  with  arms  in  their 
hands,  and  cockades  in  their  hats,  ready  to  march  to  Charleston 
at  a  moment's  notice;  and  the  moment  Congress  shall  pass  the 
laws  recommended  by  the  President  in  relation  to  our  port,  I  will 
pour  down  a  torrent  of  volunteers  that  shall  sweep  the  myrmidons 
of  the  tyrant  from  the  soil  of  Carolina."  Soon  after  Calhoun's 
arrival,  the  Force  Bill,  making  adequate  provision  for  collecting  the 
revenue,  was  reported  to  the  House.  WEBSTER,  during  the  dis 
cussion  which  had  taken  place,  had  participated  to  no  great  extent, 
but  when  Calhoun  came  forward  with  all  his  logic  and  power  to 
attack  the  bill,  asserting  the  rights  of  a  State  to  sit  in  judgment 
upon  the  acts  of  the  federal  government,  he  was  looked  to  as  the 
proper  person  to  reply.  The  speech  of  Calhoun  was  conceived  by 
an  ingenious  mind,  and  draped  by  a  consummate  master  of 
language.  WEBSTER  summed  up  the  Senator's  position,  thus : 

"Beginning  with  the  original  error,  that  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  is  nothing  but  a  compact  between  sovereign  States  ; 


838  DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

asserting  in  the  next  step,  that  each  State  has  a  right  to  be  its  own 
sole  judge  of  the  extent  of  its  own  obligations,  and,  consequently, 
of  the  constitutionality  of  laws  of  Congress ;  and  in  the  next,  that 
it  may  oppose  whatever  it  sees  fit  to  declare  unconstitutional,  and 
that  it  decides  for  itself  on  the  mode  and  measure  of  redress,  the 
argument  arrives  at  once  at  the  conclusion,  that  what  a  State  dis 
sents  from,  it  may  nullify ;  what  it  opposes,  it  may  oppose  by 
force ;  what  it  decides  for  itself,  it  may  execute  by  its  own  power ; 
and  that,  in  short,  it  is  itself  supreme  over  the  legislation  of  Con 
gress,  and  supreme  over  the  decisions  of  the  national  judicature, — 
supreme  over  the  Constitution  of  the  country, — supreme  over  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land.  However  it  seeks  to  protect  itself 
against  these  plain  inferences,  by  saying  that  an  unconstitutional 
law  is  no  law,  and  that  it  only  opposes  such  laws  as  are  unconsti 
tutional,  yet  this  does  not,  in  the  slightest  degree,  vary  the 
result,  since  it  insists  on  deciding  this  question  for  itself;  and 
in  opposition  to  reason  and  argument,  in  opposition  to  practice  and 
experience,  in  opposition  to  the  judgment  of  others  having  an 
equal  right  to  judge,  it  says  only :  '  Such  is  my  opinion,  and  my 
opinion  shall  be  my  law,  and  I  will  support  it  by  my  own  strong 
hand.  I  denounce  the  law.  I  declare  it  unconstitutional ;  that  is 
enough ;  it  shall  not  be  executed.  Men  in  arms  are  ready  to 
resist  its  execution.  An  attempt  to  enforce  it  shall  cover  the  land 
with  blood.  Elsewhere,  it  may  be  binding;  but  here,  it  is 
trampled  under  foot.'  This,  Sir,  is  practical  nullification. 

u  Against  these  positions  WEBSTER  laid  down  a  system  embodied 
in  the  following  propositions  : 

"  First.  That  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  not  a 
league,  confederacy,  or  compact,  between  the  people  of  the  several 
States  in  their  sovereign  capacities ;  but  a  government  proper, 
founded  on  the  adoption  of  the  people,  and  creating  direct  relations 
between  itself  and  individuals. 

"Second.  That  no  State  authority  has  power  to  dissolve  those 
relations ;  that  nothing  can  dissolve  them  but  revolution ;  and 
that,  consequently,  there  can  be  no  such  thing  as  secession  with 
out  revolution. 

"Third.  That  there  is  a  supreme  law,  consisting  of  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States,  acts  of  Congress  passed  in  pursuance 
of  it,  and  treaties ;  and  that,  in  cases  not  capable  of  assuming  the 
character  of  a  suit  in  law  or  equity,  Congress  must  judge  of,  and 


DANIEL    WEBSTER.  §39 

finally  interpret,  this  supreme  law,  as  often  as  it  has  occasion  to 
pass  acts  of  legislation ;  and  in  cases  capable  of  assuming,  and 
actually  assuming,  the  character  of  a  suit,  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  is  the  final  interpreter. 

"Fourth.  That  an  attempt  by  a  State  to  abrogate,  annul,  or 
nullify  an  act  of  Congress,  or  to  arrest  its  operation  within  her 
limits,  on  the  ground  that,  in  her  opinion,  such  law  is  unconsti 
tutional,  is  a  direct  usurpation  on  the  just  powers  of  the  general 
government,  and  on  the  equal  rights  of  other  States ;  a  plain  viola 
tion  of  the  Constitution,  and  a  proceeding  essentially  revolutionary 
in  its  character  and  tendency." 

He  maintained  these  principles,  in  a  speech  of  marked  ability 
and  close  reasoning.  The  orator  was  now  the  statesman.  No 
bitter  sarcasm,  no  grand  bursts  of  eloquence,  no  trope  or  figure 
was  indulged  in.  It  was  the  time  for  argument, — close,  calm, 
convincing  argument.  His  speech  was  unanswerable, — a  plain, 
solid,  unadorned  exposition  of  the  subject,  and  a  triumphant 
maintenance  of  the  supremacy  of  the  federal  government  over  the 
assumption  of  State  rights. 

The  force  bill  passed,  and  increased  by  its  requirements  the 
agitations  of  the  South,  until  the  passage  of  the  compromise  tariff, 
before  named,  upon  which  Clay  had  been  long  and  anxiously  pre 
occupied.  WEBSTER,  for  his  bold  stand  against  nullification  and 
its  exponent,  Calhoun,  received  the  high  approval  of  the  adminis 
tration,  which  felt  the  full  extent  of  its  indebtedness. 

Nullification  was  followed  by  the  memorable  bank  controversy. 
Of  Jackson's  refusal  to  consent  to  a  re-charter  of  the  bank  and 
removal  of  the  deposits  no  more  will  be  said.  After  the  latter 
measure  Clay  introduced  his  resolutions  of  censure,  which  origi 
nated  a  long  and  fierce  debate, — WEBSTER  not  participating  until 
Jackson  sent  in  his  protest,  asserting  executive  jurisdiction  over 
the  public  funds, — that  impeachment  constitutionally  was  the  only 
way  in  which  a  president  was  amenable  to  the  House, — that  he 
and  his  subordinates  are  responsible  to  the  people  alone,  and  they 
to  him,  and  that  he  is  their  immediate  representative.  WEBSTER 
took  up  the  protest  in  the  Senate.  Disclaiming  all  personal  ill 
will  toward  the  President,  and  conceding  that,  in  both  civic  and 
military  capacities,  he  had  rendered  the  nation  important  services, 
he  gave  it  a  searching  analysis.  He  denounced  it  as  an  enormous 
assumption  of  power,  budding  with  the  same  odious  principles, 


840  DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

against  which,  "while  suffering  was  yet  afar  off,  our  fathers 
raised  their  flag,"  and  at  war  with  the  interests  of  the  country. 
This  speech  was  pronounced  among  the  most  powerful  of  the 
session,  and  won  eulogiums  from  distinguished  jurors  and  parlia 
mentarians. 

Before  the  close  of  the  session  WEBSTER  delivered  an  able  argu 
ment  against  the  course  of  the  Senate  adopting  the  expunging 
resolutions, — he  also  prepared  a  report  on  finance,  delivered  a 
speech  on  the  appointing  power,  and  one  on  the  French  spoliation 
bill,  in  each  of  which,  are  evidences  of  his  own  great  mind  and 
industry. 

In  March,  1837,  Van  Buren  came  to  the  presidency.  WEBSTER, 
in  the  meantime,  complying  with  the  wish  of  leading  men  of  New 
York,  had  addressed  a  large  mass-meeting  in  that  city,  upon  the 
measures  of  Jackson's  administration,  entering  into  an  elaborate 
review  of  the  whole.  He  mentioned  the  annexation  of  Texas,  a 
measure  beginning  to  form  a  national  topic,  and  declared  himself 
against  it  from  an  "  entire  unwillingness  to  do  anything  that  would 
extend  the  slavery  of  the  African  race  on  this  continent,  or  add 
other  slave-holding  States  to  this  Union"  The  whole  speech 
was  another  exhibit  of  his  unrivaled  powers. 

The  administration  of  Van  Buren  commenced  at  a  period  of 
great  financial  depression.  The  new  president  immediately  con 
vened  Congress  in  extra  session,  to  relieve  the  distresses  of  the 
country.  They  met,  September,  1837.  Calhoun  presented  a 
resolution  against  congressional  legislation  upon  the  subject  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  It  was  amended  by  Clay. 
WEBSTER  opposed  all  such  resolutions,  affirming  congressional  juris 
diction  over  the  District  as  being  ceded  to  the  general  government. 

Early  in  January,  1828,  Silas  Wright  brought  in  a  bill  recom 
mending  the  independent  treasury  system.  WEBSTER  opposed  the 
measure  in  spirit  and  in  detail,  "  as  in  the  highest  degree  injurious 
to  the  public  interests."  Calhoun,  the  avowed  champion  of  the  sub 
treasury,  replied  on  the  15th  of  February,  which  drew  from 
WEBSTER  a  speech  of  still  greater  merit  and  weight,  than  was  his 
former  one.  During  the  balance  of  the  session,  he  and  Calhoun 
came  frequently  in  contact.  WEBSTER  had,  for  some  time,  been 
contemplating  a  trip  to  Europe,— this  he  thought  a  favorable 
opportunity.  He  had  been  mentioned  by  his  friends  and  party  in 
connection  with  the  presidency.  The  Whig  national  convention 


DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

would  meet  before  lie  could  return.  After  preparing  a  letter 
withdrawing  his  name  from  their  consideration,  he  sailed  for 
Europe.  He  traveled  through  England,  Scotland,  and  France, 
paying  much  attention  to  agriculture,  finance,  and  law.  He  was 
everywhere  received  with  marks  of  esteem  and  public  consider 
ation. 

The  Whig  national  convention  met  during  his  absence,  and 
nominated  Harrison  as  their  candidate  for  the  presidency. 
WEBSTER  came  back  to  the  United  States  in  time  to  take  active 
part  in  the  canvass.  He  made  several  warm  and  stirring  speeches 
for  the  Whig  cause.  Harrison  was  elected  and  inducted  into 
office  in  March,  1841.  In  the  selection  of  his  cabinet,  the  new 
president  tendered  the  post  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  WEBSTER. 
This  he  declined,  but  signified  his  willingness  to  accept  the  State 
department,  which  was  promptly  given  him. 

This  was  a  post  involving  duties  delicate  and  weighty.  Our 
affairs  with  England  required  immediate  attention.  The  north 
eastern  boundary  question  had  been  long  a  matter  of  dispute.  In 
1783  it  had  been  the  subject  of  treaty ;  ten  years  after,  in  con 
vention,  it  had  been  only  partially  settled,  and  further  efforts,  in 
1803,  had  resulted  in  no  final  adjustment.  It  was  again  a  subject 
of  consideration  at  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  and  commissioners  were 
appointed  to  survey  the  line.  Still  unsettled,  the  King  of  the 
Netherlands  was  made  umpire  in  the  matter ;  his  proposition  was 
not  acceptable  to  either  of  the  parties.  Thus  the  matter  stood 
through  the  administration  of  Jackson,  and  though  made  a  sub 
ject  of  executive  consideration  by  his  successor,  Yan  Buren,  it 
was  still  unsettled.  WEBSTER,  therefore,  as  Secretary  of  State, 
was  forced  to  go  back  to  the  starting  point,  and  follow  the  con 
troversy  through  all  its  aspects  before  satisfactory  results  could  be 
obtained. 

The  interruption  of  American  commerce  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
by  English  vessels,  upon  suspicion  of  encouraging  the  slave  trade, 
was  another  difficulty  presenting  itself  to  the  Secretary.  Oregon 
Territory  also  formed  a  matter  of  serious  concern.  McLeod  was 
arraigned  before  the  New  York  State  courts  upon  criminal  charges 
for  the  seizure  of  the  Caroline,  which  was,  during  the  night,  sent 
over  the  falls  of  Niagara. 

This  had  long  been  a  subject  of  national  dispute,  and  was  still  un 
settled.  The  British  government  demanded  the  release  of  McLeod 


342  DANIEL    WEBSTER. 

upon  the  ground  that  the  seizure  was  an  official,  not  an  individual 
act.  WEBSTER  replied  by  affirming  his  agreement  in  views  with 
the  ministry,  and  a  desire  to  have  him  released.  The  trial  and 
acquittal  of  McLeod  put  the  matter  at  rest. 

In  December,  1841,  Lord  Ashburton  was  appointed  special 
envoy  to  the  United  States,  from  England,  to  settle  the  north 
eastern  boundary  question,  WEBSTER  having  given  the  English 
ministry  notice  of  extreme  anxiety,  on  our  part,  to  bring  about 
such  a  result.  He  arrived  at  Washington  in  the  spring  of  1842, 
and  formal  agreements  were  immediately  entered  upon.  During 
the  transaction  of  this  business,  WEBSTER  prepared  some  of  the 
ablest  and  most  thorough  State  papers  ever  emanating  from  the 
mind  of  a  statesman  or  diplomatist.  The  result  was  the  satis 
factory  arrangement  of  the  difficulty,  and  the  wrarniest  intimacy 
between  Ashburton  and  himself.  They  completed  their  work  in 
August,  1842.  The  line  decided  upon  by  commissioners  selected 
from  Maine  and  Massachusetts,  was  declared  to  be  the  north-east 
boundary  ;  no  further  interference  with  our  commerce  was  guaran 
teed  ;  mutual  efforts  to  suppress  the  slave  trade  were  agreed  to ; 
and  the  difficulties  growing  out  of  the  capture  of  the  Caroline  defi 
nitely  settled.  The  treaty,  on  being  submitted  to  the  Senate,  was 
received  with  great  unanimity. 

This  treaty  placed  WEBSTER  as  high  in  the  esteem  of  the  world 
as  a  diplomatist,  as  he  had  ever  stood  as  an  orator  and  a  states 
man.  Difficulties  with  Mexico  next  presented  themselves.  An 
expedition  had  been  undertaken  by  some  Texians  against  Saute 
Fe,  several  of  whom  had  been  taken  prisoners ;  our  government 
urged  their  release.  Mexico,  in  turn,  demanded  through  her 
minister,  Sig.  De  Bocanegra,  who  had  more  arrogance  than 
statesmanship,  that  a  stop  be  put  to  emigration  from  the  United 
States  to  Texas,  as  being  likely  to  involve  her  in  difficulties. 
WEBSTER'S  letters  to  the  Mexican  secretary,  and  to  our  minister  at 
Mexico,  were  able  and  masterly,  declaring,  on  our  part,  a  position 
of  strict  neutrality  and  inactivity.  He  also  became  involved  in 
an  ably  maintained  correspondence  with  the  Spanish  minister, 
Chevalier  De  Argaiz,  in  regard  to  the  Amistead,  which  was  taken 
possession  of  by  some  negroes,  and  subsequently  brought  into  an 
American  port,  and  salvage  claimed.  De  Argaiz  asserted  that  it 
was  a  national  matter,  but  was  effectually  silenced  by  WEBSTER, 
who  proved  that  it  was  a  subject  of  court  jurisdiction. 


DANIEL     WEBSTER.  §43 

Meantime  Harrison  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Yice-presi- 
dent,  John  Tyler.  His  defection,  by  vetoing  the  bank  and  other 
Whig  measures,  soon  after  he  came  into  power,  shattered  the  party 
to  pieces.  After  the  resignation  of  every  member  of  his  cabinet, 
except  WEBSTER,  who  felt  too  deeply  the  importance  of  negotiations 
then  pending,  to  be  hurried  by  excitement  from  a  post  of  duty,  Tyler 
was  universally  denounced  as  the  betrayer  of  the  Whig  party, — 
the  political  Iscariot  of  the  country.  Much  blame  attached  to  WEB 
STER  for  his  continuance  with  an  administration  everywhere  so 
odious  to  the  party.  The  Whigs  of  Massachusetts  met  in  convention 
at  Boston,  and  declared  "  a  full  and  final  separation  from  the 
President  of  the  United  States."  WEBSTER,  soon  after,  visited 
that  city,  and  was  invited  by  numerous  persons,  those  who  had 
participated  in  the  convention,  among  others,  to  address  the  people 
at  a  public  dinner,  with  which  they  proposed  to  honor  him. 
Declining  the  dinner,  he  fixed  a  day  when  he  would  address  them 
at  Faneuil  Hall.  At  the  appointed  time  an  immense  concourse 
had  gathered.  The  mayor  introduced  the  speaker,  and  after 
approving  the  manner  in  which  his  duties  as  Secretary  of  State 
had  been  performed,  said : 

"  We  are  sure,  whatever  may  befall  the  country,  that  you  will 
be  ready  to  sacrifice  everything  for  her  good,  save  honor,  and  on 
that  point,  amidst  the  perplexities  of  these  perplexing  times,  we 
shall  be  at  ease;  for  we  know  that  he  who  has  so  nobly  main 
tained  his  country's  honor,  may  safely  be  intrusted  with  his  own." 

"  WEBSTER  opened  his  reply  with  one  of  these  exquisitely 
beautiful  sentences  which  are  scattered  so  profusely  throughout  his 
speeches.  '  I  know  not  how  it  is,  Mr.  Mayor,'  said  he,  'but  there 
is  something  in  the  echoes  of  these  walls,  or  in  this  sea  of  up 
turned  faces  which  I  behold  before  me,  or  in  the  genius  that 
alway  hovers  over  this  place,  fanning  ardent  and  patriotic  feel 
ing  by  every  motion  of  its  wings, — I  know  not  how  it  is,  but 
there  is  something  that  excites  me  strangely,  deeply,  before  I  even 
begin  to  speak.'  Recurring  then  to  the  history  of  his  life,  to  his 
labors  in  their  midst,  and  to  his  public  services  in  the  various 
positions  he  had  been  called  to  fill ;  after  a  clear,  condensed  state 
ment  of  the  diplomatic  labors  in  which  he  had  been  engaged,  he 
referred  directly  to  the  remark  of  the  mayor,  that  he  might  be 
safely  intrusted  to  take  care  of  his  own  honor  and  reputation.  4 1 
am,'  said  he,  '  exactly  of  his  opinion.  I  ain  quite  of  opinion  that, 


344  DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

on  a  question  touching  my  own  honor  and  character,  as  I  am  to 
bear  the  consequences  of  the  decision,  I  had  a  great  deal  better  be 
trusted  to  make  it.  No  man  feels  more  highly  the  advantage  of 
the  advice  of  friends  than  I  do ;  but  on  a  question  so  delicate  and 
important  as  that,  I  like  to  choose  myself  the  friends  who  are  to 
give  me  advice ;  and  upon  this  subject,  gentlemen,  I  shall  leave 
you  as  enlightened  as  I  found  you.'  With  this  rather  unpromis 
ing  preface,  he  proceeded  to  remark  upon  the  '  outpouring  of  wrath' 
to  which  he  has  been  subjected  for  remaining  in  the  President's 
Cabinet.  He  was  '  a  little  hard  to  coax,  but  as  to  being  driven,  that 
was  out  of  the  question.'  He  had  chosen  to  trust  to  his  own 
judgment,  and  thinking  he  was  at  a  post  where  he  was  in  the 
service  of  the  country  and  could  do  it  good,  he  had  staid  there. 
Again  apologizing  for  entering  upon  topics  on  which  his  opinions 
might  be  different  from  those  of  his  audience,  he  cited  the  reso 
lutions  passed  i  by  the  most  respectable  convention  of  Whig  dele 
gates,'  which  had  met  in  Boston  a  few  days  before.  He  noticed 
among  them  a  declaration,  made  on  behalf  of  the  Whigs  of  the 
State,  a  4  full  and  final  separation  from  the  President.'  '  I  am  a 
Whig,'  said  he, — '  I  have  always  been  a  Whig,  and  I  always  will 
be  one ;  and  if  there  are  any  who  would  turn  me  out  of  the  pale 
of  that  communion,  let  them  see  who  will  get  out  first.  I  am 
ready  to  submit  to  all  decisions  of  Whig  conventions  on  subjects 
on  which  they  are  authorized  to  make  decisions.  But  it  is  quite 
another  question,  whether  a  set  of  gentlemen,  however  respectable 
they  may  be  as  individuals,  shall  have  the  power  to  bind  me  on 
matters  which  I  have  not  agreed  to  submit  to  their  decision.'  He 
went  on  to  say  that  three  years  of  the  President's  term  of  office 
still  remained  ;  that  great  public  interests  required  his  attention  ; 
and  asked  whether  all  his  measures  upon  these  subjects,  however 
useful  they  might  be,  were  to  be  opposed  by  the  Whig  party  of 
Massachusetts,  right  or  wrong.  There  were  a  great  many  Massa 
chusetts  Whigs  also  in  office, — Collectors,  District  Attorneys,  Post 
masters,  Marshals.  What  was  to  become  of  them  in  this  separ 
ation  ?  Mr.  Everett,  our  Minister  in  England,  was  he  expected  to 
come  home  on  this  separation,  and  yield  his  pjace  to  somebody 
else?  'And  in  regard  to  the  individual  who  addresses  you, — 
what  do  his  brother  Whigs  mean  to  do  with  him?  Where  do 
they  mean  to  place  me  ?  Generally,  when  a  divorce  takes  place, 
the  parties  divide  their  children.  I  am  anxious  to  know  where,  in 


DANIEL     WEBSTER.  345 

the  case  of  this  divorce,  /shall  fall.'  WEBSTER  said  he  had  alluded 
to  this  matter  because  he  could  not  fail  to  see  that  the  resolution 
had  an  intentional  or  an  unintentional  bearing  on  his  position. 
It  meant  that  if  he  should  choose  to  remain  in  the  President's 
councils  he  must  cease  to  be  a  Massachusetts  Whig.  '  And  I  am 
quite  ready,'  said  he,  c  to  put  that  question  to  the  people  of  Massa 
chusetts.'  He  proceeded  to  say  that  there  was  too  general  a  dis 
position  to  postpone  all  attempts  to  do  good  to  the  country  to 
some  future  day.  Many  Whigs  thought  they  saw  a  prospect  of 
having  more  power  than  they  had.  But  there  was  a  Whig 
majority  in  Congress,  and  the  substantial  fruits  of  the  great  victory 
of  18-iO  could,  with  moderate  and  prudent  councils,  still  be  secured. 
But  nothing  but  cordial  and  fraternal  union  could  save  the  party 
from  renewed  prostration."* 

WEBSTER'S  speech,  on  this  occasion,  was  powerful  and  convinc 
ing,  and  had  an  effect  on  the  sentiment  of  the  people,  but  did 
not  turn  back  the  tide  of  public  opinion  then  sweeping  against  the 
administration.  In  1843  WEBSTER,  having  finished  the  important 
negotiation  just  spoken  of,  quit  Tyler's  cabinet,  and  retired  to 
private  life.  For  some  time  he  was  occupied  with  professional 
business,  or  engaged  on  his  farm.  He  loved  rural  occupations, 
and  engaged  in  them  with  fondness  and  relish.  Up  with  the  lark, 
inhaling  the  sweet  morning  air  at  Marshfield,  he  enjoyed  a  most 
enviable  respite  from  the  harassing  perplexities  of  public  concerns. 
He  always  arose  at  dawn.  The  following  letter,  written  at  ad 
vanced  age,  shows  something  of  his  habits,  and  appreciation  of 
that  purest  hour  of  the  day : 

RICHMOND,  VA.,    > 
Five  o'clock,  A.  M.,  April  29, 1852.    J 

"My  DEAR  FRIEND  : — 

"  Whether  it  be  a  favor  or  an  annoyance,  you  owe  this  letter  to 
my  early  habits  of  rising.  From  the  hour  marked  at  the  top  of  the 
page,  you  will  naturally  conclude  that  my  companions  are  not  now 
engaging  my  attention,  as  we  have  not  calculated  on  being  early 
travelers  to-day. 

"This  city  has  a  'pleasant  seat.'  It  is  high;  the  James  river 
runs  below  it,  and  when  I  went  out,  an  hour  ago,  nothing  was 
heard  but  the  roar  of  the  Falls.  The  air  is  tranquil  and  its 

*  Lyman.    Everett. 


846        '  DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

temperature  mild.  It  is  morning,  and  a  morning  sweet  and  fresh, 
and  delightful.  Everybody  knows  the  morning  in  its  metaphori 
cal  sense,  applied  to  so  many  occasions.  The  health,  strength, 
and  beauty  of  early  years,  lead  us  to  call  that  period  the  '  morn 
ing  of  life.'  Of  a  lovely  young  woman  we  say  she  is  '  bright  as 
the  morning,'  and  no  one  doubts  why  Lucifer  is  called  '  son  of  the 
morning.' 

"  But  the  morning  itself,  few  people,  inhabitants  of  cities,  know 
any  thing  about.  Among  all  our  good  people,  no  one  in  a  thousand 
sees  the  sun  rise  once  in  a  year.  They  know  nothing  of  the  morn 
ing.  Their  idea  of  it  is,  that  it  is  that  part  of  the  day  which 
comes  along  after  a  cup  of  coffee  and  a  beefsteak,  or  a  piece  of 
toast.  With  them  morning  is  not  a  new  issuing  of  light,  a  new 
bursting  forth  of  the  sun,  a  new  waking  up  of  all  that  has  life 
from  a  sort  of  temporary  de,ath,  to  behold  again  the  works  of  God, 
the  heavens  and  the  earth ;  it  is  only  a  part  of  the  domestic  day, 
belonging  to  reading  the  newspapers,  answering  notes,  sending 
the  children  to  school  and  giving  orders  for  dinner.  The  first 
streak  of  light,  the  earliest  purpling  of  the  east,  which  the  lark 
springs  up  to  greet,  and  the  deeper  and  deeper  coloring  into 
orange  and  red,  till  at  length  the  'glorious  sun  is  seen,  regent  of 
the  day,' — this  they  never  enjoy,  for  they  never  see  it. 

"  Beautiful  descriptions  of  the  morning  abound  in  all  languages, 
but  they  are  the  strongest  perhaps  in  the  East,  where  the  sun  is 
often  an  object  of  worship. 

"King  David  speaks  of  taking  to  himself  the  'wings  of  the 
morning.'  This  is  highly  poetical  and  beautiful.  The  wings  of 
the  morning  are  the  beams  of  the  rising  sun.  Kays  of  light  are 
wings.  It  is  thus  said  that  the  sun  of  righteousness  shall  arise 
'with  healing  in  his  wings,'— a  rising  sun  that  shall  scatter  life, 
health  and  joy  throughout  the  Universe. 

•'Milton  has  fine  descriptions  of  morning,  but  not  so  many  as 
Shakspeare,  from  whose  writings  pages  of  the  most  beautiful 
imagery,  all  founded  on  the  glory  of  morning,  might  be  filled. 

"I  never  thought  that  Adam  had  much  the  advantage  of  us 
from  having  seen  the  world  while  it  was  new. 

"The  manifestations  of  the  power  of  God,  like  His  mercies, 
are  'new  every  morning,'  and  fresh  every  moment. 

u  We  see  as  fine  risings  of  the  sun  as  ever  Adam  saw ;  and  its 
risings  are  as  much  a  miracle  now  as  they  were  in  his  day,  and 


DANIEL     WEBSTER.  §47 

t  think  a  good  deal  more,  because  it  is  now  a  part  of  the  miracle, 
that  for  thousands  and  thousands  of  years  he  has  come  to  his 
appointed  time,  without  the  variation  of  a  millionth  part  of  a 
second.  Adam  could  not  tell  how  this  might  be.  I  know  the 
morning, — I  am  acquainted  with  it,  and  I  love  it.  I  love  it  fresh 
and  sweet  as  it  is, — a  daily  new  creation,  breaking  forth  and  call 
ing  all  that  have  life  and  breath  and  being  to  new  adoration,  new 
enjoyments,  and  new  gratitude.  DANJEL  WEESTEK_,, 

To  WEBSTER,  there  was  a  high  morality  in  labor ; — cultivating 
industrious  habits,  and  holding  converse  with  the  vast  works  of 
the  Deity.  He  exemplified  Nature's  nobility, — possessed  of  a 
sound,  robust  constitution,  a  well  developed  soul,  with  proper 
inclinations  to  do  right.  The  Bible  was  his  daily  companion,  and 
Nature  his  grandest  study.  No  man  ever  had  greater  depth  of 
moral  principle,  or  better  conceptions  of  God  and  his  works. 
Often  at  Marshfield,  the  wise  and  the  good  for  his  companions, 
would  conversation  turn  upon  religion  and  religious  subjects. 
On  all  such  occasions,  WEBSTER  showed  himself  a  profound  scrip- 
turist,  possessed  of  the  deepest  reverence  for  its  sublime  truths. 

On  one  occasion,  talking  upon  this  subject,  WEBSTER  laid  his 
hand  on  the  Bible,  saying :  "  This  is  the  book.  I  have  read 
through  the  entire  Bible  many  times.  I  now  make  a  practice  to 
go  through  it  once  a  year.  It  is  the  book  of  all  others  for  lawyers 
as  well  as  divines ;  and  I  pity  the  man  that  can  not  find  in  it  a 
rich  supply  of  rules  for  his  conduct, — it  fits  man  for  life,  it  prepares 
him  for  death."  Comparatively  speaking,  how  few  men  there  are 
who  ever  read  the  Bible  through  once  during  their  lives.* 

WEBSTER  had  a  high  admiration  of  the  Book  of  Job,  and  as  an 
"epic  poem,  regarded  it  far  superior  to  the  Illiad  or  Odyssey." 
He  read  it  through,  over  and  over  again,  and  would  often  repeat 
favorite  passages, — among  others,  the  following:  "Then  the  Lord 
answered  Job  out  of  the  whirlwind,  and  said :  Who  is  this  that 
darkeneth  counsel  by  words  without  knowledge  ?  Gird  up  now 
thy  loins  like  a  man  ;  for  I  will. demand  of  thee,  and  answer  thou 
me.  Where  wast  thou  when  I  laid  the  foundations  of  the  earth  ? 
Declare,  if  thou  hast  understanding,"  etc.  Nothing,  it  is  afiirmed, 

*  It  may  be  remembered  that  it  only  requires  the  perusal  of  something  over 
three  chapters  a  day  to  read  through  that  book  of  books  every  year,— every  one  might 
do  this. 


848  DANIEL    WEBSTER. 

could  be  more  delightful  than  his  recitations  of  this  and  other 
favorite  portions,  not  only  from  the  Bible,  but  the  various  authors 
of  the  world.  Thoroughly  versed  in  the  ancient,  and  English 
classics,  a  ripe  scholar  and  profound  thinker,  he  at  once  caught 
the  spirit  of  its  author,  and  in  reciting  any  production,  glowed 
with  the  same  inspiration  that  dictated  it. 

On  other  occasions,  conversation  would  seasonably  assume  a 
lighter  turn,  when  his  exhaustless  fund  of  humor  and  anecdotes, 
related  in  a  manner  perfectly  inimitable,  would  provoke  the  mirth, 
and  promote  the  entertainment  of  his  company  for  hours  and  hours. 
He  used,  in  his  happiest  vein,  to  relate  the  following  of  himself, 
which  he  enjoyed  as  well  as  those  he  was  entertaining : 

"A  few  years  since,  but  before  the  great  Northern  Railroad 
passed  through  his  farm,  WEBSTER  was  on  his  way  to  the  old 
homestead;  he  took  the  stage  at  Concord,  New  Hampshire,  and 
had  for  his  companion  a  very  old  man.  After  some  conversation, 
he  ascertained  that  the  old  man  was  from  the  neighboring  town 
of  Salisbury,  and  asked  him  if  he  ever  knew  Captain  Webster. 
4  Surely,  I  did,'  said  the  old  man ;  '  and  the  Captain  was  a  brave 
and  good  man,  sir ;  and  nobly  did  he  fight  for  us,  with  General 
Stark,  at  Bennington.'  'Did  he  leave  any  children!'  inquired 
WEBSTER.  'O,  yes;  there  was  Ezekiel,  and  I  think,  Daniel.' 
'And  what  become  of  them?'  asked  WEBSTER.  'Why,  Ezekiel, 
— and  he  was  a  powerful  man,  sir:  I  have  heard  him  plead 
in  court  often.  Yes,  sir,  he  was  a  powerful  man,  and  fell  dead 
while  pleading  in  Concord.'  'Well,'  said  WEBSTER,  'and  what 
become  of  Daniel?'  'Daniel. — Daniel,'  repeated  the  old  man 
thoughtfully  ;  '  why,  Daniel,  I  believe,  is  a  lawyer  about  Boston 
somewhere.'  "* 

The  emphasis  with  which  the  old  gentleman  pronounced  "I 
believe"  in  regard  to  himself  after  knowing  so  much  about  his  less 
distinguished  brother  was  too  much  for  the  great  statesman,  and 
he  preserved  the  joke.  He  used  also  to  relate  the  following,  with 
an  equal  degree  of  zest  and  good  humor: 

"He  was  forced  one  night  to  make  a  journey  by  private  con 
veyance  from  Baltimore  to  Washington.  The  man  who  drove  the 
wagon  was  such  an  ill-looking  fellow,  and  told  so  many  stories  of 
robberies  and  murders  that,  before  they  had  gone  far,  WEBSTER 

*  Lyman's  Memoirs. 


DANIEL     WEBSTER.  349 

was  almost  frightened  out  of  his  wits.  At  last  the  wagon  stopped 
in  the  midst  of  a  dense  wood,  when  the  man,  turning  suddenly 
round  to  his  passenger,  exclaimed  fiercely,  l  Now,  sir,  tell  me  who 
you  are?'  WEBSTER  replied,  in  a  faltering  voice,  and  ready  to 
spring  from  the  vehicle,  c  I  am  DANIEL  WEBSTER,  member  of  Con 
gress  from  Massachusetts !'  'What,'  rejoined  the  driver,  grasping 
him  warmly  by  the  hand, '  are  you  WEBSTER  ?  Thank  God  !  thank 
God  !  You  were  such  a  deuced  ugly  chap,  that  I  took  you  for 
some  cut-throat  or  highwayman.'"* 

His  cotemporaries  and  intimate  associates,  all  agreed  that  he  "was 
the  best  story  teller  in  the  world,"  and  possessed  a  greater  variety 
of  interesting  reminiscences  than  any  other  American  statesman. 

But  we  resume ; — WEBSTER  took  an  active  part  in  the  presi 
dential  canvass  of  1844,  and  in  common  with  the  Whig  party, 
felt  deep  mortification  at  the  defeat  of  Clay.     On  the  election  of 
Polk  to  the  Presidency,  he  was  re-elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate,  in  the  place  of  Rufus  Choate.     Congress  convened  in 
1845,  and  WEBSTER  took  his  seat  among  the  most  prominent  men 
of  the  minority.     The  Oregon  boundary  question,  left  unsettled  in 
the  Ashburton  treaty,  and  Texas  annexation  were  the  leading 
topics  of  discussion.     To  the  latter  measure  he  was  firmly  opposed. 
Upon  the  subject  of  tariff  he  occupied    the  old  Whig  ground. 
Upon  the  Oregon  question,  after  the  division  of  the  territory  satis 
factory  to  both  America  and  England,  and  efforts  had  been  made 
to  organize  a  territorial  government  to  the  portion  belonging  to 
us, — he  insisted,  in  the  Senate,  that  the  Missouri  compromise  of 
1821,  "excluding   slavery  above,    and   admitting   it   below  the 
parallel  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes  north  latitude,"  should 
apply  to  the  new  territory  also.     He  warmly  contended  for  the 
exclusion  of  slavery  from  Oregon.     "  The  Southern  States,"  said 
he,  "have  peculiar  laws,  and  by  those  laws  there  is  property  in 
slaves.     This  is  purely  local.     The  real  meaning,  then,  in  making 
complaint  is,  that  they  can  not  go  into  the  territories  of  the  United 
States  carrying  with  them  their  own  peculiar  local  law, — a  law 
which  creates  property  in  persons.     This  demand,  I,  for  one,  shall 
resist."     His  speech  on  this  subject  was  of  profound  ability,  and 
created  intense  interest;  he  closed  by  laying  down  the  following 
propositions : 


*  Ibid. 

57 


850  DANIEL    WEBSTER. 

"First.  That  when  this  Constitution  was  adopted,  nobody 
looked  for  any  new  acquisition  of  territory  to  be  formed  into 
slaveholding  States. 

"Second.  That  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  prohibited, 
and  were  intended  to  prohibit,  and  should  be  construed  to  prohibit, 
all  interference  of  the  general  government  with  slavery,  as  it 
existed,  and  as  it  still  exists,  in  the  States.  And 

"Third.  Looking  to  the  operation  of  these  new  acquisitions, 
which  have  in  this  great  degree  had  the  effect  of  strengthening 
that  interest  in  the  South  by  the  addition  of  five  States,  I  feel  that 
there  is  nothing  unjust,  nothing  of  which  any  honest  man  can 
complain,  if  he  is  intelligent ;  I  feel  that  there  is  nothing  which 
the  civilized  world,  if  they  take  notice  of  so  humble  a  person  as 
myself,  will  reproach  me  when  I  say,  as  I  said  the  other  day,  that 
I  have  made  up  my  mind  for  one,  that  under  no  circumstances 
will  I  consent  to  the  further  extension  of  the  area  of  slavery  in 
the  United  States,  or  to  the  further  increase  of  slave  represen 
tation  in  the  House  of  Representatives." 

He  succeeded  in  carrying  his  point, — slavery  was  forever  ex 
cluded  from  the  territory. 

Meantime  annexation  had  taken  place,  and  hostilities  with 
Mexico,  as  WEBSTER  early  foresaw,  had  grown  out  of  the  measure. 
The  war  was  prosecuted  vigorously.  Penetrating  the  enemies 
country,  triumphant  at  every  point,  our  arms  had  placed  the 
American  banner  upon  the  Capitol  of  the  ancient  Aztec  kings. 
The  treaty  of  Hidalgo  Gaudelupe  was  concluded,  and  presented 
to  Congress  for  ratification.  The  provisions  of  this  treaty  stipu 
lated  the  accession  of  immense  territorial  area  to  the  United 
States, — California  and  New  Mexico.  The  contest  that  had  been 
carried  on  in  the  field,  was  now  transferred  to  the  halls  of  Con 
gress.  WEBSTER  was  opposed  to  the  treaty.  He  did  not  think 
we  needed  territorial  extension, — and  readily  foresaw  that  the 
slavery  question,  with  all  its  perilous  influences,  would  be  re- 
agitated.  The  acquisition  of  more  slave  States,  he  felt,  would 
establish  a  balance  of  power  fearfully  dangerous  to  the  country, 
and  destroy  proper  relationships  between  the  two  branches  of  the 
national  legislature.  "I  think,"  said  he,  "I  see  a  course  adopted 
which  is  likely  to  turn  the  Constitution  of  the  land  into  a  deformed 
monster,  into  a  curse  rather  than  a  blessing ;  in  fact,  a  frame  of 
unequal  government,  not  founded  on  proper  representation,  not 


DANIEL     WEBSTER. 


851 


founded  on  equality,  but  on  the  grossest  inequality  ;  and  I  think 
that  this  process  will  go  on  until  the  Union  shall  fall  to  pieces.  I 
resist  it  to-day  and  always.  Whoever  falters,  whoever  Hies,  I 
continue  the  contest."  The  treaty  was  speedily  ratified,  and  high 
excitement  followed.  Slavery  or  no  slavery  in  the  newly  acquired 
territories  formed  the  issue  of  the  next  presidential  contest,  while 
the  exercise  of  the  veto  power  was  one  of  minor  consideration,  in 
selecting  the  candidate. 

Zachary  Taylor,  purely  upon  considerations  of  his  military  fame, 
was  brought  out  as  the  Whig  candidate  for  President,  in  1848, 
and  elected  over  his  opponent,  Lewis  Cass,  by  an  immense 
majority.  WEBSTER  refused  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  vice-presi 
dency  in  the  contest;  he  was  in  fact  a  candidate  for  the  first 
office,  and  much  dissatisfied  with  the  nomination  of  Taylor.  That 
the  claims  of  such  men  as  WEBSTER  and  Clay  should  have  been 
set  aside  at  that  time,  and  one  preferred  who  had  never  in  the 
least,  acquainted  himself  with  the  politics  or  institutions  of  his 
country,  is  a  sad  commentary  upon  the  old  Whig  party,  great  as  it 
was, — and  that  Taylor  should  have  consented  to  quit  the  field 
where  he  had  won  so  many  laurels,  to  become  a  candidate  for 
the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  man,  knowing,  as  he  did,  that 
others  had  vastly  superior  qualifications  for  the  position,  must 
forever,  in  the  minds  of  correct-thinking  men,  detract  from  his 
fame, — great  as  it  was.  Without  detracting  from  Taylor,  it  is  but 
just  to  affirm,  that  his  supersedure  in  the  command  in  Mexico, 
after  his  brilliant  victories,  by  Clay  or  WEBSTEK,  would  have  been 
more  appropriate,  than  his  elevation  to  the  presidency  over  two  such 
veteran  statesmen  ;  and  that  the  acceptance  of  the  post  of  command 
er  of  the  army  by  either  of  them,  after  the  battle  of  Monterey,  would 
have  been  equally  generous,  as  was  his  acceptance  of  the  nomination. 

On  Taylor's  inauguration  into  office,  March  5th,  1849,  dis 
cussions  incident  to  the  treaty  with  Mexico  immediately  arose. 
Through  the  turmoil  of  the  early  part  of  Taylor's  administration,  to 
which,  from  a  variety  of  causes,  he  did  not  occupy  the  most 
friendly  relation,  WEBSTER  stood  by  the  Union,  combating  with 
his  mighty  arm  and  mightier  mind,  the  dangers  of  sectional  strife. 
When  the  compromise  measures  were  presented,  he  was  found 
where  he  always  stood,  ready  to  make  any  reasonable  concessions 
to  preserve  the  Union.  He  made  glowing  and  eloquent  speeches 
favoring  the  admission  of  California,  and  the  organization  of 


852  DANIEL    WEBSTER. 

territorial  government  for  Utah  without  reference  to  the  slavery 
question ;  he  also  expressed  a  willingness  to  settle  the  Texas 
boundary  question,  by  purchasing  that  portion  of  New  Mexico 
claimed  by  Texas,  and  favored  the  fugitive  slave  law,  preparing 
however  a  qualifying  clause  guaranteeing,  in  all  cases,  the  right 
of  the  fugitive  to  trial  by  jury.  On  the  accession  of  Vice-presi 
dent  Millard  Filmore,  to  the  Presidency,  after  the  death  of  Taylor, 
WEBSTER  was  called  to  the  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State.  Fillmore 
was  bitterly  assailed  by  the  North  for  appending  his  signature  to 
the  fugitive  slav3  law,  and  it  required  all  his  wisdom  and  patriot 
ism,  seconded  by  the  commanding  influence  of  WEBSTER,  to  allay 
the  storm  that  swept  over  the  country.  This  influence  he  had. 
The  law  was  peculiarly  odious  to  Massachusetts,  particularly  to 
the  people  of  Boston.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  WEBSTER  fearlessly 
insisted  upon  its  provisions  being  carried  out.  Though  WEBSTER 
contributed  greatly  to  restore  peace  and  harmony  among  the 
disaffected,  his  course  drew  upon  him  severe  animosities  from  the 
opponents  of  the  law,  and  afforded  cause  of  regret  among  many 
of  his  warm  admirers  in  New  England. 

Soon  after  he  became  Secretary  of  State,  he  wrote  his  famous 
Hulseman  letter.  Austria  had  applied  the  knife  to  the  neck  of 
Hungary,  prostrate,  and  gasping  in  the  last  throes  of  her  nation 
ality.  Mr.  Mann  was  sent  to  Austria  and  Russia  on  a  mission 
of  observation.  In  his  reports  to  this  government  he  indulged  in 
reflections  of  just  severity  upon  the  despotism  of  the  two  countries. 
Chevalier  Hulseman  wrote  to  the  State  department,  denouncing  all 
such  interference.  This  insolent  demand  provoked  from  WEBSTER 
the  celebrated  reply  known  as  the  Hulseman  letter.  The  tone  of 
this  document  is  haughty  and  uncompromising.  Treating  con 
temptuously  the  Chevalier's  disposition  to  have  a  controversy  about 
the  matter,  it  laid  his  arguments  low  as  the  despotism  of  which 
he  was  the  minion.  Vindicating  the  entertainment  of  active 
sympathy,  on  the  part  of  America,  toward  any  people  struggling 
for  independence,  he  hurled  against  his  tyrannical  masters,  indig 
nation  deep  as  scorn  could  make  it.  It  breathes  a  love  of  liberty, 
a  fervid  patriotism,  a  bold  frankness,  and  a  proud  republicanism 
in  every  line  and  word.  It  is  among  the  finest  specimens  of 
literary  composition  and  eloquent  diction  to  be  found  in  the 
language.  Taken  as  a  whole,  it  is  a  remarkable  State  paper, 
worthy  the  careful  study  of  statesmen,  scholars  and  diplomatists. 


DANIEL    WEBSTEK.  §53 

In  1851,  with  the  President  and  other  members  of  the  Cabinet, 
WEBSTER  took  a  brief  tour  through  western  New  York,  and  was 
honored  in  Buffalo  with  a  public  dinner  and  other  testimonials  of 
regard.  On  resuming  his  official  duties  at  Washington,  our  affairs 
with  Spain  demanded  attention.  The  filibustering  expeditions 
of  Lopez  against  the  Island  of  Cuba,  brought  about  unpleasant 
difficulties.  The  disastrous  results  of  his  attempts  are  well  known. 
A  number  of  prisoners  were  detained  upon  the  Island,  for  whose 
relief  WEBSTER  promptly  interposed,  and  secured  the  release  of 
many.  Some  of  these  were  of  doubtful  citizenship,  a  consider 
ation  that  provoked  a  correspondence  with  the  Spanish  consul,  in 
which  the  Secretary  fully  maintained  his  diplomatic  ability. 

Among  his  last  services  was  the  adjustment  of  the  fishery 
question  with  England.  Also  the  Tehuantepec  treaty,  and  affairs 
with  Central  America,  became  subjects  of  moment  and  import 
ance.  In  regard  to  Central  America,  the  renewed  operation  of 
the  Clayton  and  Bulwer  treaty  engrossed  his  attention. 

Warmly  enlisted  in  behalf  of  liberty  the  world  over,  he  felt  a 
deep  interest  in  the  cause  of  Hungary,  and  used  every  exertion 
to  secure  to  Kossuth  a  safe  passage  to  this  country,  having  given 
our  minister  at  Constantinople  instructions  to  prevent  his  capture 
by  the  Austrians.  After  his  arrival  here,  he  visited  the  Capitol. 
A  public  dinner  was  given  him  at  Washington,  in  January 
1852.  WEBSTER  was  present,  and  made  an  eloquent  speech 
welcoming  the  exile  patriot  to  the  hospitalities  and  freedom  of 
America,  and  expressing  the  warmest  sympathies  for  his  country 
and  the  glorious  cause  in  which  she  had  been  engaged,  without 
however  indicating  a  desire  of  active  participation,  on  the  part  of 
America,  in  the  concerns  of  other  and  foreign  nations. 

These  were  among  the  last  services  of  DANIEL  WEBSTER.  He 
continued  in  his  official  position,  discharging  every  duty  with 
fidelity  and  consummate  wisdom  till  the  latter  part  of  the  year 
1852,  when,  in  consequence  of  ill  health,  he  was  forced  to  repair 
to  Marehfield.  He  had  not  long  been  at  his  old  home,  whence 
had  irradiated  rarest  gems  of  intellect,  the  most  vivid  flashes  of 
genius,  and  purest  blossoms  of  affection,  when  it  became  evident 
that  his  mortal  race  was  nearly  run.  He  steadily  grew  worse,  and 
on  the  14th  of  October,  his  life  was  despaired  of.  His  condition  was 
telegraphed  over  the  country,  and  a  Union's  heart  throbbed  mourn 
fully  toward  Marehfield, and  a  Union's  ear  bent  in  eager  listening 


854  DANIEL     WEBSTER. 

for  latest  intelligence  from  the  dying  statesman.  Intelligence 
came,  but  no  hope.  He  sank  rapidly  till  the  24th,  when  he  called 
his  family  and  friends  to  his  bedside  to  say  a  last  farewell,  request 
ing  they  should  all  remain  at  the  mansion  till  the  scene  was  over. 
He  asked  how  long  before  the  time  of  final  departure  would  arrive. 
Being  answered  two  or  three  hours,  he  said  :  "  I  suppose  I  must 
lie  here  quietly  till  it  comes."  He  then  commenced  vomiting 
with  great  pain  and  difficulty.  A  simple  medicine  was  given  him 
by  Dr.  Jeffries,  when  WEBSTER  said:  "Something  more  Doctor, 
more, — I  want  restoration."  Near  eleven  o'clock,  the  "  Elegy  in 
a  Country  Churchyard,"  recurring  to  his  mind,  he  repeated  the 
words,  "  Poet,  Poetry,  Gray,  Gray."  His  son,  Fletcher,  repeated 
the  first  line : 

"  The  curfew  tolls  the  knell  of  parting  day." 

"That's  it,  that's  it,"  exclaimed  his  father.  Several  verses  were 
then  read,  to  which  he  listened  with  evident  pleasure.  He  sank 
calmly  until  about  two  o'clock,  expressing  a  hope  that  he  might 
retain  his  mental  faculties  to  the  last; — he  also  mentioned  the 
difficulty  of  dying.  Dr.  Jeffries  repeated  the  consoling  passage 
from  the  23d  Psalm:  "Though  I  walk  through  the  valley  of  the 
shadow  of  death,  I  will  fear  no  evil ;  for  Thou  art  with  me :  Thy  rod 
and  Thy  staff,  they  comfort  me."  "  The  fact,  the  fact,"  exclaimed 
the  dying  man.  "  That  is  what  I  want, — Thy  rod,  Thy  rod, — Thy 
staff,  Thy  staff."  His  breathing  now  became  difficult, — the  final 
moment  had  come.  The  orator,  statesman  and  scholar,  with  his 
intellect  unclouded  breathed  his  last,  truthfully  saying:  "I  STILL 
LIVE."*  He  was  buried  at  Marshfield,  where  after-generations 
will  make  pilgrimages  to  do  homage  to  the  "  Defender  of  the 
Constitution,"  and  claim  from  Massachusetts  a  part  of  his  fame, 
as  much  American  as  her  own  Plymouth  Kock.  * 

*  Lyman's  Memoirs  and  Reminiscences. 


WILLIAM  HENEY  HAKRISOK 


WILLIAM  HENEY  HAEEISON. 


THE  war  of  the  Revolution,  justly  regarded  as  the  most  import 
ant  event  in  American  history,  attaches  to  the  heroes  whose 
energies  and  capacities  it  developed,  a  veneration  not  fully 
accorded  to  the  leaders  of  our  arms  since  that  period,  and  pro 
duces  in  the  mind  of  the  people  a  disposition  to  give  their  admir 
ation  to  those  connected  with  the  first  great  struggle,  and  overlook, 
comparatively,  the  merits  of  men  who  victoriously  consummated 
more  recent  events.  Yet  in  the  study  of  the  times  since  that 
period,  we  see  that  men  have  arisen,  whose  talents,  firmness,  and 
patriotism,  might  have  found  them  equal  to  its  momentous  crises, 
had  the  emergencies  of  their  day  and  generation  called  them  into 
action.  Among  these  we  find  recorded  on  the  pages  of  our  mili 
tary  history  the  name  of  WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON. 

Harrison  is  a  name,  ancient  and  honorable,  traceable  back  to 
coveted  connections  among  the  first  families  of  old  England. 
They  early  emigrated  to  Virginia,  of  which  Benjamin  Harrison, 
father  of  our  subject,  was  at  one  time  governor.  He  subse- 
quenty  filled  several  important  posts,  and  finally  became  one  of 
the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  His  son  WILLIAM 
HENRY  HARRISON,  was  born  at  Berkley,  Virginia,  February  9th, 
1773,  soon  after  which  event,  his  father  died. 

On  the  death  of  his  father  he  became  the  protege  of  Robert 
Morris,  the  great  Revolutionary  patriot.  He  received  a  fair 
education,  and  read  medicine  with  a  view  of  devoting  himself  to 
its  practice.  While  poring  over  books  of  anatomy  and  materia 
medica,  the  war-whoop  of  hostile  Indians  fell  upon  his  ear  and 

(  855  ) 


356  WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON. 

echoed  over  the  western  borders.  Contrary  to  the  wishes  of  his 
friends,  he  determined  to  shoulder  his  gun  and  fight  the  savages. 
.Receiving  from  Washington  himself  the  commission  of  ensign,  in 
his  twentieth  year  he  was  regularly  mustered  into  service  in  an 
artillery  regiment.  His  first  duty  was  to  escort  reinforcements 
from  Fort  Hamilton,  through  a  dense  forest  full  of  Indians,  to  the 
Miami,  which  was  accomplished  with  great  courage  and  dexterity, 
— so  much  so,  that  he  was  advanced  to  a  lieutenant's  commis 
sion. 

In  1T93,  he  attached  himself  to  the  army  under  the  immediate 
eye  of  Anthony  Wayne.  The  condition  of  the  settlers  of  our 
frontier  was  distressing, — the  Indians  had  been  frequently  victori 
ous,  and  perpetrated  their  savage  deeds  with  merciless  rapacity. 
In  the  language  of  Congress,  giving  instructions  to  Wayne, 
"  Another  defeat  would  prove  inexpressibly  ruinous  to  the  coun 
try."  Wayne  immediately  hastened  on  to  Pittsburgh,  a  spot  already 
renowned  in  Indian  warfare,  as  being  the  site  of  old  Fort  Du- 
quesne.  Desertion  was  common  among  the  troops,  to  prevent 
which,  Wayne  was  forced  to  adopt  rigorous  measures.  Such  was 
the  discipline  under  which  young  HARRISON  was  trained  for  mili 
tary  duties.  Having  determined  on  active  operations,  Wayne 
broke  up  his  quarters  at  Pittsburgh,  and  descending  the  Ohio  river 
in  boats,  stopped  at  Fort  Washington,  a  spot  now  covered  by  the 
flourishing  city  of  Cincinnati. 

Remaining  here  for  some  time,  in  the  fall  of  1793,  he  repaired  to 
the  Miami  river,  and  erected  a  fort,  which  he  called  Fort  Green 
ville.  Thence  HARRISON  was  dispatched  with  a  body  of  men  to 
take  possession  of  the  old  battle  ground  that  witnessed  the  bloody 
defeat  of  St.  Clair,  which  was  done  without  bloodshed  ;  the  bones 
of  the  slain  that  had  long  whitened  the  field  were  appropriately 
buried,  and  HARRISON  returned  to  camp,  where  he  received  the 
compliments  of  his  commander,  and  was  afterward  favorably 
mentioned  in  the  official  proceedings.  Being  reinforced  with  a 
body  of  Kentucky  troops,  Wayne  penetrated  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  country  to  the  junction  of  the  Maumee  and  Anglaize  rivers, 
where  he  built  a  fort,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Fort  Defiance, 
—a  name  in  perfect  keeping  with  his  intrepid  character.  Here, 
after  fruitless  overtures  of  peace,  a  bloody  and  decisive  battle  took 
place,  favorable  to  the  American  arms,  which  resulted  in  a  treaty 
of  peace  and  vast  territorial  acquisitions  to  the  United  States. 


WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON.  §57 

Wayne,  in  his  official  reports,  mentions  HARRISON  in  the  most  high 
and  complimentary  terms. 

Upon  the  successful  issue  of  this  expedition,  so  favorable  a  hold 
had  HARRISON'S  military  capacities  taken  upon  the  superior  officers 
and  War  department,  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain,  and 
placed  in  command  of  Fort  Washington.  While  in  this  command 
he  married.  His  wife  was  the  daughter  of  John  Cleves  Syrnmes, 
the  father  of  the  Miami  settlement.  She  was  a  lady  of  strong 
sense  and  sterling  worth.  Through  the  long  and  eventful  life 
of  her  husband,  she  was  the  faithful  partner  of  his  joys  and 
sharer  of  his  trials.  She  still  survives,  and  lives  at  North  Bend, 
Ohio,  the  venerable  relict  of  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe.  She  was 
residing  at  the  old  homestead,  at  that  place,  when  the  house  was 
destroyed  by  fire  in  the  spring  of  1858. 

In  1797,  his  services  in  the  field  being  no  longer  needed,  he  was 
appointed  by  President  Adams,  Secretary  of  the  North-western 
territory,  which  position  he  held  till  his  election  to  Congress,  from 
the  territory,  in  1799.  He  then  resigned  his  secretaryship,  and 
took  his  seat  in  the  Sixth  Congress.  About  this  time,  the  terri 
tory  filling  up  with  rapidity,  had  become  sufficiently  settled  to  take 
some  part  in  the  strifes  of  party  politics.  Jefferson  and  Adams 
were  each  aspiring  to  the  presidency,  HARRISON  preferring  the 
former.  While  a  member  of  Congress,  he  secured  the  passage  of 
a  bill  which  became  law,  providing  for  the  subdivision  and  sale  of 
the  public  lands  in  the  territory  in  small  parcels,  enabling  the  honest 
working  emigrant  to  secure  a  homestead  upon  easy  terms.  In 
this,  though  opposed  by  the  monopolist  and  the  speculator,  he 
met  the  approval  of  the  people.  He  also  procured  the  passage 
of  a  bill,  protective  of  preemption  rights,  that  was  of  much  service 
to  the  settlers.  The  territory  of  Indiana  was  organized  by  the 
same  Congress,  and  HARRISON  received  the  appointment  of  gover 
nor.  The  new  territory  embraced  then  a  vast  area,  including 
Wisconsin,  Michigan  and  Illinois,  the  capital  being  on  the 
Wabash,  where  now  is  seen  the  thriving  city  of  Vinccnnes. 
Over  this  wide  range  of  country,  with  its  then  sparse  population, 
HARRISON  possessed,  as  is  in  one  sense  the  case  with  all  territorial 
governors,  almost  absolute  power.  The  confirmation  of  grants, 
the  veto  of  legislative  acts,  the  appointment  of  magistrates,  and 
the  enforcement  of  law  were  each  powers  which  he  possessed  to 
an  unrestricted  extent.  His  ermine  honor,  and  upright  character 


g58  WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON. 

in  every  element,  eminently  fitted  him  for  the  exercise  of  these 
powers  without  view  of  elevating  himself,  but  solely  for  the  public 
good.  Conjoined  with  his  civic  duties,  he  was  made  major-general 
of  the  militia,  and  had  the  appointment  of  all  officers  in  the  terri 
tory  below  the  rank  of  general. 

In  1804,  being  duly  vested  with  authority  by  President  Jeffer 
son,  he  negotiated  a  treaty  with  the  Sacs  and  Fox  Indians,  whereby 
all  the  land  between  the  Mississippi  and  Illinois  rivers,  extending 
from  the  source  of  Fox  river  to  Wisconsin,  came  into  the  posses 
sion  of  the  United  States.  Other  purchases  of  lands  in  the  Mis 
sissippi  valley  were  obtained  by  satisfactory  negotiation.  With 
the  perfect  good  will, — and  indeed  the  strongly  expressed  wishes 
of  the  people,  he  was  continued  governor  of  the  territory  through 
the  successive  administrations  of  Adams,  Jefferson,  and  a  part  of 
Madison's, — embracing  a  period  of  thirteen  years.  Pacific  and 
sincere,  however,  as  were  the  wishes  of  the  United  States  toward 
the  Indians,  hostilities  were  not  done  with.  In  1806,  Tecumseh, 
the  most  eloquent,  persuasive,  and  daring  warrior  of  all  the  Indian 
tribes,  conceived  the  bold  design  of  uniting  all  the  tribes  in  a 
league  of  extermination  against  the  whites.  In  this  he  was 
assisted  by  his  cunning  brother,  the  Prophet.  His  boldness  and 
address,  coupled  with  an  iron  will  and  an  untamable  spirit,  gave 
him  great  influence  over  his  brethren.  He  went  from  post  to  post, 
and  by  every  conceivable  means,  tried  to  stir  up  a  war  spirit.  It 
was  also  supposed,  and  no  doubt  truly,  that  he  was  aided  by 
British  emissaries,  who  were  secretly  at  work  on  the  northern 
frontier.  HAKRISON  immediately  took  steps  to  counteract  Tecurn- 
seh's  designs,  and  sent  special  messengers  to  the  pacific  Indians, 
reprimanding  them  for  their  course.  These  messengers  were 
rejected.  The  tomahawk  was  unburied,  and  they  gathered  in  vast 
numbers  around  Fort  Wayne.  Neglecting  other  pursuits,  they 
reached  a  point  of  utter  destitution,  and  were  suffering  for  food. 
Hoping  still  to  reconcile  them  by  a  material  proof  of  esteem, 
HARRISON  sent  them  a  supply  of  provisions.  It  was  all  in  vain. 
The  Prophet  took  up  his  quarters  at  Tippecanoe,  where  his  savage 
followers  thirsting  for  blood,  gathered  around  him.  Soon  after,  he 
had  an  interview  with  HARRISON,  at  which,  though  he  pretended 
to  desire,  above  all  things,  peace  with  the  whites,  he  asserted  the 
Indian  claim  to  the  territory,  upon  the  grounds  that  a  legitimate 
cession  required  the  consent  of  all  the  tribes,  which  he  said  had 


WILLIAM     HENRY    HARRISON.  §59 

been  withheld.  HARRISON  maintained  the  claims  of  the  United 
States,  and  asserted  a  determination  to  defend  them.  They  parted, 
the  chief  entertaining  more  warlike  feelings  than  before.  He 
concentrated  his  braves  with  a  sweeping  rapidity,  and  soon  had 
over  a  thousand  butchering  warriors  at  his  beck.  In  1809,  at  a 
council  held  at  Fort  Wayne,  HARRISON  procured,  by  purchase  from 
the  Miamies,  an  additional  extent  of  territory,  stretching  along  the 
Wabash  above  Vincennes.  Tecumseh  who  was  absent  at  the  time 
sounding  the  war  note  to  other  tribes,  on  his  return  was  very 
indignant,  and  threatened  condign  punishment  upon  the  chiefs 
of  the  tribes  who  had  sold  the  lands.  Things  growing  darker, 
HARRISON  soon  after  invited  Tecumseh  to  Yincennes,  to  hold  a 
council  together,  limiting  his  escort  to  thirty  men.  Disregarding 
the  limitation,  the  chief  went  accompanied  by  four  hundred 
painted  warriors,  armed  to  the  teeth.  Sullenly  refusing  to  hold 
council  in  the  governor's  house,  he  insisted  that  they  should  go  to 
some  trees  near  by.  The  governor  was  forced  to  submit.  This 
meeting  took  place,  August,  1810.  Tecumseh  opened  the  dis 
cussion,  by  reiterating  the  injustice  of  the  occupancy  of  the  land 
of  the  aborigines.  HARRISON  replied  by  saying,  that  if  the 
Miamies  thought  it  to  their  interest  to  sell  their  lands,  the 
Shawnees  had  no  right  to  complain, — the  two  tribes  being  remotely 
situated.  Tecurnseh's  eye  rolled  like  a  ball  of  fire.  Every  muscle 
of  his  frame  was  agitated  as  he  sprang  to  his  feet,  and  with 
quivering  lip  and  chattering  teeth,  hissed,  "It  is  false"  upon  the 
ears  of  the  governor.  In  an  instant  four  hundred  warriors  were 

O 

on  their  feet  with  brandished  tomahawks  and  flourishing  war- 
clubs,  looking  fiercely  and  menacingly  upon  Harrison  and  his 
escort  of  twelve  soldiers.  The  escort  was  about  to  fire,  but  the 
coolness  and  address  of  HARRISON  prevented.  With  great  calm 
ness  and  self-possession,  he  said  to  Tecumseh:  "You  are  a  bad 
man:  I  will  have  no  further  talk  with  you.  You  f must  now 
take  your  departure  from  these  settlements  and  hasten  immediately 
to  your  camp."  The  wily  chief  fearing  he  had  been  too  hasty  in 
his  insolence  to  HARRISON  requested  another  interview.  This  was 
granted,  but  the  precaution  was  had  of  assembling  two  companies 
of  armed  militia.  At  this  interview  the  chiefs  of  several  powerful 
tribes  announced  their  intention  of  adhering  to  the  fortunes  of 
Tecumseh.  To  which  the  governor  replied,  that  he  would  inform 
the  President  of  their  determination.  The  next  day,  HARRISON, 


860  WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON. 

still  conciliator}7,  paid  Tecumseh  a  visit  at  bis  camp,  but  nothing 
satisfactory  resulted  from  the  interview  with  the  haughty  chief,  who 
said  to  the  governor,  he  only  hoped  that  the  Great  Spirit  would  put 
sense  enough  in  his  head  to  make  him  give  up  the  lands  in  question. 
Tecumseh  now  retired  to  Tippecanoe  and  joined  the  Prophet,  where 
they  both  continued  with  untiring  energy  the  concentration  of  forces. 
The  Indians  after  this  became  blood-thirsty  and  terribly  desperate. 
Indiscriminate  depredations  were  committed  as  though  definite 
hostilities  were  raging.  Murders  were  committed  upon  innocent 
border  settlers,  and  the  demand  for  satisfaction  resolutely  refused. 
So  troublous  had  the  times  become,  that  HARRISON  received  orders 
to  march  in  force  against  the  combination  at  Tippecanoe,  but  not 
to  strike  a  blow  while  it  could  possibly  be  avoided.  These 
injunctions  were  obeyed,  though  they  gave  the  Indians  much  the 
advantage  by  placing  the  Americans  on  the  defensive,  thus  depriv 
ing  them  of  all  favorable  opportunities  resulting  from  skillful 
manoeuvring.  His  force,  nine  hundred  strong,  marched  from 
Fort  Harrison,  some  twenty  leagues  above  Yincennes,  October  28th, 
1811.  Universal  joy  prevailed  among  the  settlers  as  these  efforts 
were  made  to  destroy  the  bands  of  midnight  murderers,  thatshover- 
ing  and  prowling  about  the  country,  only  made  themselves  known 
by  the  crack  of  a  rifle,  the  gleam  of  a  tomahawk,  or  shrill  war- 
cry.  Their  march  lay  through  a  country,  sometimes  gullied 
with  deep  ravines,  then  opening  into  stretching  prairies,  and 
anon  shaded  with  thick  woods  filled  with  every  variety  of  ob 
struction. 

Vigilantly  guarding  against  surprise,  they  proceeded  with  that 
caution  and  order  indicative  of  experienced  generalship,  and  a 
complete  knowledge  of  the  foe,  until  near  the  enemy's  head-quar 
ters.  Indians  now  began  to  appear  in  great  numbers,  exhibiting  a 
warlike  appearance  and  the  most  determined  ferocity.  Being 
worn  down  by  their  march,  it  was  deemed  best  to  halt,  take  some 
rest  and  refreshment,  and  hold  a  council  of  war.  Knowing  per 
fectly  well  that  an  attack  might  probably  be  made  upon  them  that 
night,  every  effort  was  made  to  prevent  surprise.  The  soldiers 
rested  in  their  clothes  with  loaded  firelocks  in  their  hands,  while 
an  unusual  number  of  outposts  were  stationed  at  proper  distances 
to  give  notice  of  the  approach  of  the  foe,  and  the  governor's 
horse  kept  saddled  ready  to  be  mounted  at  a  moment's  warning. 

In  this  condition  they  remained  until  near  day-light.     About 


WILLIAM     HENKY     HARRISON. 

four  o'clock,  the  moon  shining  dimly,  HAKRISON  and  his  officers 
were  seated  around  the  fire  conversing  upon  the  probable  results 
of  the  expedition,  not  dreaming  of  an  immediate  attack,  though 
well  prepared  to  sustain  one.  The  Indians,  meanwhile,  had  crept 
stealthily  along  in  the  grass  until  within  a  few  yards  of  the  army. 
On  they  came,  a  thousand  strong,  expecting  to  overcome  the  senti 
nels  and  accomplish  the  butchery  of  a  sleeping  army.  At  length 
one  of  the  sentries  descried  something  crouched  close  to  him; 
judging  rightly  that  it  was  an  Indian,  he  instantly  discharged 
the  contents  of  his  gun  into  his  body.  In  an  instant  a  thousand 
yells  were  raised,  and  as  many  balls  hissed  among  the  troops  of 
HARRISON.  The  savages  then  rushed  fiercely  upon  the  camp,  little 
thinking  that  every  man  reposed  on  a  loaded  gun,  prepared  to 
give  them  a  bloody  welcome.  HARRISON  immediately  formed  his 
men  and  extinguished  the  fires,  which  had  served  to  direct  the 
Indian  shots.  Every  man  was  ready  for  the  foe,  and  though  the 
contest  on  the  left  flank  raged,  for  a  time,  fierce  and  bloody,  the 
Indians  were  forced  to  give  back.  They  screened  themselves 
among  some  trees  near  at  hand,  when  rallying,  they  again  rushed 
to  the  charge.  The  scene  was  now  terrific.  HARRISON  was  here, 
and  there,  regardless  of  danger,  amid  perfect  showers  of  balls  and 
unceasing  sword  clashes;  his  men  like  veterans  of  a  hundred 
fields,  true  as  steel,  quailed  not  before  the  yell,  the  tomahawk 
gleam,  and  the  death  shot.  Guided  by  the  rattle  of  dried  deer's 
hoofs,  the  savages  would  rush  forward  with  loud  shouts,  and 
recoil  to  the  same  ominous  noise.  Perched  on  an  eminence  at 
some  distance,  their  infatuated  Prophet  sang  his  wizard-like  in 
cantations,  at  which  his  wretched  followers  would  rush  again  to 
the  embrace  of  death.  Thus  the  battle  raged,  till  daylight  like 
"a  messenger  of  mercy"  broke  over  the  scene.  Victory  was 
seen  in  the  faces  of  the  Americans, — defeat  marked  the  counte 
nances  of  the  Indians.  Conducting  the  movement  in  person, 
HARRISON  led  his  men  to  the  attack, — the  cavalry  at  the  same  time 
charged  upon  them  with  an  impetuosity  they  could  not  withstand. 
The  enemy  broke  and  fled  in  Confusion,  until  reaching  a  swamp, 
inaccessible  to  cavalry,  they  came  to  a  halt,  more  from  exhaustion, 
than  policy  or  a  desire  to  renew  the  contest.  They  were  every 
where  repulsed,  and  so  completely,  that  a  check  was  forever  given 
to  the  formidable  league  being  consummated  by  Tecnmseh  and 
his  brother  the  Prophet.  Such  was  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,— 


8G2  WILLIAM     HENRY     HARBISON. 

one  of  the  most  splendid  and  decisive  victories  in  the  records 
of  Indian  warfare. 

It  will  be  readily  perceived  that  the  extreme  caution  of  HARBISON, 
his  thorough  knowledge  of  his  enemy,  and  the  proper  mode  of 
fighting  them,  were  all  that  kept  his  army  from  annihilation. 
Had  they  lain  on  their  blankets, — had  they  not  kept  their 
guns  ready  for  any  emergency,  and  the  most  vigilant  watch,  it 
would  have  been  very  easy  for  their  stealthy  foe  to  have  overcome 
the  sentinels  and  accomplished  the  butchery  of  the  entire  party,  in 
which  event,  the  whole  north-western  territory  would  have  been 
overrun,  and  subjected  to  horrors  and  devastations,  at  which 
humanity  recoils.  Too  much  credit  can  not  well  be  ascribed  to 
the  gallant  HARRISON  and  his  courageous  men  for  their  behavior 
in  this  desperate  action. 

Tecumseh  was  not  present  when  this  battle  was  fought ;  follow 
ing  the  war  trail  and  keeping  eye  upon  his  favorite  scheme  of  con 
solidating  all  the  tribes  in  hostilities  with  the  whites,  he  had  gone 
among  his  southern  brethren,  where  he  hoped  to  make  his  appeals 
and  efforts  as  efficient  as  he  had  elsewhere  done.  On  his  return, 
however,  he  was  not  discouraged  at  the  disastrous  turn  things 
had  taken.  Souls  like  his  may  be  subdued,  but  conquered,  never. 
Though  many  of  the  tribes  who  had  entered  into  the  league  at 
the  solicitations  of  the  Prophet,  now  laid  down  their  arms  and 
renounced  further  hostile  movements,  the  intrepid  Tecumseh,  still 
roused  them  to  activity  and  stirred  the  elements  of  strife  among  the 
unfriendly  tribes.  He  was  further  encouraged  by  the  threatening 
aspect  of  affairs  with  Great  Britain,  against  which  nation,  it  will 
be  remembered,  war  was  formally  declared  in  June,  1812. 
Indian  hostilities,  after  this,  increased  to  an  alarming  extent. 

Soon  as  war  was  declared,  the  people  of  the  West,  with  great 
unanimity  and  a  well-placed  preference,  chose  HARRISON  leader 
of  their  forces.  He  repaired  to  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  and  in  con 
ference  with  men  acquainted  with  the  condition  of  the  country, 
devised  plans  for  a  campaign,  which,  had  they  been  put  into 
execution  it  is  said  would  have  prevented  the  surrender  of  Hull, 
the  capture  of  Detroit,  and  the  disastrous  consequences  that 
followed.  This  event  being  succeeded  by  wanton  depredations 
in  the  north-western  territory,  a  large  portion  of  which  was 
left  open  to  the  enemy,  HARRISON  immediately  received  the  rank 
of  brigadier-general,  and  was  instructed  to  make  head  against 


WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON. 

the  savages.  Great  difficulties  were  occasioned  by  the  scarcity  of 
clothes  and  provisions,  and  the  newly-created  general  found  that 
his  commission  involved  him  in  a  situation  extremely  delicate  and 
important.  His  first  movement  was  upon  Fort  Wayne,  which 
was  menaced  by  a  large  body  of  Indians  and  in  imminent  peril. 
He  reached  the  post,  December  9th,  1812,  immediately  after  which 
he  was  invested  with  the  supreme  command  of  the  entire  north 
western  army,  amounting  to  about  ten  thousand  men.  These, 
however,  were  scattered  in  comparatively  small  bodies  over  a  wide 
range  of  country,  and  nothing  but  the  exercise  of  the  authority 
given  him  by  the  War  department,  to  draw  from  the  public  funds 
and  select  his  own  officers,  and  do  whatever  his  discretion  might 
dictate,  enabled  him  to  relieve  the  country. 

His  next  objects  were  to  drive  the  British  from  Detroit,  get 
command  of  Lake  Michigan,  frustrate  their  plans  in  Canada,  and 
relieve  the  frontiers.  All  the  country  between  Upper  Sandusky 
and  Fort  Defiance  was  embraced  in  his  theater  of  action.  Learn 
ing  that  General  Winchester  was  making  a  movement  against  the 
enemy  and  wishing  to  further  his  designs  as  much  as  possible, 
HARRISON  hurried  a  body  of  three  hundred  men  to  the  Miami 
Rapids.  He  went,  in  person,  and  joined  Pitkin,  whose  troops 
were  preparing  for  a  demonstration  against  the  Indians.  The  bad 
condition  of  the  roads  however,  and  other  causes,  produced  such 
delay  that  the  battle  of  Eaisin  was  fought  and  won  by  the  enemy. 
It  is  thought,  had  HARRISON  been  earlier  invested  with  the  com 
mand,  that  fearful  massacre  would  have  been  averted. 

HARRISON  now  proceeded  to  the  Miami  to  ascertain  the  con 
dition  of  General  Winchester  and  the  reinforcement  he  had  sent 
to  him.  He  arrived  at  his  quarters  on  the  20th  of  January,  1813, 
soon  after  which,  he  fell  in  with  the  frightened  fugitives  flying 
from  the  field  of  Raisin.  He  had  urged  every  possible  endeavor 
to  prevent  that  disaster,  but  was  too  late, — Winchester's  men 
were  utterly  defeated  before  his  arrival.  Gloom  and  depression 
now  prevailed  among  them.  HARRISON  set  about  infusing  new 
hope,  and  collecting  together  the  broken  bands  of  the  dispersed. 
Through  ceaseless  energy  and  unwearying  perseverance,  by  the 
first  of  February  he  had  succeeded  in  reorganizing  the  army, 
which  seemed  reanimated  by  his  presence. 

Having   completed   these   arrangements,  he  went  into  winter 
quarters  at  Fort  Meigs,  so  called  in  honor  of  the  governor  of  Ohio. 
58 


864  WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON. 

Receiving  at  this  time  the  rank  of  major-general,  he  went  to 
Cincinnati  to  procure  supplies  necessary  to  prosecute  the  campaign. 
The  spring  campaign  of  1813  opened  by  demonstrations  on  the  part 
of  the  enemy  against  Fort  Meigs.  The  British,  sanguine  of  success, 
were  marching  directly  upon  it,  while  Tecumseh,  elated  at  the 
success  at  Raisin,  and  smarting  under  the  defeat  at  Tippecanoe, 
with  over  five  hundred  fierce  warriors  of  his  own  race,  joined  the 
expedition,  eager  to  glut  his  appetite  for  blood.  HARRISON  was 
on  the  alert.  Not  at  all  intimidated,  he  hurried  back  to  the  fron 
tier  and  called  on  Kentucky  for  three  thousand  men.  These 
reached  the  camp  in  May,  about  the  time  he  in  person  returned. 
He  was  just  in  time.  The  enemy,  numbering  almost  double  his 
own  forces,  were  full  of  exultation.  They  commenced  a  severe 
attack  upon  the  little  fort,  which,  for  near  a  week,  withstood  a 
perfect  shower  of  balls.  Though  sometimes  riddled,  and  made  to 
tremble  by  the  exultant  shout  of  the  assailants,  the  skill,  activity 
and  boldness  of  the  commander  repaired  every  breach  and  kept  the 
Indians  at  bay.  The  ardor  first  exhibited  by  them,  at  length 
began  to  subside.  The  whizzing  bullet,  the  savage  yell,  and 
brutal  face  had  became  familiar  to  the  men  in  the  fort,  who 
imitating  the  example  of  their  brave  general  were  cool  and  fear 
less.  Seeing  the  hopefuless  of  his  men,  HARRISON  determined 
to  assume  the  defensive,  and  attack  the  enemy's  batteries.  His 
arrangements  being  judiciously  planned,  the  assault  was  made  with 
great  boldness.  The  troops  from  the  fort  rushed  in  solid  phalanx 
upon  the  batteries.  They  were  soon  captured  and  silenced,  the 
enemy  being  driven  back  at  every  point.  The  charge  was  resist 
less  as  a  tornado,  and  bore  down  everything  before  it;  so 
desperate  was  the  rush  that  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  HARRISON'S 
men  were  killed  in  almost  half  an  hours  time.  Sanguinary 
however  as  it  was  the  victory  was  complete,  and  the  defense 
glorious.  The  enemy  being  beaten,  HARRISON  left  the  command 
of  the  place  to  General  G.  Clay,  and  devoted  his  attention  to  other 
matters. 

Tecumseh,  however,  was  not  to  be  subdued  thus  easily, — stung 
with  his  defeat,  and  burning  for  revenge,  he  leaped  like  a  raging 
tiger  in  search  of  prey  through  bush  and  brake,  hunting  his 
warrior  bands.  So  successful  was  he  that  by  the  first  of  July  of 
the  same  year,  he  had  collected  an  army  of  five  thousand  savages. 
With  these  he  again  invested  Fort  Meigs, — remaining  but  a  short 


WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON.  §35 

time,  he  raised  the  siege  and  left  for  Lower  Sandusky.  HARRISON, 
in  the  meantime,  for  the  protection  of  his  stores  above,  had  built 
a  fort  at  Seneca  as  a  post  of  reserve.  Learning  the  rout  Tecum- 
seh  had  taken,  and  knowing  the  importance  of  keeping  Sandusky, 
he  concentrated  his  forces  with  all  possible  alacrity  for  that  pur 
pose.  The  Indians  attacked  the  upper  fort,  commanded  by  Colonel 
Crogan,  but  Were  repulsed  with  heavy  loss, — Perry's  brilliant 
victory  on  Lake  Erie  shortly  afterward  left  matters  in  this  quarter 
in  a  condition  of  comparative  safety.  Giving  proper  instructions 
to  Colonel  R.  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  HARRISON,  about  the 
middle  of  September,  embarked  with  two  brigades  for  Bass 
Island.  Soon  after  he  was  in  possession  of  Maiden,  in  Canada, 
now  the  dismantled  fortress,  whence  the  British  and  their  savage 
mercenaries  had  poured  death  and  destruction  over  the  frontiers. 
The  enemy  headed  by  Proctor  and  Tecumseh  were  in  rapid  retreat 
through  Canada.  "  I  will  pursue  them,"  says  HARRISON,  in  his 
dispatch,  "to-morrow,  (the  28th  of  September,)  although  there 
is  little  hope  of  overtaking  them,  as  they  have  upward  of  one 
thousand  horses,  and  we  have  not  one  in  the  army."  In  council, 
soon  after,  HARRISON  said  :  "  There  were  but  two  ways  of  accom 
plishing  their  object;  one  of  which  was  to  follow  him  up  the 
strait  by  land  ;  the  other  to  embark  and  sail  down  Lake  Erie  to 
Long  Point,  then  march  hastily  across  by  land  twelve  miles  to 
the  road  and  intercept  them."  Being  decided  to  follow  them 
by  land,  they  pushed  rapidly  forward  in  pursuit.  They  came  up 
with  the  enemy  on  the  fifth  of  October.  Proctor's  force  was,  as 
he  thought,  admirably  arranged  to  secure  a  good  defense.  His 
left  was  protected  by  the  Thames  river,  his  right  by  a  large  swamp, 
and  Tecumseh  with  his  Indian  hordes.  HARRISON'S  mode  of 
attack  was  quickly  decided.  With  the  perception  of  true  military 
intuition  he  saw  his  advantage.  He  directed  one  division  of  his 
infantry  to  take  position  opposite  Proctor,  extending  the  line  from 
the  river  to  the  swamp,  facing  which,  at  right  angles  with  these,  he 
placed  the  other  division.  Having  made  these  arrangements,  he 
ordered  Colonel  Johnson,  whose  cavalry  had  joined  him,  to  charge 
the  enemy's  front.  The  order  was  executed  in  gallant  style.  The 
British  being  in  open  file,  and  the  cavalry  dashing  ahead  in  a  solid, 
compact  body,  with  impetuosity,  they  were  forced  to  give  way. 
The  infantry,  the  moment  the  enemy  were  thrown  into  confusion, 
closed  in  upon  them,  and  they  were  forced  to  surrender.  The 


WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON. 

Indians  fought  like  hyenas,  directing  a  sharp  and  galling  fire  upon 
the  troops.  In  the  midst  of  their  heroic  feats,  however,  their 
brave  leader,  the  indomitable  Tecumseh,  fell  dead  upon  the  field 
while  urging  his  braves.  His  voice  no  longer  heard,  his  sturdy 
form  ceasing  to  direct  their  movements,  they  threw  down  their 
arms  and  fled  in  indiscriminate  confusion.  Such  was  the  battle 
of  the  Thames,  a  complete  victory  gained  by  exhibitions  of 
superior  generalship,  almost  without  blood-shed.  The  Ameri 
cans  took  about  six  hundred  prisoners  in  the  action,  with  the  loss 
of  but  few  men.  The  results  of  the  battle  were  highly  favorable. 
The  surrender  of  the  British,  and  the  fall  of  Tecumseh,  induced 
the  Indians  to  ask  for  peace,  while  the  victory  of  Perry  and  other 
disasters  of  the  English,  produced  a  similar  desire  on  their  part. 
Thus  this  battle  was  virtually  the  close  of  the  war.  HARRISON 
was  now  at  the  hight  of  his  fame.  President  Madison  in  his  next 
annual  message  spoke  of  him  as  having  "signally  honored  "  him 
self  and  the  cause  of  the  country.  Members  of  Congress  spoke 
of  his  victories  as  "  such  as  would  have  secured  to  a  Komam 
general  in  the  best  days  of  the  republic,  the  honors  of  a  triumph.'1 
Governors  of  States  said,  that  "the  blessings  of  thousands  of 
women  and  children,  rescued  from  the  scalping  knife  of  the  ruth 
less  savage  of  the  wilderness,  and  from  the  still  more  savage 
Proctor,  rest  on  General  HARRISON  and  his  army."  In  addition 
to  these  evidences  of  high  merit,  Congress  proposed  the  follow 
ing  complimentary  resolution : 

u  Resolved — By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
United  States,  in  Congress  assembled /  that  the  thanks  of  Con 
gress  be,  and  they  are  hereby  presented  to  Major-General  WILLIAM 
HENRY  HARRISON,  and  Isaac  Shelby,  late  governor  of  Kentucky, 
and  through  them  to  the  officers  and  men  under  their  command,  for 
their  gallant  and  good  conduct  in  defeating  the  combined  British 
and  Indian  forces,  under  Major-General  Proctor,  on  the  Thames,  in 
Upper  Canada,  on  the  5th  day  of  October,  1813,  capturing  the 
British  army  with  their  baggage,  camp  equipage,  and  their  artil 
lery  ;  and  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested  to 
cause  two  gold  medals  to  be  struck,  emblematical  of  this  triumph, 
and  presented  to  General  HARRISON  and  Isaac  Shelby,  late  gover 
nor  of  Kentucky.* 

*  Statesman's  Manual. 


WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON. 

This  was  HARRISON'S  last  military  engagement.  He  went  with 
his  army  to  the  Niagara  frontier,  whence  he  proceeded  to  Sackett's 
Harbor,  but  being  beyond  the  limits  of  his  military  jurisdiction, 
he  went  to  Washington  city,  receiving  everywhere  on  his  route, 
various  manifestations  of  profound  esteem  and  regard.  From 
Washington  he  proceeded  to  Ohio,  to  participate  in  whatever 
military  movements  might  be  deemed  advisable.  He,  soon  after, 
from  some  misunderstanding  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  Arm 
strong,  who,  it  has  been  alleged,  from  causes  not  assigned,  did  his 
utmost  to  cripple  HARRISON'S  movements,  resigned  his  commission. 
He  would  not  have  done  this  under  any  circumstances,  had  he  not 
seen  that  further  services  were  not  required  at  his  hands,  and  that 
hostilities  were  about  to  cease.  His  resignation  was  accepted  at  the 
War  department,  though  had  President  Madison  been  at  Washing 
ton  it  would  not  have  been,  as  he  afterward  expressed  unfeigned 
regret  at  the  step,  wishing  that  earlier  intimation  had  been  given 
of  such  design.  Other  prominent  men,  too,  expressed  sincere 
regret  at  the  acceptance  of  his  resignation.  He  continued  how 
ever  to  retain  the  entire  confidence  of  the  people  and  the  govern- 
ment.  In  1814,  conjoined  with  Lewis  Cass  and  Isaac  Shelby,  ho 
was  despatched  to  Fort  Greenville  to  treat  with  the  Indians  and 
was  in  the  ensuing  year  also  placed  at  the  head  of  an  important 
embassy  upon  similar  business.  Having  performed  these  labors 
with  the  same  degree,  of  fidelity  and  promptitude  that  had  charac 
terized  his  transactions  heretofore,  he  retired  to  private  life. 

He  was,  however,  soon  called  again  to  public  duties,  and  was 
elected  in  1816  to  Congress,  from  his  own  district  in  Ohio. 
He  occupied  this  position  the  next  term  also  being  originally 
elected  to  fill  a  vacancy.  At  the  instigation  of  some  one  actuated 
by  envy  or  prejudice,  as  soon  as  he  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  he 
was  charged  by  an  army  contractor  with  misplacing  the  supplies 
furnished.  The  accuser  could  not  tarnish  such  fame  as  his.  At 
HARRISON'S  own  request  a  committee  was  appointed  and  a  full 
investigation  had  of  his  conduct  while  connected  with  the  army, 
which  resulted  not  only  in  a  verdict  of  public  acquittal,  but  the 
bestowal  of  high  and  well-deserved  eulogiums  upon  his  integrity, 
firmness,  and  patriotism. 

In  Congress  as  in  the  field,  the  acts  of  HARRISON  showed  that  ho 
was  by  nature  more  of  a  military  than  a  civic  leader.  He  wartnlj? 
advocated  the  enactment  of  such  laws  as  would  lend  greater  and 


868  WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON. 

more  ready  efficiency  to  the  militia  of  the  country,  and  advocated 
with  earnestness  measures  to  secure  pensions  to  the  surviving 
soldiers  of  the  Revolutionary  war.  In  the  former  object  he  failed 
entirely,  Congress  having  always  exhibited  a  degree  of  tardy  legis 
lation  upon  the  subject, — he  succeeded,  however,  in  his  wishes  in 
regard  to  the  latter,  and  was  gratified  to  see  that  adequate  pro 
vision  was  made  for  those  veterans  who  poured  out  their  blood 
like  water  in  our  early  struggles.  Upon  the  resolutions  of  censure 
introduced  against  Jackson  for  his  conduct  in  the  Seminole  war, 
he  expressed  himself  as  feeling  that  he  had  transcended  the  powers 
conferred  by  his  command,  but  accorded  to  him  all  praise  for  his 
bravery  and  heroism.  He  agreed  and  voted  with  Clay  upon  the 
resolutions  extending  sympathy  to  the  Greeks  in  their  struggle  for 
independence. 

Serving  out  his  term  in  Congress  with  credit  to  himself  and 
profit  to  his  constituents,  he  was,  in  1817,  sent  to  the  State  Senate 
from  Ohio,  where  he  proved  the  same  zealous,  energetic  public 
servant.  In  1824,  he  was  chosen  presidential  elector  from  Ohio, 
and  gave  his  influence,  and  finally  his  vote  for  Henry  Clay. 
During  the  same  year  he  was  sent  from  that  State  to  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  after  taking  his  seat  in  which  body  he  was  made 
chairman  of  the  committee  of  military  affairs.  Of  HARRISON  as 
a  statesman  not  much  can  be  said.  He  possessed  an  incorruptible 
integrity,  high  moral  tone,  a  clear  head  and  well  informed, — was 
always  at  his  post,  and  endeavoring  to  subserve  the  interests  of  the 
people.  Yet  among  men  renowned  for  their  knowledge  of  politi 
cal  economy  and  sagacity,  whose  entire  lives  had  been  devoted  to 
civic  pursuits,  he  was  not  one  of  those  who  would  make  an  indi 
vidual  and  distinctive  mark.  He  was  a  friend  and  supporter  by 
his  vote  and  acts,  of  the  administration  of  John  Quincy  Adams, 
than  which,  few  have  been  of  more  benefit  to  the  country  or 
signally  prosperous. 

In  1828,  he  was  appointed  Minister  to  Bogota,  which  he  reached 
in  December.  The  country  he  found  convulsed,  the  people 
wholly  ignorant  of  their  rights,  and  ground  down  by  an  absolute 
despotism.  He  was  warmly  received  by  the  natives,  and  entered 
upon  his  duties  with  the  spirit  and  simplicity  of  a  pure  and  tried 
republican.  He  was  recalled  by  Jackson  on  his  accession  to  the 
presidency  in  1829  ;  but  before  his  return,  he  prepared  for  Simon 
Bolivar,  the  South  American  Liberator,  an  address  upon  con- 


WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON. 

stitutional  liberty,  to  which  considerable  merit  has  been  attached, 
not  only  for  the  soundness  of  the  principles  it  inculcates,  but  for 
the  purity  and  chasteness  of  the  style  in  which  they  are  conveyed. 
On  his  return  from  this  mission  he  again  retired  to  North  Bend, 
a  beautiful  spot  on  the  Ohio,  some  fourteen  miles  below  the  city 
of  Cincinnati.  In  1835  he  was  presented  as  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency  against  Martin  Yan  Buren,  and  though  no  thorough 
organization  was  effected  or  concert  of  action  secured,  he  received 
seventy-three  electoral  votes,  enough  at  least  to  show  his  exten 
sive  popularity.  In  1839,  the  Whig  national  convention  again 
assembled  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  and  re-nominated  him  as 
their  candidate.  HARRISON,  at  the  time  he  received  this  nomi 
nation  was  clerk  of  the  Hamilton  County  Court,  a  position  which 
he  was  induced  to  accept  from  pecuniary  considerations,  on  his 
return  from  Bogota.  Yan  Buren  was  again  his  opponent.  The 
campaign  opened  with  unprecedented  popular  excitement,  which 
continued  up  to  the  day  of  election.  Never  before  or  since  has  a 
presidential  campaign  created  such  universal  interest.  The  result 
was,  HARRISON  received  two  hundred  and  thirty-four,  and  Yan 
Buren  sixty  electoral  votes, — securing  the  election  of  the  former 
by  a  vote  of  nearly  four  to  one. 

Wide  spread  and  universal  joy  prevailed  over  the  country  as  the 
result  became  known, — guns  were  fired,  drums  beat  and  bonfires 
kindled.  He  left  North  Bend  in  January,  1841,  to  assume  the 
duties  of  his  high  office,  and  reached  the  seat  of  government  on 
the  9th  of  the  same  month.  March  4th,  1841,  he  was  inducted 
into  office  and  delivered  his  inaugural,  in  presence  of  an  immense 
and  highly  enthusiastic  assemblage.  After  these  proceedings,  and 
the  festivities  incident  to  the  occasion  were  over,  the  new  Presi 
dent  selected  his  cabinet,  which  was  composed  as  follows : 

Secretary  of  State,  Daniel  Webster ; 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Thomas  Ewing  ; 

Secretary  of  War,  John  Bell ; 

Secretary  of  the  Navy,  George  E.  Badger ; 

Post-Master  General,  Francis  Granger; 

Attorney-General,  John  J.  Crittenden. 

On  the  17th  of  March,  1841,  the  President  called  an  extra 
session  of  Congress  to  meet  the  first  of  the  ensuing  May,  to  take 
in  consideration  the  financial  condition  of  the  country.  A  Whig 
President  was  now  duly  installed,  his  Cabinet  selected,  and  Congress 


870  WILLIAM     HENRY     HARRISON. 

would  soon  be  in  session.  The  land  was  full  of  joy,  and  every 
thing  indicated  a  prosperous  administration  of  the  government. 
The  President  himself,  grateful  to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  all  things 
for  the  peaceful  condition  of  the  country,  his  heart  overwhelming 
with  gratitude  to  his  fellow-citizens  for  the  trust  reposed  to  his 
keeping,  looked  for  support  to  the  mighty  champions  he  knew 
would  rally  to  his  administration.  All  was  joy, — all  was  peace. 
But  alas  for  the  mutability  of  human  affairs ! — how  soon  were  the 
banners  streaming  in  triumph  to  turn  to  weeds  of  mourning,  and 
the  sun  that  rose  in  splendor  to  sink  in  the  darkness  of  discord. 
On  the  29th  of  March  HAKRISON  had  a  severe  chill,  which  was 
accompanied  by  a  fever.  This  attack  was  followed  by  one  of 
pneumonia  and  pleurisy.  He  grew  worse,  and  despite  the  best 
medical  skill,  it  was  feared  his  death  was  near.  These  fears  were 
not  unjustifiable.  He  failed  rapidly  for  several  days.  On  the 
4th  of  April,  just  one  month  after  he  was  inaugurated  into  the 
highest  and  most  responsible  office  in  the  gift  of  man,  speaking  as 
though  to  his  successor,  he  said:  "Sir,  I  wish  you  to  understand 
the  principles  of  the  government.  I  wish  them  carried  out.  I 
ask  nothing  more."  These  were  his  last  words, — he  immediately 
expired.  The  country  that  one  month  before  was  so  full  of 
rejoicing,  was  filled  with  mourning  at  the  sad  and  unlocked  for 
event.  Tributes  of  respect  were  everywhere  paid  to  the  illustrious 
dead,  and  universal  sorrow  prevailed.  His  funeral  obsequies  took 
place  on  the  7th  ;  Rev.  Mr.  Hawley  performed  the  Episcopal  funeral 
service,  when  his  remains  were  laid  in  the  Congressional  burying 
ground.  They  were  subsequently  removed  to  North  Bend,  where 
they  still  repose  on  the  sloping  hill-side,  marked  by  a  plain  tomb 
stone,  according  well  with  the  republican  simplicity  of  his  char 
acter.  uln  person,  HARRISON  was  tall  and  slender.  Although 
he  never  had  the  appearance  of  possessing  a  robust  constitution, 
yet  such  had  been  the  effect  of  his  habitual  activity  and  temper 
ance,  that  few  men  enjoyed  such  bodily  vigor.  He  had  a  fine  dark 
eye,  remarkable  for  its  keenness,  fire  and  intelligence,  and  his 
face  was  strongly  expressive  of  the  vivacity  of  his  mind  and  the 
benevolence  of  his  character.  The  most  remarkable  traits  of  his 
character,  and  those  of  which  he  was  most  distinguished  through 
out  his  whole  career,  were  his  disinterestedness,  his  regard  for  the 
rights  and  comforts  of  others,  his  generous  disposition,  his  mild  and 
forbearing  temper,  and  his  plain,  easy  and  unostentatious  manner.' 


JAMES  K.  POLK. 


JAMES  K.  POLK. 


FEW  administrations  of  tins  government  have  been  more  pros 
perous,  marked  with  a  higher  degree  of  energy,  or  have  resulted  in 
more  lasting  advantages  than  did  that  of  JAMES  K.  POLK.  Elected 
upon  his  indorsmeut  of  a  measure  among  the  most  important  ever 
presented  for  political  consideration,  and  over  a  man  conceded 
the  most  popular  in  the  nation,  at  a  time  when  the  two  parties 
were  about  equally  divided,  and  full  of  mighty  interests,— and 
possessing  marked  decision  and  firmness  of  character,  his  official 
term  brought  to  his  name  honorable  distinction  and  renown. 
Reared  in  the  political  schools  of  the  Democratic  party,  he  con 
sistently  adhered  to  its  principles,  studied  deeply  the  history  of 
his  times,  and  came  into  power,  though  from  comparative  obscurity, 
well  prepared  to  execute  its  exalted  trusts. 

He  was  born  November  2d,  in  the  County  of  Meckliuburg, 
North  Carolina,  in  the  year  1795.  The  Polks,  whose  name  it  is 
claimed  was  formerly  Pollock,  were  originally  from  Ireland,  where 
Robert  Polk  and  his  wife  resided  centuries  ago.  James  Knox 
Polk,  the  greatgrandfather  of  our  subject,  removed  from  Ireland  to 
Somerset  County,  Maryland,  at  an  early  day.  The  family  increased 
and  became  quite  numerous.  They  were  noted  for  their  sterling 
independence,  and  unwavering  fidelity  to  the  Democratic  party, 
being  early  designated  as  the  "  Democratic  family."  Many  of 
them  became  distinguished, — some  as  participants  in  the  Revo 
lution,  and  others  in  civic  capacities.  One  branch  of  the  family 
removed  to  the  East  and  thence  to  the  county  and  State  above 
earned.  From  this  branch  descended  the  eleventh  President. 

(871  ) 


872  JAMES    K.    POLK. 

His  father  was  a  man  of  strong  will,  and  a  warm  supporter  of 
the  administration  of  Jefferson  during  both  his  official  terms. 
In  1806,  he  removed  with  his  family  from  North  Carolina  to 
Tennessee,  and  settled  on  Duck  Creek,  then  the  midst  of  a  dense 
though  fertile  wilderness,  where  FOLK'S  youth  and  early  manhood 
were  passed.  Notwithstanding  the  scanty  means  of  instruction 
existing  in  that  rugged  and  unpopulous  part  of  the  country,  young 
POLK  acquired  a  tolerable  English  education.  His  father  designed 
him  for  a  merchant,  but  adopting  the  maxim,  "once  a  clerk  always 
a  clerk,"  the  future  President  was  decidedly  opposed  to  yard  sticks, 
retail  scales  and  account  books.  Yielding  however,  he  was  placed 
for  a  time  in  charge  of  a  merchant,  with  a  view  of  preparation  for 
that  kind  of  life.  He  did  not  remain  long  in  this  situation.  His 
young  ambition  rebelled, — he  came  from  behind  the  counter,  and 
after  earnest  supplication  was  sent  to  an  academy  at  Murfrees- 
borough,  where  in  the  summer  of  1813,  he  was  eagerly  poring 
over  books  and  studies,  and  fairly  on  the  road  to  his  high  destiny. 
After  two  years'  intense  and  profitable  application,  in  his  twentieth 
year,  he  entered  the  University  of  North  Carolina.  Here,  after 
bearing  away  the  prize  each  year  from  all  competitors,  he  gradu 
ated  with  the  first  honors,  in  1818,  and  was  pronounced  one  of  the 
finest  scholars  in  that  part  of  the  country.  Though  a  good  linguist, 
his  passion  was  for  mathematics,  in  which  branch  of  science  he 
excelled.  After  graduating,  his  health  broke  down,  in  conse 
quence  of  close  confinement  and  mental  application. 

He  returned  to  Tennessee  and  commenced  reading  law  under 
charge  of  the  renowned  Felix  Grundy,  and  obtained  license  to 
practice  in  1820.  He  then  went  to  Maury  County  and  entered 
upon  his  professional  career.  He  had  many  personal  friends  there, 
and  wearing  high  academic  honors,  and  of  plain,  undisguised 
manners,  he  began  his  career  under  auspicious  circumstances. 
Aided  by  these  advantages,  he  devoted  himself  incessantly  to  the 
duties  of  his  profession,  and  rose  rapidly  into  position.  He  con 
tinued  to  enjoy  an  increasing  and  profitable  practice  until  1823, 
when  he  launched  upon  the  stormy  sea  of  party  politics. 

In  that  year  he  entered  public  life  as  the  representative  from 
Maury  County  to  the  State  Legislature.  He  soon  gave  greater 
evidences  of  capacity  for  the  halls  of  legislation  than  the  forum. 
He  was  elected  for  the  two  successive  terms  by  large  majorities, 
and  soon  established  a  wide-spread  reputation.  In  1823-24,  he 


JAMES    K.    POLK.  373 

espoused  the  fortunes  of  Andrew  Jackson,  iu  whose  elevation  to 
the  presidency  he  took  an  active  part.  His  attachment  to  that 
statesman  was  warm  and  disinterested. 

Having  passed  an  honorable  political  novitiate  as  a  State  legis 
lator,  he  was  in  1825  elected  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
and  took  his  seat  the  ensuing  December.  This  was  the  commence 
ment  of  John  Quiucy  Adams'  administration,  and  the  Demo 
cratic  party  had  just  failed  in  the  election  of  a  favorite  leader. 
POLK  took  his  seat  true  to  his  early  principles,  a  consistent  and 
unflinching  democrat,  fully  prepared  by  prior  legislative  experi 
ence,  and  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  fundamental  principles  of 
government  and  constitutional  law,  to  make  himself  a  prominent 
and  influential  member.  Though  not  a  nullifier,  nor  in  any  way 
an  extremist,  he  regarded  federal  assumptions  with  a  jealous 
eye,  and  viewed  the  national  Constitution  as  possessing  powers 
limited  and  susceptible  only  of  specific  construction.  He  was 
opposed  to  indiscriminate  appropriation  of  public  funds  for  pur 
poses  of  internal  improvement,  and  distinguished  himself  by  his 
hostility  to  a  too  liberal  construction  of  the  fundamental  Consti 
tution.  He  was  opposed  to  a  national  bank,  and  indicated  his 
opposition  prior  to  the  reception  of  Jackson's  first  ominous  mes 
sage  upon  that  subject.  He  arrayed  himself  against  a  protective 
tariff,  and  advocated  the  most  economical  system  of  public  ex 
penditures.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  upon  most  or  all  the  excit 
ing  political  questions  of  the  day,  he  was  hostile  to  Adams' 
administration,  and  in  opposition  to  the  leading  members  on  the 
floor.  Though  one  of  the  youngest  members  in  the  House,  he 
took  an  immediate  and  popular  stand.  He  first  distinguished 
himself  in  a  speech  called  out  by  a  proposition  to  prevent,  by 
Constitutional  provision,  in  any  circumstances,  the  election  of 
President  by  Congress.  The  whole  nation  had  been  disturbed  by 
the  excitement  growing  out  of  the  choice  made  in  the  House,  re 
sulting  in  the  selection  of  Adams  over  Jackson,  and  the  subject 
had  assumed  a  phase  of  considerable  importance.  His  speech  on 
the  occasion  won  for  him  brilliant  parliamentary  laurels.  It 
evinced  the  rigid  logician,  the  close  reasoner,  and  a  well  informed 
mind,  and  an  excellent  adherent  to  his  party.  Upon  the  subject 
of  the  Panama  Mission  he  was  opposed  to  the  administration, 
declaring  that  the  subject  was  entirely  one  of  executive  and 
senatorial  jurisdiction,  involving  as  it  did  the  treaty  making 


874  JAMES    K.    POLK. 

power,  of  which  those  two  branches  of  the  legislature  were  the 
constitutionally  recognized  custodians. 

He  was  now  rapidly  reaching  that  distinction  destined  to  identify 
his  name  forever  with  the  political  history  of  the  country.  During 
Adams'  entire  official  term  he  continued  in  opposition,  taking  an 
active  part  on  all  questions  coming  up  in  the  House  for  deliber 
ation. 

Succeeding  John  Quincy  Adams  to  the  presidency,  Jackson 
was  inducted  into  office  at  a  time  favorable  to  the  development  of 
POLE'S  rising  fortunes.  Having  won  his  way  to  respectable  position 
as  a  State  legislator,  and  proven  one  of  the  most  formidable 
opponents  of  the  former  administration,  he  was  well  prepared  to 
render  essential  service  as  supporter  of  Jackson's  executive  acts. 
At  the  session  of  1827,  POLK  was  appointed  to  the  committee  of 
foreign  affairs,  and  soon  after  made  chairman  of  a  select  committee. 

Always  contending  that  the  revenue  should  be  no  higher  than 
the  absolute  necessity  of  expenditure  required,  he  presented  a 
report  denying  in  strong  terms  the  existence  of  congressional 
power  to  collect  beyond  that  limit  for  purposes  of  indiscriminate 
distribution.  The  internal  improvement  policy  of  Jackson  as 
elsewhere  stated,  was  indicated  in  his  veto,  in  1830,  of  the  bill 
making  appropriation  for  the  completion  of  the  Maysville  road. 
He  was  deeply  censured  by  the  friends  of  internal  improvement 
by  the  general  government,  but  proudly  sustained  by  his  friend 
and  leading  supporter  JAMES  K.  POLK. 

In  1832,  being  placed  on  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means, 
the  duties  of  which  were  more  numerous  and  complicated  than 
those  of  any  other  in  the  House,  he  prepared  a  report  embodying 
the  same  views  afterward  asserted  and  so  fearlessly  carried  out  by 
the  President  himself. 

His  course  upon  this  question  raised  up  a  host  of  enemies, 
particularly  in  the  city  of  Nashville,  then  just  rising  into  com 
mercial  influence,  and  he  was  bitterly  denounced  through  the 
public  prints,  and  even  by  some  of  his^  immediate  constituents. 
He  was  returned  to  Congress,  however,  after  a  violent  contest,  into 
which  the  merits  of  the  bank  question  entered  largely,  by  a  fair 
majority.  In  1833,  Jackson's  removal  of  the  deposits  filled  the 
country  with  the  most  heated  animosities; POLK,  being  still  chair 
man  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  stood  by  the  Presi 
dent,  vindicating  his  course  on  all  occasions  with  boldness  and 


JAMES    K.    POLK. 

ability,  and  successfully  pushing  through  resolutions  commenda 
tory  of  his  acts.  Continuing  a  warm  friend  and  supporter  of 
Jackson's  public  policy  through  1834,  POLK  was  the  ensuing  year 
chosen  speaker  of  the  House,  a  position  to  which  he  was  again 
called  at  the  extra  session,  convened  by  Van  Buren  on  his  acces 
sion  to  the  Presidency  as  successor  to  Jackson.  To  this  position 
he  was  annually  elected  for  a  number  of  years,  and  conferred  upon 
it  a  dignity  and  honor  surpassed  by  no  prior  incumbent.  Various 
appeals  were  made  from  his  decisions  to  the  House,  which  rarely 
failed  to  sustain  him,  with  a  degree  of  unanimity  that  evinced 
appreciative  indorsement  of  his  views  and  judgment.  Though 
at  times  during  his  speakership  party  feelings  were  deep  and  bitter, 
and  he  was  assailed  with  virulence,  Congress  never  failed  at  the 
close  of  each  session  to  pass  a  resolution  to  the  effect,  "  that  the 
thanks  of  the  House  be  presented  to  the  Hon.  JAMES  K.  POLK  for  the 
able,  impartial,  dignified  manner  in  which  he  has  presided  over 
its  deliberations  and  performed  the  arduous  and  important  duties 
of  the  chair."  His  incumbency  of  this  office  closed  in  the  spring 
of  1839,  on  which  occasion  with  evident  emotion,  he  said  :  u  When 
I  look  back  to  the  period  when  I  first  took  my  seat  in  this  House, 
and  then  look  around  me  for  those  who  were  then  my  associ 
ates  here,  I  find  but  few  very  few  remaining.  But  five  members 
who  were  with  me  here  fourteen  years  ago  continue  to  be  members 
of  this  body.  My  service  here  has  been  constant  and  laborious. 
I  can,  perhaps,  say  what  but  few  others  if  any  can,  that  I  have 
not  failed  to  attend  the  daily  sittings  of  this  House  for  a  single 
day  since  I  have  been  a  member  of  it,  save  on  a  single  occasion, 
when  prevented  for  a  short  time  by  indisposition.  In  my  inter 
course  with  the  members  of  this  body  when  I  occupied  a  place  on 
the  floor,  though  occasionally  engaged  in  debates  upon  interesting 
public  questions  and  of  an  exciting  character,  it  is  a  source  of 
unmingled  gratification  to  me  to  recur  to  the  fact,  that  on  no 
occasion  was  there  the  slightest  personal  or  unpleasant  collision 
with  any  of  its  members.  Maintaining  and  expressing  at  all 
times  my  own  opinions  firmly,— the  same  right  was  fully  con 
ceded  to  others.  For  four  years  past  the  station  I  have  occupied, 
and  a  sense  of  propriety  in  the  divided  and  usually  excited  state 
of  public  opinion  and  feeling  which  has  excited,  both  in  this 
House  and  the  country,  have  precluded  me  from  participating  in 
your  debates.  Other  duties  were  assigned  me. 


876  JAMES    K.    POLK. 

"  The  high  office  of  speaker,  to  which  it  has  been  twice  the 
pleasure  of  this  House  to  elevate  me,  has  been  at  all  times  one  of 
labor  and  high  responsibility.  It  has  been  made  my  duty  to 
decide  more  questions  of  parliamentary  law  and  order,  many  of  them 
of  a  complex  and  difficult  character,  arising  often  in  the  midst  of 
high  excitement,  in  the  course  of  our  proceedings,  than  had  been 
decided,  it  is  believed,  by  all  my  predecessors  since  the  foundation 
of  the  government.  This  House  has  uniformly  sustained  me, 
without  distinction  of  the  political  parties  of  which  it  has  been 
composed.  I  return  them  my  thanks  for  their  constant  support  in 
the  discharge  of  duties^  I  have  had  to  perform. 

"  But,  gentlemen,  my  acknowledgments  are  especially  due  to 
the  majority  of  this  House  for  the  high  and  flattering  evidence 
they  have  given  me  of  their  appreciation  of  my  conduct  as  their 
presiding  officer,  by  the  resolution  you  have  been  pleased  to  pass. 
I  regard  it  as  infinitely  of  more  value  than  if  it  had  been  the  common 
matter-of-course  and  customary  resolution  which  in  the  courtesy 
usually  prevailing  between  the  presiding  officer  and  the  members 
of  any  deliberative  assembly,  is  always  passed  at  the  close  of  their 
deliberations. 

"I  regard  this  as  the  highest  and  most  valued  testimonial  1 
have  ever  received  from  this  House,  because  I  know  that  the 
circumstances  under  which  it  has  passed  have  made  it  a  matter  of 
substance,  and  not  mere  form.  I  shall  bear  it  in  grateful  remem 
brance  to  the  latest  hour  of  my  life. 

"I  trust  this  office  may  in  future  times  be  filled,  as  doubtless 
it  will  be,  by  an  abler  man.  It  can  not,  I  know,  be  filled  by  any 
one  who  will  devote  himself  with  more  zeal  and  untiring  industry 
to  do  his  whole  duty  than  I  have  done." 

Thus  closed  his  congressional  career  of  fourteen  years,  during 
which,  with  tenacious  consistency  he  adhered  to  the  principles  of 
the  Democratic  party.  He  would  not  join  the  majority  of  his 
party  in  Tennessee,  in  1836,  which  gave  the  electoral  vote  of  the 
State  to  Hugh  Lawson  White,  but  supported  Yan  Bureii  as  the 
national  candidate  for  the  presidency.  Having  declined  a  re 
election  to  Congress,  he  was  presented  as  the  candidate  for  gover 
nor  of  Tennessee,  and  elected  over  his  opponent,  Newton  Cannon, 
in  August  1839,  by  large  majority.  He  was  next  nominated  for 
the  vice-presidency  by  the  legislature  of  his  adopted  State,  to  be 
placed  on  the  ticket  with  Yan  Burcn,  the  candidate  for  re-election 


JAMES    K.    POLK.  377 

in  1840.  Both  candidates  were  badly  beaten, — POLK  receiving 
but  one  electoral  vote.  The  election  of  Harrison  to  the  presi 
dency  by  a  majority  so  overwhelming  produced  a  reaction  favor 
able  to  the  Whigs,  and  diminished  the  Democratic  strength  in  the 
State  of  Tennessee.  "Under  these  circumstances,  POLK  was  first 
presented  as  a  candidate  for  governor  in  1841.  His  opponent, 
James  C.  Jones,  was  justly  regarded  among  the  ablest  men  of  the 
State.  The  returns  showed  the  election  of  Jones  by  a  majority 
of  over  three  thousand.  POLK  now  retired  to  private  life,  in  the 
enjoyment  of  which  he  remained  till  1843,  when  he  was  again 
brought  forward  as  a  candidate  for  governor  against  his  old  com 
petitor,  Jones.  He  was  again  beaten  and  by  a  larger  majority 
than  before.  The  warm,  political  and  personal  friend  of  Andrew 
Jackson,  in  the  full  and  entire  confidence  of  his  party,  he  now 
again  retired  to  private  life.  His  mind,  however,  could  not  remain 
inactive,  and  he  studied  well  and  deeply  the  great  political  ques 
tions  of  the  day.  In  1844  the  annexation  of  Texas  came  up. 
Though  POLK  had  declared  his  intention  of  finally  withdrawing 
from  the  perplexities  of  party  questions  he  felt  deeply  the  interest  of 
this.  In  many  sections  of  the  Union  the  people  had  expressed 
themselves  in  emphatic  terms  as  opposed  to  the  measure.  He  was 
asked  to  coincide  with  their  views  in  regard  to  the  matter.  So  far 
from  doing  so,  with  characteristic  firmness  of  purpose,  he  replied : 
"Let  Texas  be  annexed,  and  the  authority  and  laws  of  the 
United  States  be  established  and  maintained  within  her  limits,  as 
also  in  Oregon  territory,  and  let  the  fixed  policy  of  our  govern 
ment  be  not  to  permit  Great  Britain  to  plant  a  colony  or  hold 
dominion  over  any  portion  of  the  people  or  territory  of  either. 
These  are  my  opinions;  and  without  deeming  it  necessary  to 
extend  this  letter  by  assigning  the  many  reasons  which  influence 
me  in  the  conclusions  to  which  I  come,  I  regret  to  be  compelled 
to  differ  so  widely  from  the  views  expressed  by  yourselves." 

As  the  avowed  advocate  of  annexation,  in  May  1844,  he  was 
nominated  by  the  Baltimore  Democratic  convention  as  their  candi 
date  for  the  presidency,  against  the  Whig  nominee,  Henry  Clay. 
The  annexation  question  was  the  principal  issue  in  the  exciting 
campaign  that  followed.  The  canvass  resulted  in  the  election  of 
POLK  to  the  presidency  and  George  M.  Dallas  to  the  vice-presi 
dency,  over  Clay  and  Theodore  Frelinghuysen,  by  a  majority  of 
sixty-five  electoral  votes.  He  went  to  the  Capitol,  delivered  his 
59 


878  JAMES    K.    POLK. 

inaugural  and  was  inducted  into  office  as  President  of  the  United 
States,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1845.  In  his  inaugural  address  he 
indicated  the  policy  of  his  administration  and  invoked  the  other 
branches  of  the  national  legislature  to  aid  in  preserving  the  peace, 
prosperity,  and  harmony  of  the  country.  It  closed  as  follows  : 

"  None  can  fail  to  see  the  danger  to  our  safety  and  future  peace, 
if  Texas  remains  an  independent  State,  or  becomes  an  ally  or 
dependency  of  some  foreign  nation  more  powerful  than  herself. 
Is  there  one  among  our  citizens  who  would  not  prefer  perpetual 
peace  with  Texas  to  occasional  wars,  which  so  often  occur  between 
bordering  independent  nations?  Is  there  one  who  would  not 
prefer  free  intercourse  with  her,  to  high  duties  on  all  our  products 
and  manufactures  which  enter  her  ports  or  cross  her  frontiers  ?  Is 
there  one  who  would  not  prefer  an  unrestricted  communication 
with  her  citizens,  to  the  frontier  obstructions  which  must  occur  if 
she  remains  out  of  the  Union  ?  Whatever  is  good  or  evil  in  the 
local  institutions  of  Texas  will  remain  her  own,  whether  annexed 
to  the  United  States  or  not.  None  of  the  present  States  will  be 
responsible  for  them,  any  more  than  they  are  for  the  local  insti 
tutions  of  each  other.  They  have  confederated  together  for  certain 
specified  objects.  Upon  the  same  principle  that  they  would  refuse 
to  form  a  perpetual  union  with  Texas  because  of  her  local  insti 
tutions,  our  forefathers  would  have  been  prevented  from  forming 
our  present  Union.  Perceiving  no  valid  objection  to  the  measure, 
and  many  reasons  for  its  adoption,  vitally  affecting  the  peace,  the 
safety,. and  the  prosperity  of  both  countries,  I  shall  on  the  broad 
principle  which  formed  the  basis  and  produced  the  adoption  of  our 
Constitution,  and  not  in  any  narrow  spirit  of  sectional  policy, 
endeavor,  by  all  constitutional,  honorable,  and  appropriate  means, 
to  consummate  the  expressed  will  of  the  people  and  government 
of  the  United  States,  by  the  re-annexation  of  Texas  to  our  Union 
at  the  earliest  practicable  period. 

"Nor  will  it  become  in  a  less  degree  my  duty  to  assert  and 
maintain,  by  all  constitutional  means,  the  right  of  the  United 
States  to  that  portion  of  our  territory  which  lies  beyond  the  Eocky 
mountains.  Our  title  to  the  country  of  the  Oregon  is  "clear  and 
unquestionable,"  and  already  are  our  people  preparing  to'  perfect 
that  title  by  occupying  it  with  their  wives  and  children.  But 
eighty  years  ago  our  population  was  confined  on  the  west  by  the 
ridge  of  the  Alleganies.  Within  that  period, — within  the*  life- 


JAMES    K.    POLK. 

time,  I  might  say,  of  some  of  my  hearers, — our  people,  increasing 
to  many  millions,  have  filled  the  eastern  valley  of  the  Mississippi ; 
adventurously  ascended  the  Missouri  to  its  head  springs ;  and  are 
already  engaged  in  establishing  the  blessings  of  self-government 
in  valleys,  of  which  the  rivers  flow  to  the  Pacific.  The  world 
beholds  the  peaceful  triumphs  of  the  industry  of  our  emigrants. 
To  us  belongs  the  duty  of  protecting  them  adequately  wherever 
they  may  be  upon  our  soil.  The  jurisdiction  of  our  laws,  and 
the  benefits  of  our  republican  institutions,  should  be  extended 
over  them  in  the  distant  regions  which  they  have  selected  for  their 
homes.  The  increasing  facilities  of  intercourse  will  easily  bring 
the  States,  of  which  the  formation  in  that  part  of  our  territory  can 
not  be  long  delayed,  within  the  sphere  of  our  federative  Union. 
In  the  meantime,  every  obligation  imposed  by  treaty  or  con 
ventional  stipulations  should  be  sacredly  respected. 

"In  the  management  of  our  foreign  relations,  it  will  be  my  aim 
to  observe  a  careful  respect  for  the  rights  of  other  nations,  while 
our  own  will  be  the  subject  of  constant  watchfulness.  Equal 
and  exact  justice  shall  characterize  all  our  intercourse  with  foreign 
countries.  All  alliances  having  a  tendency  to  jeopard  the  welfare 
and  honor  of  our  country,  or  sacrifice  any  one  of  the  national 
interests,  will  be  studiously  avoided  ;  and  yet  no  opportunity  will 
be  lo*st  to  cultivate  a  favorable  understanding  with  foreign  govern 
ments,  by  which  our  navigation  and  commerce  may  be  extended, 
and  the  ample  products  of  our  fertile  soil,  as  well  as  the  manufac 
tures  of  our  skillful  artisans,  find  a  ready  market  and  remunerat 
ing  prices  in  foreign  countries. 

"In  taking  'care  that  the  laws  be  fully  executed,'  a  strict  per 
formance  of  duty  will  be  exacted  from  all  public  officers.  From 
those  officers,  especially,  who  are  charged  with  the  collection  and 
disbursement  of  the  public  revenue,  will  prompt  and  rigid  account 
ability  be  required.  Any  culpable  failure  or  delay  on  their  part 
to  account  for  the  moneys  intrusted  to  them,  at  the  times  and  in 
the  manner  required  by  law,  will,  in  every  instance,  terminate  the 
official  connection  of  such  defaulting  officer  with  the  government. 

"Although,  in  our  country,  the  chief  magistrate  must  almost 
of  necessity  be  chosen  by  a  party,  and  stand  pledged  to  its  prin 
ciples  and  measures,  yet,  in  his  official  action,  he  should  not  be 
the  President  of  a  part  only,  but  of  the  whole  people  of  the  United 
States.  While  he  executes  the  laws  with  an  impartial  hand, 


880  JAMES    K.    POLK. 

shrinks  from  no  proper  responsibility,  and  faithfully  carries  out  in 
the  executive  department  of  the  government  the  principles  and 
policy  of  those  who  have  chosen  him,  he  should  not  be  unmindful 
that  our  fellow-citizens  who  have  differed  with  him  in  opinion  are 
entitled  to  the  full  and  free  exercise  of  their  opinions  and  judg 
ments,  and  that  the  rights  of  all  are  entitled  to  respect  and  regard." 
On  the  5th  of  March  the  new  President  selected  his  Cabinet  as 

follows : 

Secretary  of  State,  James  Buchanan  ; 

Secretary  of  Treasury,  Eobert  J.  Walker ; 
Secretary  of  War,  William  L.  Marcy ; 
Secretary  of  Navy,  George  Bancroft; 
Post-Master  General,  Cave  Johnson ; 
Attorney-General,  John  Y.  Mason. 

The  first  question  that  came  up  was  the  annexation  of  Texas. 
Among  the  last  acts  of  the  precedent  administration  was  the  pas 
sage  and  approval  of  resolutions  favoring  annexation.  These 
resolutions  met  with  some  opposition,  but  finally  passed  under  the 
idea  that  Tyler  would  favor  annexation  by  treaty,  the  objections 
to  them  originating  from  some  who  favored  that  mode  of  proceed 
ing.  Contrary  to  expectation,  Tyler  hurried  off  the  resolutions  to 
Donaldson,  charge  d' affairs  to  Texas,  with  instructions  to  bring 
about  speedy  annexation.  These  proceedings  forestalled  the 
action  of  the  new  President.  The  resolutions  admitting  Texas, 
were  laid  before  the  convention  assembled  for  the  purpose 
of  forming  a  State  constitution,  and  recognized,  July  4th,  1845. 
Texas  being  thus  a  part  of  the  United  States  had  a  right  to  claim 
her  protection.  The  frontiers  of  the  new  State  were  much  ex 
posed,  and  post  roads  needed.  Requisition  being  made  to  the 
government  for  these  purposes,  General  Taylor  was  dispatched 
to  the  State  with  an  army  of  occupation,  and  in  the  latter  part  of 
July,  on  St.  Joseph's  Island,  unfurled  for  the  first  time  on  Texian 
soil  the  American  flag.  Mexico  resented  indignantly  not  only  the 
occupation,  but  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  began  immediately 
to  prepare  for  war.  Other  difficulties  with  that  dusky  people  early 
presented  themselves.  Indemnity  to  the  amount  of  six  millions 
of  dollars  had  long  been  claimed  by  the  United  States  for  depre 
dations  upon  our  commerce  by  Mexico  during  her  old  external 
and  internal  wars.  Our  vessels  had  been  seized  and  their  cargoes 
confiscated.  In  a  conference  of  commissioners  from  the  respective 


JAMES    K.    POLK. 

parties,  convened  in  1840,  a  part  of  the  six  million  claim  was 
acknowledged  but  not  liquidated.  Commissioners  again  met  in 
1843,  and  Mexico  agreed  through  hers  to  pay  off  the  amount  in 
twenty  installments.  But  three  of  these  were  paid.  The  pay 
ment  of  the  remainder  was  to  commence  in  April  1844,  about  a 
year  before  FOLK'S  accession  to  the  presidency.  Failing  to  com 
ply  with  her  agreements,  the  subject  demanded  and  received 
executive  attention. 

The  hostile  feelings  of  Mexico,  engendered  by  the  resolution  of 
annexation,  being  increased  by  the  military  occupation  of  Texas, 
Almonte,  her  minister  to  our  government,  early  in  March  demanded 
and  obtained  his  passports,  while  our  minister,  Slidell,  being 
refused  further  audience  with  the  Mexican  officials,  was,  in  one 
sense,  peremptorily  dismissed  from  the  country.  Hcrrera,  then 
president  of  Mexico,  though  his  power  was  evidently  tottering  to 
its  fall,  immediately  issued  a  proclamation,  asserting  the  Mexican 
right  to  the  territory  between  the  Neuces  and  Kio  Grande,  and 
calling  out  the  forces  of  the  country  to  resistance.  Thus  all 
government  relations  were  destroyed,  and  the  two  nations  con 
tinued  to  approach  open  hostilities,  which  actively  commenced 
around  Matamoras  in  1846. 

Congress  convened  December  1845,  the  Democrats  being  in  the 
majority  in  both  branches.  The  House  organized  by  the  election 
of  a  Democratic  speaker,  John  M.  Davis,  of  Indiana.  Thus  the 
administration  bid  fair  to  be  strongly  sustained.  The  President 
in  his  message  urged  upon  Congress  the  revision  of  the  tariff  of 
1842,  insisting  upon  a  reduction  of  duties, — the  establishment  of 
an  independent  treasury  system,  and  the  assertion  of  our  claim  to 
the  entire  territory  of  Oregon  after  the  expiration  of  one  year. 
He  also  touched  upon  our  affairs  with  Mexico,  urging  active 
preparations  for  any  emergency  that  might  occur  from  that  quarter. 
The  tariff  question  was  immediately  taken  up.  A  new  tariff  was 
devised  looking  to  revenue,  not  protective  interests,  and  passed  to 
go  into  operation  December  1846.  Many  commodities  were 
imported  into  the  country,  upon  which  only  storage  duties  were 
paid  until  required  for  consumption.  For  the  accommodation  of 
such  a  "  warehouse  bill "  was  passed.  These  acts  operating  detri 
mentally  to  the  Pennsylvania  iron  interests,  created  great  dissatis 
faction  among  some  of  the  eastern  cities. 

Difficulties  with  Mexico  at  length   approached   a  crisis,  and 


882  JAMES    K.    POLK. 

actual  hostilities  commenced.  In  the  spring  of  1846  war  was 
formally  declared  against  that  country,  and  immediate  steps  taken 
for  its  vigorous  prosecution.  The  strength  of  the  army  was 
augmented,  the  navy  increased,  fifty  thousand  volunteers  were 
called  for  and  money  appropriated  within  a  brief  period.  The 
manner  in  which  the  war  was  prosecuted  and  brought  to  a  close, 
covering  our  arms  with  glory,  belongs  to  other  pages. 

The  Smithsonian  Institute  at  Washington,  a  monument  in  the  new 
world  to  the  liberality  of  an  educational  philanthropist  of  the  old, 
was  incorporated  and  placed  under  congressional  regulation,  during 
the  session.  Provision  for  the  reception  of  delegates  from  Texas, 
and  the  admission  of  Wisconsin  and  Iowa  was  also  made.  A 
bill,  authorizing  the  collection  of  indemnity  from  the  French  for 
depredations  committed  upon  our  merchant  vessels,  and  a  bill 
providing  for  the  improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors  also  passed 
and  were  submitted  to  the  President, — they  both  received  his  veto. 
It  was  at  this  session  of  Congress  also,  that  the  Wilmot  Proviso 
originated. 

The  bill  requiring  three  millions  of  dollars  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
with  Mexico  was  being  considered,  when  Wilmot  of  Pennsylvania, 
an  administration  member,  moved  the  following  proviso :  uThat 
there  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  any 
territory  on  the  continent  of  America  which  shall  hereafter  be 
acquired  or  annexed  to  the  United  States  by  virtue  of  this  appro 
priation  or  any  other  manner  whatever,  except  for  crimes  whereof 
the  parties  shall  have  been  duly  convicted:  Provided  always, 
That  any  escaping  to  such  territory  from  whom  labor  or  service 
is  lawfully  claimed  in  any  of  the  United  States,  such  fugitive  may 
be  lawfully  reclaimed  and  conveyed  out  of  said  territory  to  the 
person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service."  This  provision,  after 
meeting  considerable  opposition  from  the  southern  members, 
passed  the  House  and  was  sent  to  the  Senate.  It  was,  perhaps, 
only  prevented  from  becoming  a  law  by  one  man.  The  adjourn 
ment  of  the  session  was  fixed  at  twelve  o'clock  on  the  day  the 
Proviso  was  being  discussed  in  the  Senate.  Dixon  H.  Lewis, 
from  Alabama,  met  it  boldly  and  squarely.  He  moved  in  the 
Senate  that  it  be  stricken  out,  and  made  an  able  speech  in  support 
of  the  motion.  Davis  from  Massachusetts  arose  to  reply,  and 
was  making  a  speech  in  favor  of  the  Proviso.  The  clock  in  the 
House  was  either  too  fast  or  that  in  the  Senate  too  slow ;  while 


JAMES    K.    POLK.  333 

Davis  was  speaking,  word  was  brought  that  the  House  had  ad 
journed, — it  being  twelve  o'clock  by  their  time,  but  not  by  that  of 
the  Senate.  Thus  the  bill  failed,  showing  on  what  small  things 
great  matters  often  hinge. 

The  Oregon  boundary  question  next  presented  itself.  It  was 
definitely  settled  by  formal  treaty,  concluded  by  the  Secretary  of 
State,  James  Buchanan,  and  Pakenham,  the  British  minister,  by 
fixing  the  boundary  line  on  the  forty-ninth  degree  of  north  latitude. 
The  treaty  was  acquiesced  in  by  the  Senate,  June  1846,  which  left 
us  on  terms  of  entire  amity  and  good  will  toward  Great  Britain. 

The  congressional  election  of  1846  showed  that  the  adminis 
tration  had  waned  in  popularity,  resulting  in  large  accessions  of 
strength  to  the  Whig  party.  The  main  causes  of  this  were 
opposition  in  many  portions  of  the  country  to  the  Mexican  war, 
and  the  change  from  the  protective  tariff  of  1842,  to  the  revenue 
principle.  In  the  House,  therefore,  a  majority  of  the  members 
were  opposed  to  the  administration,  while  the  Senate  was  still 
Democratic.  Congress  met  December  1847  ;  the  House  organized 
by  the  election  of  a  Whig  speaker,  R.  E.  Winthrop,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  who  beat  Lynn  Boyd,  of  Kentucky,  forty-six  votes.  The 
session  was  comparatively  inactive  and  unimportant.  The  terri 
tory  of  Oregon  was  organized,  a  sixteen  million  loan  was  provided, 
and  the  State  papers  of  President  Madison  were  purchased  by  the 
government. 

The  year  of  1848  brought  with  it  another  presidential  election. 
The  Democratic  national  convention  which  met  at  Baltimore  in 
May,  nominated  as  their  candidates,  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  for 
President,  and  William  O.  Butler,  of  Kentucky,  for  vice-president. 
The  Whig  national  convention  met  the  June  following  in  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  and  nominated  Zachary  Taylor,  of  Louisiana,  for 
President,  and  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  for  vice-president. 
The  claims  of  Clay  were  warmly  urged  by  his  friends  in  the  con 
vention,  but  sacrificing  his  fitness  to  availibility,  Taylor  received 
the  nomination.  The  Mexican  war  had  been  concluded,  and 
the  country  was  dazzled  with  the  fame  of  the  gallant  hero,  who 
had  achieved  so  many  brilliant  victories  and  conferred  such  honor 
upon  our  flag.  The  friends  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  organizing 
themselves  into  a  "  Free  Soil  Party,"  also  met  in  convention  in 
the  city  of  Buffalo,  New  York,  in  August,  and  nominated  Martin 
Yan  Bnren  and  Francis  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  as  their  candi- 


884  JAMES    K.    POLK. 

dates  for  the  presidency.  The  canvass  resulted  in  the  election  of 
Taylor  andFillmore,  each  of  whom  received  a  hundred  and  sixty- 
three  electoral  votes.  Cass  and  Butler  received  each  a  hundred  and 
twenty-seven ;  while  the  Free  Soil  candidates  received  none,  though 
their  popular  vote  at  the  polls  was  near  three  hundred  thousand. 

The  last  session  of  Congress  under  FOLK'S  administration 
assembled  December  4th,  1848,  and  continued  until  March  of  the 
ensuing  year.  The  principal  subject  of  consideration  before  this 
Congress,  was  providing  governments  for  the  territories  just 
acquired  by  treaty  with  Mexico;  but  the  excitement  concerning 
restriction  or  no  restriction  of  slavery,  as  expressed  in  the  Wilmot 
Proviso,  and  its  application  to  these  territories,  prevented  definite 
action  on  the  various  propositions  submitted,  and  all  efforts  to 
organize  territorial  governments  at  this  session  were  unsuccessful. 

After  the  accession  of  his  successor,  POLK  returned  to  Tennessee 
and  took  up  his  residence  at  his  new  mansion,  situated  in  the 
most  beautiful  part  of  the  city  of  Nashville.  He  determined  to 
devote  the  balance  of  his  life  to  domestic  ease  and  quiet.  He  was 
married  about  the  year  1828  to  Sarah  Childers,  daughter  of  Joel 
Childers,  of  Rutherford  County,  Tennessee.  They  had  no  children. 

POLK  did  not  long  survive  his  retirement.  Early  in  June,  1849, 
he  was  prostrated  by  a  severe  chronic  diarrhea,  of  which  he  died 
in  great  pain  on  the  15th,  in  the  54th  year  of  his  age.  His  re 
mains  were  deposited  in  the  Nashville  Cemetery,  but  subsequently 
removed  to  a  plain,  substantial  family  vault,  constructed  to  re 
ceive  them,  upon  the  mansion  grounds.  The  ceremonies  of 
removal  were  solemn  and  imposing,  the  remains  being  accom 
panied  by  one  of  the  largest  Masonic  processions  ever  witnessed 
in  the  South,  composed  in  part,  of  distinguished  men  from  all 
sections  of  the  country. 

"  In  person  POLK  was  of  middle  stature,  with  a  full,  angular 
brow,  and  a  quick,  penetrating  eye.  The  expression  of  his 
countenance  was  grave ;  and  at  the  close  of  his  presidential  term 
he  appeared  care-worn.  The  serious  cast  of  his  countenance 
was  often  relieved  by  a  pleasant  smile,  indicative  of  the  amenity 
of  his  disposition.  In  private  life  he  was  much  esteemed.  He 
was  unostentatious  in  his  deportment,  and  in  his  last  illness  indi 
cated  his  religious  views  by  receiving  the  ordinance  of  baptism 
from  a  clergyman  of  the  Methodist  church." 


ZACHARY  TAYLOR. 


ZACHAKY  TAYLOK. 


ZACHAKY  TAYLOR,  one  of  five  children,  and  son  of  Ei chard  and 
Sarah  Taylor,  was  born  November  24th,  1784,  in  Orange  County, 
Virginia.     His  ancestry  were  from  England,  whence  they  emi 
grated  to  this  country  in  1692.     The  father  of  ZACHARY  served 
bravely  as  a  colonel  through  the  Revolutionary  war.     He  went  to 
Kentucky  in  1785,  a  year  after  the  birth  of  his  son,  who  was  to 
bring  such  distinction  to  his  name,  and  settled  where  now  stands 
the  flourishing  city  of  Louisville.     Success  attended  his  change  of 
residence,  and  through  correct  deportment  and  continued  energy, 
he  soon  accumulated  a  very  handsome  property.     As  Louisville 
rose  into  commercial  importance,  and  the  State  began  to  assume 
politically  prominent  influence  and  position,  he  became  a  man  of 
considerable  note.     He  took  part  in  forming  the  State  constitution, 
and  several  times  represented  Jefferson  County  in  the  assembly. 
After  proving  himself  an  honored   and  valuable   citizen  for  a 
number  of  years,  both  in  public  and  private  capacities,  he  died  at 
his  farm,  regretted  by  all  conversant  with  his  sterling  qualities. 
Previous  to  his  death  he  showed  a  strong  desire  to  see  his  children 
educated  to  walks  of  usefulness  and  honor.     His  son  ZACHARY, 
therefore,  when  a  small  boy,  was  sent  to  school  to  a  Mr.  Ay  res, 
who  taught  in  the  immediate  neighborhood.     At  that  time  the 
country  was  infested  with  Indians,  and  no  small  degree  of  care 
and  solicitude  were  felt  by  parents  and  guardians  for  children 
attending  school. 

Young  TAYLOR  was  also  taught  to  labor,  being  confined  when 

not  at  school  to  the  healthful,  exhilarating  exercise  of  farming  till 

(885) 


836  ZACHARY    TAYLOR. 

he  reached  his  majority;  this  accounts  to  a  great  degree  for  his 
strong,  unbending  constitution,  which  nothing  could  subdue 
during  all  the  privations  of  a  long  and  checkered  military  life. 
He  first  turned  his  thoughts  to  military  affairs  at  the  time  when 
the  people  of  Kentucky  were  inflamed  in  regard  to  the  alleged 
machinations  of  Aaron  Burr,  having  been  induced  by  the 
suspicions  attached  to  that  noted  man  to  join  a  body  of  Ken 
tucky  volunteers.  His  service  however  not  being  required,  he 
again  engaged  in  rural  occupations. 

In  1808,  through  the  intervention  of  influential  kinsmen,  he 
was  appointed  lieutenant  in  the  United  States  army,  to  fill  the 
vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  his  brother,  Hancock  Taylor,  who 
had  held  that  commission  for  some  time.  He  was  then  twenty- 
three  years  old  when  opportunity  opened  for  the  gratification  of 
his  military  propensities.  He  took  great  pride  in  his  new  com 
mission,  and  hastened  to  join  General  Wilkinson  at  New  Orleans. 
On  arriving  in  that  city  he  was  attacked  with  yellow  fever,  and 
forced  to  return  home.  He  remained  inactive  for  some  time,  but 
devoted  himself  closely  to  the  study  of  military  tactics.  In  1810 
he  was  married  to  Margaret  Smith,  daughter  to  Major  R.  S.  Smith, 
of  Maryland,  a  lady  every  way  adapted  to  his  tastes  and  feelings. 

In  1812,  after  the  formal  declaration  of  war  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  Taylor  was  advanced  in  rank,  and  took 
command  of  Fort  Harrison,  built  by  the  general  of  that  name  on 
the  Wabash,  near  Yincennes,  during  operations  already  mentioned 
against  the  combined  forces  of  Tecumseh,  the  Prophet,  and  the 
British.  Against  this  fort  the  Indians  made  early  preparations 
for  an  attack.  After  vainly  trying  to  deceive  Captain  TAYLOR 
and  his  party,  many  of  whom  were  disabled  by  sickness  from 
making  resistance,  the  savages,  on  the  night  of  the  5th  of  Sep 
tember,  made  a  desperate  assault.  The  little  garrison  numbering 
in  all  but  fifty,  including  invalids,  were  aroused  in  the  night  by 
the  muskets  of  the  foes.  The  fort  was  fired,  and  but  for  the 
intrepidity  and  coolness  of  the  commander  would  have  been 
destroyed.  Under  his  directions  water  was  thrown  upon  the  fire 
by  some  of  the  party,  while  others  opened  upon  the  assailants  a 
continuous  fire  that  had  destructive  effect.  This  attack  lasted 
about  eight  hours,  during  which,  owing  to  the  superior  skill  and 
composure  of  Taylor,  but  three  or  four  of  his  men  were  killed, 
while  quite  a  number  of  the  Indians  fell  at  every  discharge  from 


ZACHARY     TAYLOR.  887 

the  fort.  Seeing  the  utter  futility  of  further  efforts,  the  savages  at 
length  withdrew,  leaving  the  fortress  in  possession  of  its  occu 
pants.  General  Hopkins  soon  after  arrived  with  a  reinforcement, 
as  the  garrison  were  still  apprehensive  of  another  attack.  TAYLOR 
in  this  affair  behaved  with  such  coolness  and  showed  such  mili 
tary  knowledge,  that  he  was  advanced  to  the  rank  of  Major ;  while 
in  letters  to  the  executive  of  Kentucky,  it  was  said:  "The  firm 
and  almost  unparalleled  defense  of  Fort  Harrison,  by  Captain 
ZACHAKY  TAYLOR,  has  raised  for  him  a  fabric  of  character  not  to 
be  exalted  by  eulogy."  Soon  after  an  expedition  was  planned 
by  Hopkins  against  the  settlements  of  the  Winnebagoes,  which, 
after  considerable  skirmishing  was  entirely  successful.  In  this 
TAYLOR  behaved  with  much  bravery,  and  received  the  highest 
praises  of  his  commander,  and  the  admiration  of  his  subordinates. 

Major  TAYLOR  remained  on  the  northern  frontier,  co-operating 
efficiently  with  Harrison  and  others,  until  the  successful  termin 
ation  of  the  war  of  1812.  After  the  close  of  the  war,  the  army 
was  reduced,  and  former  promotions  done  away  with.  In  conse 
quence  of  this,  TAYLOR,  from  the  rank  of  major,  sank  to  that  of  cap 
tain.  Displeased  with  the  policy  that  dictated  such  a  course  he  left 
the  service,  and  returning  home  resumed  his  farming  avocations. 
He  was  soon  after,  however,  restored  to  his  former  commission 
and  returned  to  the  army.  After  some  two  years  meritorious 
service  on  Lake  Michigan,  whither  he  was  ordered  in  1816,  he 
returned  to  Kentucky.  Kemaining  in  that  State  about  a  year 
he  was  sent  to  New  Orleans.  In  connection  with  Colonel  Russel, 
an  old  friend  and  associate,  he  continued  in  the  southern  service 
a  number  of  years,  his  principal  duties  being  the  opening  of  roads 
and  the  erection  of  military  posts.  In  1819  he  was  promoted  to 
the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel,  which  he  held  without  opportunity 
of  signalizing  himself  until  1824,  when  he  went  to  Louisville  on 
the  recruiting  service.  Conjoined  with  General  Winfield  Scott  and 
other  military  officers,  in  1824,  he  was  actively  engaged  in  organ 
izing  the  national  militia  so  as  to  render  them  more  effective. 

These  labors,  although  they  gave  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of 
military  judgment,  resulted  in  no  permanent  or  solid  benefits. 
He  now  again  embarked  in  the  duties  of  the  north-western  frontier, 
in  the  discharge  of  which  he  continued  for  a  period  of  five  years. 
Drilling  his  troops  through  the  various  military  evolutions  pertain 
ing  to  the  service,  in  the  northern  wilds  of  Wisconsin,  and  studying 


888  ZACHARY    TAYLOR. 

army  tactics,  Colonel  TAYLOR  was  preparing  himself  for  the 
important  position  awaiting  him.  He  has  been  described  at  this 
time  as  open  in  his  disposition,  frank,  generous,  intelligent,  and 
liberal-minded,  but  a  rigid  disciplinarian,  whom  nothing  could 
subdue  or  dishearten. 

In  1832  the  difficulties  of  the  Black  Hawk  war  called  him  to 
more  laborious  service.  The  Sac  Indians  urged  on,  it  has  been 
asserted,  by  mercenary  white  men,  committed  various  outrages 
upon  the  frontier  settlers  of  Illinois.  They  were  led  by  the 
famous  chief,  Black  Hawk,  and  caused  fearful  alarm  among  the 
people. 

General  Scott  was  immediately  ordered  with  a  thousand  men 
to  the  scene  of  operations,  with  instructions  to  arrest  further 
depredations.  This  force  was  subsequently  increased  by  the  acces 
sion  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  men,  among  whom  were  four 
hundred  regulars,  commanded  by  Colonel  TAYLOR.  The  Indians 
retreating  into  the  back  woods,  Atkinson  and  TAYLOR,  about  the 
last  of  July,  1832,  in  obedience  to  instructions,  were  ordered  to 
pursue  them.  After  a  toilful  march,  they  came  up  with  the  Indians, 
at  the  confluence  of  the  Iowa  and  Mississippi  rivers,  where  after  a 
sanguinary  struggle,  they  were  entirely  routed  with  great  slaughter. 
TAYLOR  behaved  in  the  action  with  all  the  coolness  and  courage 
of  a  veteran  warrior.  The  chief,  Black  Hawk,  and  a  numerous 
retinue  of  prisoners  were  conveyed  by  TAYLOR  to  Jefferson  bar 
racks,  where  they  remained  till  preliminaries  for  peace  were 
arranged.  Thus  closed  the  Black  Hawk  war.  TAYLOR  after  these 
transactions  visited  his  family  at  Louisville,  Kentucky,  whence 
after  a  brief  but  pleasant  sojourn  he  assumed  the  command  of  Fort 
Crawford  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  which  he  had  hastily  constructed 
during  former  operations  in  that  quarter.  He  remained  at  that 
point  for  some  time.  In  1836,  in  view  of  the  menacing  attitude 
of  the  Seniinole  Indians  in  Florida,  he  was  ordered  to  that  State, 
whither  he  went  without  delay.  Refusing  to  comply  with  treaty 
stipulations  entered  upon  in  1832,  to  evacuate  the  territory,  but 
manifesting  no  hostile  intentions,  they  had  lived  on  terms  of  amity 
with  the  white  settlers,  the  latter  indicating  no  great  anxiety  to  en 
force  the  treaty.  These  peaceful  relations,  however,  were  destined 
to  speedy  destruction.  Osceola,  a  bold  and  daring  chief,  incited 
his  brethren  to  rebellion,  and  a  bloody  crusade  against  the  whites 
was  commenced, — another  evidence  of  the  utter  impossibility  of 


ZACHARY     TAYLOR.  889 

two  distinct  races,  the  one  inferior  to  the  other,  occupying  the 
same  soil  without  servitude  or  rebellion.  Listening  to  the  war 
appeals,  the  entire  Seminoles  were  in  arms,  and  murders  and 
outrages  of  various  grades  were  committed  in  the  territory. 
TAYLOR  reached  Florida  at  a  time  when  matters  looked  more  dis 
couraging  than  otherwise.  All  efforts  of  General  Jessup  to  bring 
the  war  to  an  end  had  proved  abortive,  and  tended  to  embolden  the 
savages.  Operations  were  now  to  be  pursued  on  a  different  plan. 
TAYLOK  was  instructed  to  ferret  out  the  foe  and  overcome  them 
wherever  found,  without  reference  to  further  attempts  at  negoti 
ation. 

In  December  1837,  therefore,  in  company  with  General  Jes 
sup,  and  eleven  hundred  men,  he  set  out  for  the  thickets  and 
swamps,  resolved  to  exterminate  or  bring  to  terms  of  accomo- 
dation  the  lurking  enemy.  They  came  up  with  the  Indians  on 
Christmas  day.  They  were  concealed  among  the  hummocks,  in  a 
prairie  bordered  by  a  thick  cypress  swamp.  TAYLOK,  after  arrang 
ing  matters  for  the  attack,  led  his  troops  across  the  swamp  and  pene 
trated  the  prairie.  Just  as  they  had  got  fairly  into  the  glade,  the 
sharp  crack  of  several  hundred  rifles  and  as  many  wild  yells  from 
the  foe  gave  them  a  bloody  and  hideous  greeting.  The  effect  was 
perfectly  stunning.  Nothing  can  be  more  inconceivably  startling 
than  to  be  thus  suddenly  attacked  by  blood-thirsty  savages,  to 
whom  slaughter  is  a  feast  and  the  cries  of  pain  but  music.  Many 
of  our  officers  were  shot  down  at  the  first  discharge,  while  bullets 
continued  to  pour  among  their  ranks.  As  the  Indians  rushed  from 
their  hiding  places  some  confusion  became  manifest  among  the 
volunteers  as  they  saw  several  officers  fall.  Kecovering  however, 
they  rushed  to  the  charge,  each  man  performing  his  duty  as  though 
his  own  life  were  to  be  the  sacrifice  if  they  failed.  The  Indians  were 
several  times  driven  back,  but  as  often  rallied  and  fought  with 
unabated  courage.  In  this  way  the  fight  continued  several 
hours  with  murderous  effect.  The  enemy  at  last  gave  away  and 
were  hotly  pursued  to  their  camp  on  Lake  Okeechobee,  after 
which  this  sanguinary  conflict  took  its  name.  The  battle  of  Okee 
chobee  closed  the  war, — some  violence  followed,  but  further  im 
portant  transactions  were  unnecessary  to  resubjugate  the  hostile 
tribes.  The  Americans  lost  in  the  action  twenty-six  killed  and 
one  hundred  and  twelve  wounded,  among  whom  were  several  valu 
able  officers,  who  had  given  evidences  of  high  military  promise 


890  ZACHARY     TAYLOK. 

and  future  distinction.  TAYLOR  received  the  highest  encomiums 
for  his  skill  and  dauntless  courage  in  the  action.  The  government 
extended  to  him,  through  the  War  department,  appropriate  thanks 
for  his  gallantry  and  coolness,  and  soon  after  rewarded  him.  by 
promotion  to  the  rank  of  "brigadier  general  for  distinguished 
services  in  the  battle  of  Okeechobee,  in  Florida."  After  this  pro 
motion  he  succeeded  General  Jessup  in  the  command  of  the  forces 
in  Florida,  and  devoted  himself  with  efficient  energy  to  the  pro 
tection  of  the  inhabitants  against  the  Indians,  and  to  keeping  them 
entirely  overawed. 

He  held  this  post  till  1840,  and  performed  his  duties  every  way 
satisfactory  to  the  government.  Being  succeeded  in  the  southern 
command  by  General  Armistead,  TAYLOR  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  troops  in  the  south-west,  and  established  his  head-quarters 
at  Fort  Jessup,  in  Arkansas.  In  1841  he  took  possession  of  Fort 
Gibson,  which  he  continued  to  occupy  for  a  period  of  five  years. 
He,  in  the  meantime,  bought  property  in  Baton  Rouge,  Louisiana, 
and  removed  his  family  from  Kentucky  to  that  place,  which  re 
mained  his  residence  for  many  years. 

He  remained  in  but  partially  active  service  till  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  when,  as  before  stated,  he  was  ordered  to  that  State 
with  an  army  of  occupation.  Soon  as  the  annexation  resolutions 
were  acquiesced  in  by  Texas,  TAYLOR  was  ordered  to  advance  to 
the  Sabine,  at  some  point  on  the  Gulf  favorable  to  the  protection  of 
the  new  State.  For  this  expedition  he  was  furnished  with  two  regi 
ments  of  infantry  and  seven  companies  of  dragoons  and  artillery. 
His  immediate  instructions  were  to  take  possession  of  the  entire 
portion  of  Texas  claimed  by  the  people  of  that  State,  in  the  man 
ner  his  own  judgment  should  dictate,  but  to  refrain  from  striking 
a  blow  unless  compelled  to.  TAYLOR  accordingly  proceeded  to 
the  western  frontier  and  took  up  his  position  at  Corpus  Christi, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Nueces, — the  disputed  territory  being  between 
that  river  and  the  Rio  Grande.  He  remained  at  Corpus  Christi 
about  six  months,  when  agreeably  to  instructions  he  moved  for 
ward  with  his  army  toward  the  Rio  Grande.  Just  before  reaching 
Point  Isabel  he  was  met  by  a  deputation  of  Mexicans  from  Mata- 
moras,  bearing  a  protest  against  his  occupancy  of  the  country. 
Point  Isabel  was  seen  at  the  same  time  in  flames,  and  justly  feel 
ing  that  it  was  an  act  of  overt  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  Mexi 
cans,  he  dismissed  the  deputation,  and  telling  them  he  would  give 


ZACHARY     TAYLOR.  891 

au  answer  from  the  Kio  Grande,  he  hastened  to  subdue  the  fire  at 
Point  Isabel,  designing  to  establish  an  army  depot  there.  Most 
of  the  buildings  were  preserved,  while  the  captain,  by  whose  order 
the  place  was  fired,  escaped  merited  punishment. 

Remaining  at  Point  Isabel  for  some  time  the  army  proceeded  to 
the  Kio  Grande,  and  threw  up  a  fort  opposite  Matamoras,  to 
tfhich  they  gave  the  name  of  Fort  Brown.  The  Mexicans  also 
constructed  fortifications  on  the  other  side,  resolved  to  dispute  all 
attempts  against  the  town.  On  the  10th  of  April,  1S46,  the  first 
blood  was  shed,  and  by  Mexican  hands.  Colonel  Cross  of  the 
army,  for  exercise  rode  out  that  morning  unattended,  beyond  the 
lines.  He  was  murdered  by  the  enemy, — his  remains  were  subse 
quently  buried  with  due  military  honors.  The  Mexican  forces 
rapidly  increased  upon  the  Kio  Grande,  and  were  under  the  com 
mand  of  General  Ampudia.  On  the  12th  of  April,  that  general 
wrote  the  following  note  to  the  American  commander : 

"  By  explicit  and  definite  orders  of  my  government,  which  neither 
can  well  nor  should  receive  new  outrages,  I  require  you  in  all  form, 
and  at  latest,  in  the  peremptory  term  of  twenty-four  hours,  to  break 
up  your  camp  and  retire  to  the  other  bank  of  the  Xeuces  river,  while 
our  governments  are  regulating  the  pending  question  in  relation 
to  Texas.  If  you  insist  on  remaining  upon  the  soil  of  the  depart 
ment  Tamaulipas,  it  will  clearly  result  that  arms,  and  arms  alone, 
must  decide  the  question ;  and  in  that  case  I  advise  you  that  we 
accept  the  war  to  which  with  so  much  injustice  on  your  part  you 
provoke  us ;  and  that  on  our  part  this  war  shall  be  conducted 
conformably  to  the  principles  of  the  most  civilized  nations ;  that 
is  to  say,  that  the  law  of  nations  and  of  war  shall  be  the  guide 
of  my  operations ;  trusting  that  on  your  part  the  same  shall  be 
observed."  To  the  above  TAYLOR  replied  as  follows: 

"  The  instructions  under  which  I  am  acting  will  not  permit  me 
to  retrograde  from  the  position  I  now  occupy.  In  view  of  the 
relations  between  our  respective  governments,  and  the  individual 
suffering  which  may  result,  I  regret  the  alternative  which  you  offer, 
but  at  the  same  time  wish  it  understood  that  I  shall  by  no  means 
avoid  such  alternative,  leaving  the  responsibilities  with  those  who 
rashly  commenced  hostilities.  In  conclusion,  you  will  permit  me 
to  give  the  assurance,  on  my  part,  that  the  laws  and  customs  of 
war  among  civilized  nations  shall  be  carefully  observed."  Hos 
tilities  now  fairly  commenced.  Arista  succeeded  Ampudia  in  the 
60 


892  ZACHARY     TAYLOR. 

command  of  the  Mexican  army,  whose  strength  was  much  in 
creased.  TAYLOR  continued  strengthening  his  position,  deter 
mined  to  maintain  it  at  all  hazards.  He  also  blockaded  the  river, 
thus  cutting  off  supplies  from  Matamoras.  When  this  was  known 
to  the  Mexican  General,  he  made  preparations  to  attack  the  fort 
with  vigor  and  in  full  force.  TAYLOR,  believing  from  all  indi 
cations  that  the  Mexicans  would  aim  to  get  possession  of  Point 
Isabel,  and  then  come  upon  his  rear,  and  knowing  that  to  be  an 
important  point  hastened  thither,  leaving  Fort  Brown  in  as  good 
a  condition  of  defense  as  circumstances  would  allow.  Mistaking 
this  retrograde  movement,  'designed  to  protect  the  army  stores,  for 
a  retreat,  the  Mexican  general  resolved  on  pursuit,  and  dispatched 
a  large  body  of  men  across  the  Rio  Grande  for  that  purpose. 
Having  secured  the  safety  of  his  stores  at  Point  Isabel,  TAYLOR 
now  hastened  back  to  Fort  Brown,  besieged  in  the  meantime  by 
the  enemy,  who  had  erected  a  fort  in  the  rear  of  it.  On  the  8th  of 
May  he  met  the  pursuing  Mexicans,  drawn  up  for  battle  on  a 
prairie  in  the  vicinity  of  Palo  Alto.  Both  sides  prepared  for 
action,  which  commenced  at  two  o'clock  P  M.  on  the  part  of  the 
Americans,  who  were  resolved  to  force  the  enemy's  position.  The 
Mexican  cannon  were  planted  immediately  in  front,  their  cavalry 
stationed  on  the  left.  As  the  order  to  advance  was  given,  the 
artillery  of  the  enemy  opened  upon  the  Americans  with  a  series 
of  terrific  discharges.  They  were  responded  to  by  the  light 
artillery  of  Major  Ringgold  in  front,  and  Duncan's  battery  on  the 
left.  The  attack,  sustained  for  the  most  part  by  artillery,  lasted 
some  five  hours,  when,  unable  longer  to  withstand  the  destructive 
and  well  directed  fire  of  the  battery,  the  Mexicans  were  swept 
from  the  field.  TAYLOR'S  force  in  the  engagement  numbered 
about  twenty-three  hundred  men.  That  of  the  Mexicans  was 
estimated  at  six  thousand.  Their  loss  in  the  action  was  two 
hundred  killed  and  four  hundred  wounded.  The  Americans  lost 
nine  killed  and  forty  wounded, — among  the  former  was  the  gallant 
and  accomplished  Major  Ringgold.*  Remaining  on  the  ground 
during  the  night,  TAYLOR  proceeded  next  day  toward  Matamoras. 
At  a  ravine  known  as  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  he  found  the  Mexicans 
prepared  to  dispute  his  progress.  They  were  strongly  posted, 
having  their  artillery  so  arranged  as  to  bear  directly  upon  the 

*  Mansfield. 


ZACJIARY     TAYLOR.  893 

advancing  columns.  As  the  Americans  approached,  the  Mexican 
artillery,  managed  principally  by  General  La  Vega,  opened  upon 
them  a  tremendous  fire  which  was  returned  by  Ridgely's  battery 
with  telling  effect.  After  the  action  had  continued  for  some  time 
in  this  way,  TAYLOR  determined  to  silence  the  guns  of  La  Yega 
by  a  bold  stroke.  This  duty  was  assigned  to  Captain  May  of  the 
dragoons.  That  officer  at  the  head  of  his  troop  immediately 
dashed  ahead  over  all  opposition  upon  the  guns.  He  ordered  La 
Yega  to  surrender.  Finding  resistance  vain,  and  astounded  at 
an  exploit,  the  daring  of  which  he  had  never  before  seen  equalled, 
the  Mexican  general  obeyed.  The  enemy's  guns  were  effectually 
silenced,  and  La  Yega  taken  prisoner.  This  was  one  of  the  most 
daring  feats  of  the  whole  war,  and  decided  the  day.  The  Mexi 
cans  gave  way  on  all  sides  and  fled  to  the  Rio  Grande,  hotly  pur 
sued  by  our  troops  till  they  passed  that  river.  The  Mexican  force 
in  the  engagement  was  estimated  at  six  thousand,  while  that  of 
the  Americans  did  not  reach  one-third  that  number.  The  Ameri 
can  loss  was  thirty-nine  killed  and  eighty-three  wounded.  The 
loss  of  the  enemy  in  these  two  actions,  killed,  wounded  and  miss 
ing  was  about  one  thousand.  "  Our  victory,"  said  TAYLOR  in  his 
dispatch,  uhas  been  decisive.  A  small  force  has  overcome 
immense  odds  of  the  best  troops  Mexico  can  furnish, — veteran 
regiments  perfectly  equipped  and  appointed.  Eight  pieces  of 
artillery,  several  colors,  and  a  large  amount  of  baggage  and  public 
property  have  fallen  into  our  hands.  The  causes  of  the  victory  are 
doubtless  to  be  found  in  the  superior  quality  of  the  officers  and 
men."  TAYLOR  in  these  actions  exhibited  the  highest  courage, 
coolness,  and  military  judgment,  exposing  himself,  regardless  of 
danger,  to  the  most  imminent  peril.  The  Mexican  army  was 
completely  shattered.  Their  general,  Arista,  ingloriously  fled 
and  made  his  way  alone  into  the  interior. 

Fort  Brown,  which  in  the  meantime,  had  been  left  in  com 
mand  of  Major  Brown  and  Captains  Mansfield  and  Hawkins,  was 
severely  bombarded  by  the  Mexicans  from  the  fort  erected  in  the 
rear.  The  attack  commenced  on  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  May, 
and  was  continued  for  several  days  with  vigor.  The  heroic 
defenders  of  the  fort  were  at  one  time  almost  reduced  to  extremi 
ties,  being  closely  besieged  and  very  short  of  supplies.  The 
victories  of  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  and  the  return 
of  the  Americans  on  the  10th  gave  joyful  relief,  and  left  the 


894  ZACHARY     TAYLOR. 

Americans  in  undisputed  possession  of  the  Rio  Grande  as  a  basis 
of  future  operations.  News  of  the  movements  taking  place  on 
the  Rio  Grande  flew  rapidly  to  the  United  States  and  created  the 
most  intense  interest.  Congress  immediately  authorized  the 
appropriation  of  ten  million  of  dollars,  and  the  raising  of  fifty 
thousand  volunteers  for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting  the  war  to  a 
speedy  and  victorious  conclusion.  Largely  over  the  number 
required  were  soon  reported  to  the  executives  of  the  various 
States  ready  for  marching  orders. 

TAYLOR,  after  the  victories  just  noted,  resolved  to  attack  Mata- 
moras.  Commodore  Conner's  squadron  in  the  Gulf  was  expected 
to  participate.  For  the  purpose  of  conferring  with  that  officer, 
TAYLOR,  leaving  his  army  in  the  command  of  General  Twiggs, 
hastened  to  Point  Isabel.  At  that  place  he  met  a  reinforcement 
just  arrived  from  Louisiana.  These  were  placed  in  the  command 
of  Colonel  Wilson,  and  proceeded  across  the  Rio  Grande,  taking 
possession  of  Brazos,  it  being  the  first  capture  made  beyond  the 
river.  TAYLOR  returned  to  headquarters  and  prepared  for  an 
immediate  attack  upon  Matamoras.  While  this  was  being  done, 
Arista,  who  had  returned  to  the  city,  proposed  an  armistice,  with  a 
view  to  the  settlement  of  existent  difficulties  between  the  two 
governments.  Judging  this  to  be  a  mere  pretext  to  gain  time 
TAYLOR  refused  compliance.  Arista  partially  succeeded  in  remov 
ing  his  military  stores,  when  with  the  remnant  of  his  army  he 
retreated  toward  Monterey.  TAYLOR  now  crossed  the  Rio  Grande 
and  took  undisputed  possession  of  Matamoras.  The  enemy  was 
pursued  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Garland  and  his  cavalry  a  distance 
of  sixty  miles,  when  the  pursuing  party  satisfied  of  the  futility 
of  farther  efforts  returned  to  the  city. 

Arrangements  were  soon  made  for  a  formal  invasion  of  the 
country.  Much  delay  was  occasioned,  and  operations  greatly 
retarded  by  the  inefficient  facilities  of  transportation.  In  June 
TAYLOR  was  regularly  commissioned  as  Major-General.  During 
the  summer,  operations  were  successful  in  various  quarters.  Vera 
Cruz  was  blockaded,  and  Reyuosa,  Revilla,  Mier,  and  Camargo 
captured.  The  latter  point,  near  two  hundred  miles  above  the 
mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  was  selected  as  the  general  depot  where 
supplies  and  various  divisions  of  reinforcemnts  were  to  be  con 
centrated.  By  autumn  the  forces  under  his  command,  TAYLOR 
thought,  justified  an  advance  into  the  interior.  On  the  20th  of 


ZACHABY     TAYLOR. 


895 


August,  therefore,  General  Worth  with  his  division  commenced 
the  march,  and  was  a  few  days  after  followed  by  TAYLOR  in  person  ; 
their  design  being  against  the  city  of  Monterey,  the  capitol  of 
New  Leon,  and  one  of  the  most  important  places  in  northern 
Mexico.  The  forces  of  Worth  and  Taylor  effected  a  junction  the 
latter  part  of  August  at  Murin,  and  were  organized  under  the 
commander-in-chief.  TAYLOR  encamped  the  19th  of  September 
at  Walnut  Springs,  only  a  league  distant  from  the  city.  Monterey 
was  defended  by  ten  thousand  men  under  the  command  of  General 
Ampudia,  one  of  the  most  inefficient  officers  that  ever  drew  a 
lance.  The  city  possessed  strong  natural  defenses,  which  had  been 
augmented  by  the  Mexicans.  After  cautious  and  careful  recon- 
noissances  of  the  city,  TAYLOR,  notwithstanding  the  disparity  of 
numbers,  determined  to  take  the  place  by  storm.  This  was  no 
small  undertaking.  Defended  on  all  sides  by  strong  fortresses, 
whence  frowned  mounted  cannon  upon  the  invaders,  she  pre 
sented  a  formidable  appearance.  The  streets  of  the  city,  too, 
were  narrow  and  well  defended  by  cannon,  and  the  soldiers  provided 
with  every  means  of  defense.  General  Worth,  on  the  20th  of 
September  encamped  near  the  city  just  beyond  the  range  of  the 
Mexican  guns,  and  on  the  ensuing  day  began  the  attack.  On  the 
23d  the  entire  army  was  engaged  in  the  assault,  and  a  fierce 
struggle  ensued  in  the  streets.  The  enemy  gave  way  gradually, 
retreating  from  street  to  street,  until  their  strong  works  were 
abandoned.  TAYLOR  placed  his  troops  in  these,  resolved  to  confer 
with  General  Worth  in  regard  to  a  combined  assault.  The  city, 
however,  was  spared  the  consequences  of  being  stormed.  On  the 
24th,  General  Ampudia  notified  the  American  general  of  his 
willingness  to  evacuate  the  town  if  permitted  to  do  so  with 
their  baggage  and  munitions  without  molestation.  TAYLOR,  not 
wishing  to  weaken  his  forces,  or  subject  the  inhabitants  to  further 
injury,  wisely  acceded  to  the  proposition.  The  Mexicans  the 
next  day  left  the  city,  and  General  Worth  was  made  its  temporary 
governor.  The  American  loss  in  and  around  Monterey  amounted 
to  a  hundred  and  twenty  killed,  and  three  hundred  and  sixty-eight 
wounded, — that  of  the  enemy  was  greatly  over  that  number.  On 
the  12th  of  November  TAYLOR,  having  established  his  headquarters 
at  Monterey,  sent  Worth  and  his  division  to  Saltillo,  and  directed 
General  Wool,  instead  of  continuing  his  route  to  Chihuahua,  to 
lead  his  forces,  over  two  thousand  strong,  to  Parras.  These  orders 


896  ZACHARY     TAYLOR. 

were  obeyed,  and  Generals  "Worth  and  Wool  effected  a  junction  of 
their  troops  at  Saltillo  early  in  December.  TAYLOR  soon  after 
joined  them  at  that  point,  resolved  to  hold  Saltillo,  as  being  a 
place  of  considerable  political  and  military  importance. 

The  Mexicans  were  concentrating  all  available  forces  at  San 
Luis  Potosi,  a  city  situated  about  three. hundred  miles  from  Saltillo. 
TAYLOR  gave  a  clear  statement  of  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of  an 
advance  upon  that  place,  and  proposed  an  immediate  movement 
against  Tampico.     This  plan  was  not  carried  out.     That  place 
was,  however,  taken  by  Commodore  Perry  during  the  month  of 
November,   and   a  garrison   detached   from   TAYLOR'S   army   to 
take  possession  of  it.     TAYLOR  had  returned  to  Monterey ;  learn 
ing  while  on  his  way  from   that  place  to  Victoria,  that  Santa 
Anna,  who  had  been  recalled  from  exile  and  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  Mexican  armies  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  meditated  an  attack  upon 
Worth's  command  at  Saltillo,  and  afterward  that  of  General  Wool 
at  Parras,  he  hastened  back  with  a  view  of  concentrating  his  forces 
to  meet  the  enemy.     Activity  and  watchfulness  now  characterized 
the  movements  of  the  American  general.     Quitman  was  ordered 
with  his  volunteers  to  Victoria  to  join   the   troops  of  General 
Patterson.     Generals  Butler  and  Wool  moved  with  their  respect 
ive  troops   from    Parras   and   Monterey  to   reinforce   Worth  at 
Saltillo,  while  TAYLOR  in  person,  accompanied  by  Twiggs,  pro 
ceeded  in  the  direction  of  Victoria,  of  which  General  Quitman 
took  unopposed  possession  on  the  29th  of  December.     On  the  4th 
of  January,  1849,  Generals  TAYLOR  and  Twiggs  entered  the  place 
and  joined  to  their  command  the  troops  of  Patterson  and  Quitman, 
which  increased  the  forces  in  the  town  to  over  five  thousand  men. 
The  American  Congress,  in  the  meantime,  resolved  to  com 
mence  operations  against  Vera  Cruz,  and  thence  push  forward  to 
the  city  of  Mexico.     General  Winfield  Scott  was  appointed  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  army,  and  made  immediate  efforts  to  insure 
the  success  of  his  southern  campaign.     His  first  step  was  to  draw 
off  from  TAYLOR  nearly  all  the  regulars  whom  he  had  so  long  and 
bravely   commanded   and  led    to   so    many   brilliant  victories. 
Generals  Worth,    Quitman,  Patterson,  and   Twiggs,  with   their 
several  commands,  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  Scott,  departed 
for  Vera  Cruz,  leaving  TAYLOR  with  but  five  thousand  men,  of 
whom  but  five   hundred  were  regulars,  to  continue   operations 
against  Santa  Anna.     TAYLOR,  on  parting  with  his  faithful  old 


ZACIIAKY     TAYLOR.  897 

regulars,  issued  an  order  "extending  his  heartfelt  wishes  for  their 
continued  success  and  happiness,  confident  that  their  achieve 
ments  on  another  theater  would  redound  to  the  credit  of  their  coun 
try  and  its  arms."  Being  reinforced  till  his  command  reached 
between  six  and  seven  thousand  men,  TAYLOR,  in  January  1847, 
took  up  his  headquarters  at  Monterey,  where  he  learned  the 
capture  by  the  Mexicans  of  Cassius  M.  Clay  and  Majors  Gaines 
and  Borland  atEncarnacion.  Santa  Anna,  meanwrhile,  had  been 
elected  provisional  President  of  Mexico,  and  collected  at  San  Luis 
Potosi  an  army  of  twenty-one  thousand  men,  and  was  preparing 
to  drive  TAYLOK  across  the  Rio  Grande.  In  early  February 
his  army  was  put  in  motion  against  the  Americans  at  Saltillo. 
The  Mexicans  were  well  equipped,  and  led  by  their  old  general, 
confident  of  victory.  After  a  rapid  march  they  reached  Encar- 
nacion  on  the  21st,  and  the  next  day  pushed  forward  against 
Saltillo. 

Every  inducement  surrounded  the  Mexican  general  to  leave  no 
effort  untried  to  obtain  a  decisive  victory.  If  he  could  beat 
TAYLOR  in  an  important  battle,  one  by  one,  he  could  retake  all  the 
captured  posts,  drive  him  out  of  the  country,  infuse  ardor  into  the 
army,  and  establish  unlimited  ascendency  over  the  minds  of  the 
people.  If  himself  beaten,  the  Americans  would  be  in  undisputed 
possession  of  the  northern  division  of  Mexico,  his  own  army  broken 
to  pieces,  and  all  hope  and  confidence  destroyed.  Everything, 
indeed,  hinged  upon  the  fate  of  a  single  battle,  and  the  newly 
created  President  was  fully  nerved  up  to  the  crisis. 

TAYLOR,  on  learning,  the  vast  preparation  and  approach  of  the 
enemy,  with  skill  and  celerity  concentrated  his  forces,  and  took 
up  his  position  about  three  leagues  from  Saltillo  at  a  mountain 
pass  called  Buena  Yista,  where  he  determined  to  await  and  give 
battle.  The  position  was  well  selected.  It  was  a  narrow  pass 
between  two  ranges  of  mountains  through  which  lay  the  Saltillo 
and  San  Luis  Potosi  road.  The  mountains  were  cut  with  gullies 
by  heavy  rains  to  which  the  country  is  subjected,  between  which 
were  plateaus  of  sufficient  surface  to  afford  foot-hold  for  small 
bodies  of  soldiers  and  maneuvering  detachments.  Parallel  with 
the  road  to  the  west  was  a  deep  ditch,  piercing  it  from  the  western 
range  of  mountains.  TAYLOK  stationed  his  left  wing  on  a  large 
plateau  east  of  the  road  commanding  the  mountain  side,  his 
right  wing  rested  on  the  opposite  mountain  side  upon  the  plateaus 


398  ZACHARY     TAYLOR. 

protected  by  the  ditch,  while  the  light  artillery  was  stationed  in 
the  road  commanding  the  center  of  the  pass. 

On  the  morning  of  the  22d  of  February,  a  body  of  Americans 
stationed  at  Agua  Nueva  came  rushing  to  Buena  Yista,  announcing 
the  approach  of  the  Mexicans,  who  were  moving  rapidly  forward 
from  Encaruacion.  The  position  of  the  American  army  was 
extremely  critical.  Santa  Anna  had  a  force  five  times  their 
number,  well  equipped  and  elated  with  hopes  of  victory.  TAYLOR 
had  but  few  regulars, — his  force,  greatly  inferior  in  numbers  as  it 
was,  being  mostly  volunteers  unaccustomed  to  the  field, — yet  he 
prepared  to  meet  the  enemy  with  boldness  and  fortitude.  TAYLOR 
possessed  an  extraordinary  amount  of  firmness  and  determination. 
When  he  was  preparing  to  return  from  Point  Isabel  to  Fort  Brown, 
in  1846,  just  previous  to  the  battles  of  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de 
la  Palina,  he  said:  "I  shall  march  this  day  with  the  main  body  of 
the  army  to  open  a  communication  with  Major  Brown,  and  to 
throw  forward  supplies  of  ordnance  and  provision.  If  the  enemy 
oppose  my  march,  in  whatever  force  I  shall  fight  Tiim." 

He  was  now  at  Buena  Yista,  and  though  the  enemy  was  march 
ing  forward  with  overwhelming  numbers,  he  resolved  to  fight  him 
"in  whatever  force."  Santa  Anna  soon  came  up  and  at  eleven 
o'clock  informed  TAYLOR  that  he  was  "  surrounded  by  twenty 
thousand  men,"  and  ordered  him  to  surrender.  In  reply  to  this 
information  and  order,  TAYLOR  characteristically  said:  "Tell 
Santa  Anna  to  come  and  take  me"  which  the  latter  immedi 
ately  prepared  to  do.  The  judicious  selection  of  his  position 
now  became  apparent.  It  was  a  species  of  Thermopylae  pass, 
where  numerical  superiority  was  deprived  of  many  advantages. 
The  mountain  sides  prevented  successful  cavalry  deploys,  in 
which  a  great  part  of  the  enemy's  strength  consisted,  while  the 
narrowness  of  the  pass  rendered  inefficient  a  large  portion  of 
the  infantry  and  artillery.  The  Mexicans  began  the  attack  against 
the  left  wing  stationed  on  the  plateau  east  of  the  road,  by  en 
deavoring  to  turn  their  flank, — these  maneuvers  resulted  in 
nothing  more  than  light  skirmishing.  Expecting  a  complete 
victory,  by  order  of  the  Mexican  general,  fifteen  hundred  cavalry 
led  by  Minon  gained  the  rear  of  TAYLOR'S  army,  to  prevent  his 
retreat.  Night  set  in,  and  the  Americans  rested  on  their  arms, 
ready  to  give  their  enemy  a  fierce  welcome  on  the  morrow. 
TAYLOR  went  to  Saltillo  to  bring  forward  all  the  troops  at  that 


ZACHARY     TAYLOR.  ggg 

place ;  he  arrived  at  Buena  Vista  just  after  the  action  began  on 
the  morning  of  the  23d.  The  attack  was  made  in  the  same 
manner  as  it  was  the  day  before  against  the  left  wing  on  the 
plateau.  The  gallant  left  sustained  its  position  manfully,  hurling 
back  a  vastly  superior  force  with  their  well  directed  fires.  Early 
in  the  morning  a  dense  body  of  Mexicans  marched  steadily  forward 
against  the  American  center.  They  soon  encountered  the  artillery, 
directed  by  Captain  Washington,  and  were  driven  back  with 
severe  loss.  Uniting  a  large  number  of  cavalry  and  infantry 
under  cover  of  the  ridges,  the  Mexicans  again  directed  a  combined 
and  desperate  attack  upon  the  left.  O'Brian's  artillery  poured 
against  the  advancing  infantry  a  heavy  and  destructive  fire,  but 
could  not  check  their  progress,  and  it  was  soon  perceived  that  they 
were  rapidly  outflanking  the  left  wing  with  the  obvious  intent  of 
gaining  the  rear.  Affairs  were  in  this  most  critical  condition 
when  TAYLOR  arrived  on  the  ground  from  Saltillo.  Captains  Bragg 
and  Sherman  with  their  artillery  were  quickly  ordered  to  the  sup 
port  of  the  receding  left,  and  bodies  of  cavalry  formed  for  the 
same  purpose.  The  Mexicans  made  desperate  efforts  against 
these,  but  were  forced  to  fall  back.  A  portion  of  the  Mexican  army 
had  meantime  gained  the  rear,  but  being  disjoined  from  the  main 
body,  reaped  no  advantages  by  the  movement ;  they  rather,  indeed, 
embarrassed  themselves  while  endeavoring  to  regain  the  regular 
ranks.  At  this  junction  Santa  Anna  sent  TAYLOR  a  message, 
asking  what  he  wanted.  "Wool  was  sent  to  the  Mexican  general 
with  an  order  for  his  troops  to  cease  their  fire.  This  not  being 
obeyed  Wool  returned  to  his  post. 

After  various  evolutions  and  repulses,  the  Mexicans  again  became 
united,  and  strong  efforts  were  made  to  drive  the  Americans  from  the 
field.  Minon  secured  a  high  position  on  the  Saltillo  road,  and  had 
several  light  encounters  with  TAYLOR'S  reserves.  He  also  tried  to 
charge  the  artillery  but  was  driven  back  in  confusion  and  did  not 
again  participate  in  the  action.  Santa  Anna's  reserves  now  made 
a  vigorous  attack  upon  the  Illinois  and  Kentucky  volunteers,  com 
posing  a  portion  of  the  infantry.  They  came  on  in  vastly  superior 
numbers  and  overwhelmed  everything  before  them.  O'Briau's 
infantry  was  routed  and  his  field  pieces,  so  gallantly  served,  cap 
tured  by  the  advancing  Mexicans.  At  this  critical  moment  and 
turning  point  of  the  battle,  the  heroic  Bragg  came  forward 
with  his  artillery  from  his  noble  defense  of  the  left.  A  body  of 


900  ZACHARY     TAYLOR. 

infantry  was  quickly  formed,  and  he  was  ordered  in  front  of  the 
flushed  Mexicans.  Though  at  the  imminent  peril  of  losing  not 
only  his  guns  but  his  life  the  order  was  promptly  obeyed.  His 
battery  was  formed  not  a  minute  too  soon, — the  enemy  were 
within  a  few  yards  of  his  guns  when  a  shower  of  canister  checked 
them  on  the  spot,  while  repeated  discharges  cut  them  down 
with  fearful  slaughter.  Bragg  won  imperishable  laurels.  With 
out  flinching  or  giving  way  an  inch,  his  battery  thundered  death 
against  the  enemy,  who  repulsed,  would  return  in  dense  bodies  to 
the  very  muzzles  of  his  pieces,  when  they  would  recoil  with 
thinned  ranks ;  at  length  they  were  forced  to  retire  with  heavy 
loss.  The  Kentucky  troops  in  their  ardor  advancing  too  far 
ahead  of  the  main  body,  were  turned  back  and  hotly  pursued 
by  the  enemy,  who  followed  them -along  the  ravine,  until  re 
pulsed  by  a  raking  fire  from  "Washington's  artillery.  Protected 
by  the  Indiana  and  Mississippi  troops,  a  portion  of  the  artillery 
took  position  on  the  plateau  which  wTas  gallantly  defended. 
Colonels  Henry  Clay,  jr.,  and  McKee  of  Kentucky,  and  Hardin 
of  Illinois  fell  while  leading  forward  their  commands ;  Colonel 
Yell,  of  Arkansas,  and  Adjutant  Vaughau,  of  Kentucky,  were 
killed  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  action. 

The  repulse  of  the  Mexicans  by  Braggs'  battery,  and  suc 
cessful  defense  of  the  plateau  terminated  gloriously  the  battle  of 
Buena  Yista,  the  result  of  which  was  the  subjugation  of  northern 
Mexico.  Night  again  hovered  over  the  field,  and  put  an  and  to 
the  conflict.  The  wounded  were  conveyed  to  Saltillo  and  carefully 
provided  for.  Expecting  a  renewal  of  the  contest  on  the  24th,  the 
troops  rested  on  their  arms,  and  for  the  most  part  without  fires. 
Beiuforcements  came  in,  both  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  and  every 
preparation  was  made  for  a  renewal  of  the  action.  When  the  morn 
ing  dawned  however  upon  the  field  of  battle,  it  was  perceived  that 
the  enemy  had  retreated  to  Agua  Nueva,  whither,  in  his  present 
exhausted  condition,  TAYLOR  did  not  deem  it  advisable  to  pursue, 
satisfied  with  the  dispersion  of  an  army  numbering  five  times  his 
own,  and  the  maintenance  of  his  position. 

A  satisfactory  exchange  of  prisoners  was  agreed  upon  between 
the  two  commanders.  TAYLOR  buried  the  dead,  and  with  charac 
teristic  magnanimity,  attended  with  solicitude  to  the  wants  of  the 
Mexican  wounded,  having  them  conveyed  to  Saltillo  where  medical 
aid  was  procured.  'The  Americans  lost  in  this  sanguinary  battle 


ZACHARY     TAYLOR. 

two  hundred  and  sixty-seven  killed,  four  hundred  and  fifty-six 
wounded  and  twenty-three  missing, — the  Mexicans  lost  in  all  over 
fifteen  hundred. 

Santa  Anna  evacuated  Agua  Nueva  on  the  26th,  and  in  a  dis 
tressed  condition  directed  his  march  to  San  Luis  Potosi ;  on  the 
next  day  General  TAYLOR  and  his  army  were  encamped  at  Agua 
Xueva,  the  remaining  Mexican  soldiers  retreating  at  his  approach, 
leaving  many  of  the  dead  unburied  and  the  wounded  uncared  for. 
The  Mexican  army  continued  to  decrease  by  sickness  and  desertion, 
Santa  Anna  leaving  along  the  route  of  his  retreat,  dead,  sick,  and 
dying  soldiers, — some  crowded  into  houses,  and  others  lying  on 
the  road  side. 

This,  in  many  respects,  was  one  of  the  most  extraordinary 
battles  fought  in  modern  times.  Men  versed  in  military  matters 
concluded  that  at  one  time  the  Americans  were  virtually  beaten, 
but  owing  to  their  inexperience  in  the  field  the  volunteers 
were  ignorant  of  the  fact,  and  fought  on  till  victory  crowned 
their  efforts. 

At  Buena  Yista  TAYLOR  reached  the  acme  of  his  military  fame. 
Cut  off  from  the  aid  of  his  regulars,  with  that  bold  and  indomi 
table  courage  he  had  always  exhibited,  he  was  determined  to 
maintain  his  position  at  every  hazard.  News  of  his  glorious 
victory,  the  importance  of  which,  Mansfield  justly  says  in  his 
well  written  history  of  the  Mexican  war,  can  not  be  exaggerated, 
was  welcomed  in  the  United  States  with  pride  and  gratification. 
Thomas  L.  Crittenden,  aid  to  TAYLOR,  being  dispatched  to  Wash 
ington  city  with  the  official  account  of  the  battle,  and  an  escort  of 
two  hundred  and  sixty  men  under  Major  Giddings,  was  attacked 
at  Ceralvo  by  the  Mexicans,  over  four  times  their  number,  com 
manded  by  General  Urrea.  The  escort  fought  bravely,  and  after 
a  sharp  encounter  forced  the  Mexicans  to  give  way,  and  proceeded 
on  their  route.  TAYLOR,  after  active  pursuit  of  Urrea,  returned 
to  his  old  camp  at  Walnut  Springs,  in  the  vicinity  of  Monterey, 
and  established  his  headquarters. 

The  capture  of  Yera  Cruz  by  General  Scott,  and  his  subsequent 
victories  at  Cerro  Gordo,  Cherubusco,  Chapultepec,  and  Molino 
del  Key,  resulting  in  the  conclusion  of  the  Mexican  war,  TAYLOR, 
after  several  months  of  comparative  leisure  asked  and  obtained 
leave  to  revisit  his  home  at  Baton  Eouge,  Louisiana.  Having 
reached  the  highest  position  among  the  heroes  of  his  country, 


902  ZACHARY     TAYLOR. 

he  now  wished  to  retire  to  his  home  and  enjoy  with  his  family, 
from  whom  he  had  been  so  long  absent,  the  dear  reward  of  merit 
and  duty.  Leaving  the  army  under  General  Wool  he  returned  to 
the  United  States,  through  the  country  which  his  own  arms  had 
conquered,  passing  Camargo,  Matamoras,  and  Point  Isabel  on  his 
route.  He  left  the  latter  point  in  November,  and  arrived  at  New 
Orleans  the  first  of  the  ensuing  month,  where,  aside  from  that 
holiest  of  joys,  a  reunion  with  his  family,  he  was  greeted  with 
firing  of  cannon,  and  the  plaudits  of  his  countrymen.  Among 
other  testimonials  of  highest  appreciation,  he  was  presented  with 
an  elegant  sword,  appropriated  by  the  Legislature  of  Louisiana. 
It  was  presented  by  Governor  Johnson,  who  made  suitable  and 
eloquent  remarks  on  the  occasion,  to  which  TAYLOR  replied  with 
deep  feeling  and  emotion.  Thence  to  Baton  Rouge  his  journey 
was  a  grand  ovation  of  the  people,  who  were  eager  to  extend 
grateful  homage  to  the  brave  veteran  who  had  so  heroically  vindi 
cated  the  national  flag,  and  maintained  unsullied  the  national 
honor. 

He  reached  Baton  Rouge  with  an  earnest  desire  to  close  his  life 
at  his  home  uninterrupted  by  public  cares.  In  this  he  was  doomed 
to  disappointment.  Though  .the  measure  of  his  military  glory 
was  complete,  a  double  honor  awaited  him.  His  extraordinary 
achievements  in  carrying  the  American  arms  under  the  most 
untoward  circumstances,  through  an  enemy's  country,  and  bring 
ing  back  our  banners  with  victory  perched  upon  them,  had  taken 
a  deep  hold  upon  the  mind  of  the  people,  and  identified  him 
with  those  upon  whom  they  felt  too  many  honors  could  not  be  con 
ferred.  Before  his  return  from  Mexico  many  of  the  States  had 
signified  their  preference  for  him  as  chief  magistrate  of  the  United 
States.  He  had  mingled  during  life  to  a  very  limited  extent  in 
politics,  and  to  say  that  this  preference  was  based  upon  other  than 
military  fame,  or  that  civic  capacity  instead  of  availability  was  the 
precursor  of  it,  would  most  certainly  be  a  departure  from  the  facts 
in  the  case.  Though  discarding  party  ties,  his  political  proclivities 
were  known  to  be  Whig,  and  in  the  canvass  after  his  nomination 
he  received  almost  the  unanimous  support  of  that  party.  Mortified 
beyond  measure  at  the  defeat  of  their  candidate  and  favorite 
champion  in  1844,  the  Whig  party  unwilling  to  risk  that  great 
champion  again,  and  knowing  the  potent  influence  his  military 
exploits  would  have  in  the  canvass,  early  singled  out  TAYLOR  as 


ZACHARY     TAYLOE.  903 

the  successor  of  James  K.  Polk.  He  was  interrogated  on  behalf 
of  a  large  number  of  friends  and  pledged  supporters,  by  Captain  J. 
S.  Allison  in  regard  to  his  political  views.  He  replied  as  follows : 

"BATON  ROUGE,  April  22d,  1848. 

DEAR  SIR  : — 

I  have  consented  to  the  use  of  rny  name  as  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency.  I  have  frankly  avowed  my  own  distrust  of  my  fitness 
for  this  high  station;  but  having,  at  the  solicitation  of  many  of  my 
countrymen,  taken  my  position  as  a  candidate,  I  do  not  feel  at 
liberty  to  surrender  that  position  until  my  friends  manifest  a  wish 
that  I  should  retire  from  it.  I  will  then  most  gladly  do  so.  I 
have  no  private  purposes  to  accomplish,  no  party  projects  to  build 
up,  no  enemies  to  punish, — nothing  to  serve  but  my  country. 

I  confess,  while  I  have  great  cardinal  principles  which  will 
regulate  my  political  life,  I  am  not  sufficiently  familiar  with  all 
the  minute  details  of  political  legislation  to  give  solemn  pledges 
to  exert  myself  to  carry  out  this  or  defeat  that  measure.  I  have 
no  concealment.  I  hold  no  opinion  which  I  would  not  readily 
proclaim  to  my  assembled  countrymen ;  but  crude  impressions 
upon  matters  of  policy,  which  may  be  right  to-day  and  wrong  to 
morrow,  are  perhaps  not  the  best  test  of  fitness  for  office.  One 
who  can  not  be  trusted  without  pledges,  can  not  be  confided  in 
merely  on  account  of  them. 

I  will  proceed,  however,  now  to  respond  to  your  inquiries : 

1.  I  reiterate  what  I  have  so  often  said:  I  am  a  Whig.     If 
elected,  I  would  not  be  the  mere  president  of  a  party.     I  would 
endeavor  to  act  independent  of  domination.     I  should  feel  bound 
to  administer  the  government  untrammelled  by  party  schemes. 

2.  THE  VETO  POWER.     The  power  given  by  the  Constitution  to 
the  executive  to  interpose  his  veto,  is  a  high  conservative  power ; 
but,  in  my  opinion,  should  never  be  exercised  except  in  cases  of 
clear  violation  of  the  Constitution,  or  manifest  haste  and  want  of 
consideration  by  Congress.     Indeed,  I  have  thought  that  for  many 
years  past  the  known  opinions  and  wishes  of  the  executive  have 
exercised  undue  and  injurious  influence  upon  the  legislative  depart 
ment  of  the  government ;  and  for  this  cause  I  have  thought  our 
system  was  in  danger  of  undergoing  a  great  change  from  its  true 
theory.     The  personal  opinions  of  the  individual  who  may  happen 
to  occupy  the  executive  chair,  ought  not  to  control  the  action  of 


904:  ZACHARY     TAYLOR. 

Congress  upon  questions  of  domestic  policy;  nor  ought  his  objec 
tions  to  be  interposed  where  questions  of  constitutional  power  have 
been  settled  by  the  various  departments  of  government,  and  acqui 
esced  in  by  the  people. 

3.  Upon  the  subject  of  the  tariff,  the  currency,  the  improve 
ment  of  our  highways,  rivers,  lakes,  and  harbors,  the  will  of  the 
people,  as  expressed  through  their  representatives  in  Congress, 
ought  to  be  respected  and  carried  out  by  the  executive. 

4.  THE  MEXICAN  WAR.     I  sincerely  rejoice  at  the  prospect  of 
peace.     My  life  has  been  devoted  to  arms,  yet  I  look  upon  war  at 
all  times  and  under  all  circumstances  as  a  national  calamity,  to  be 
avoided  if  compatible  with  the  national  honor.     The  principles  of 
our  government,  as  well  as  its  true  policy,  are  opposed  to  the  sub 
jugation  of  other  nations  and  the  dismemberment  of  other  coun 
tries  by  conquest.     In  the  language  of  the  great  Washington, 
c  Why  should  we  quit  our  own  to  stand  on  foreign  ground  ?'     In 
the  Mexican  war  our  national  honor  has  been  vindicated ;  and  in 
dictating  terms  of  peace,  we  may  well  afford  to  be  forbearing  and 
even  magnanimous  to  a  fallen  foe. 

These  are  my  opinions  upon  the  subjects  referred  to  by  you,  and 
any  reports  or  publications,  written  or  verbal,  from  any  source, 
differing  in  any  essential  particular  from  what  is  here  written,  are 
unauthorized  and  untrue. 

I  do  not  know  that  I  shall  again  write  upon  the  subject  of 
national  politics.  I  shall  engage  in  no  schemes,  no  combinations, 
no  intrigues.  If  the  American  people  have  not  confidence  in  me, 
they  ought  not  to  give  me  their  suffrages.  If  they  do  not,  you 
know  me  well  enough  to  believe  me,  when  I  declare  I  shall  be 
content.  I  am  too  old  a  soldier  to  murmur  against  such  high 

authority-  Z.  TAYLOR." 

With  these  asseverations  before  them,  the  Whig  national  con 
vention  met  at  Philadelphia  in  June  1848,  and  after  four  ballotings 
nominated  ZACHARY  TAYLOR  for  President,  and  Millard  Fillmore  for 
Yice-president.  Notwithstanding  TAYLOR'S  repeated  assertions  that 
if  elected  he  would  administer  the  government  without  reference 
to  party,  the  Democrats,  true  to  their  characteristics  as  a  party, 
withheld  their  support.  The  canvass  was  conducted  on  party 
grounds,  resulting  in  the  election  of  TAYLOR  and  Fillmore  by 
large  popular  and  electoral  majorities.  Being  elected  President 


ZACHARY     TAYLOR.  905 

of  the  United  States,  he  started  for  Washington  city  on  the  24th 
of  January,  1849,  which,  after  receiving  along  his  route  highest 
marks  of  appreciation  from  the  people,  he  reached  the  23d  of  the 
ensuing  month.  He  was  escorted  into  the  city  amidst  firing  of 
cannon,  rockets,  processions  and  military  displays. 

TAYLOR  was  inaugurated  on  the  5th  of  March,  1849,  and  selected 
his  Cabinet  as  follows  : 

Secretary  of  State,  John  M.  Clayton ; 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  M.  Meredith ; 

Secretary  of  War,  George  W.  Crawford  ; 

Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William  B.  Preston ; 

Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Thomas  Ewing;* 

Post-Master  General,  Jacob  Oollamer ; 

Attorney-General,  Reverdy  Johnson. 

The  leading  feature  of  his  one  year  and  four  mouth's  adminis 
tration  of  the  government,  was  the  great  slavery  agitation,  aris 
ing  from  our  territorial  acquisitions  by  the  treaty  with  Mexico. 
New  States  were  demanding  admission  into  the  Union,  and 
the  desire  to  apply  the  Wilmot  Proviso  as  a  condition,  caused 
bitterest  animosities  from  the  very  commencement  of  his  official 
term.  From  the  introduction  of  the  California  territorial  bill  before 
TAYLOR  came  into  office,  sectional  excitements  ran  high.  The 
organization  of  the  first  session  of  Congress  under  his  adminis 
tration,  showed  clearly  that  it  would  be  a  stormy  one.  So  strong 
were  party  feelings,  and  so  deep  the  interest  felt  in  regard  to  the 
new  territories,  that  sixty-three  ballotings  were  had,  and  near  a 
month  consumed  in  the  election  of  a  speaker.  The  sixty-third 
ballot,  on  the  22d  of  December,  1849,  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia.  On  the  24th  of  the  same  month  the 
President  sent  in  his  message,  expressing  an  ardent  desire  that 
peaceful  relations  abroad  and  fraternal  feelings  at  home  might  be 
maintained. 

That  session  of  Congress  was  the  longest  ever  held  since  the 
organization  of  the  government,  extending  from  December  3d, 
1849,  to  September  30th,  1850,  a  period  of  three  hundred  and 
two  days.  During  the  sectional  hostilities  incident  to  its  deliber 
ations,  the  President,  with  patriotism  and  firmness,  did  his  utmost 
to  secure  the  safety  and  harmony  of  the  Union. 

*  This  department  was  created  during  FOLK'S  administration. 


906  ZACHARY    TAYLOR. 

Considered  as  a  representative  of  our  military  men,  we  do  not 
purpose  following  TAYLOR  through  the  exciting  scenes  of  this  Con 
gress.  The  events  of  his  administration  have  been  mentioned  in 
connection  with  other  characters,  where  it  is  presumed  they  more 
properly  belong.  Before  the  close  of  the  session  TAYLOR  was 
summoned  to  another  sphere.  Early  in  July,  1850,  he  was 
attacked  with  bilious  fever,  of  which  he  died  on  the  9th  at  the 
President's  House,  in  the  66th  year  of  his  age.  His  prominent 
traits  were  sound  judgment,  strict  integrity,  and  a  coolness  and 
courage  nothing  could  waver.  He  was  of  medium  hight,  rather 
corpulent,  had  a  high  forehead,  quick  and  restless  eye,  and  an  even 
temper.  He  was,  in  manners  and  dress,  extremely  plain  and 
unostentatious.  His  death  filled  the  nation  with  regret, — his  name 
will  live  while  a  star  adorns  the  American  flag. 

This  brings  us  to  the  close  of  our  work,  and  we,  at  least,  for 
the  present  lay  aside  the  pen.  Whether  the  reader  follow  us  to 
the  end, — whether  he  be  instructed  or  entertained  we  know  not ; 
but  would  say  to  him,  he  can  not  study  too  closely  nor  emulate 
with  too  much  zeal  the  lives  of  ILLUSTRIOUS  MEN  OF  AMERICA. 


LOAN  DEPT. 


JAN  9    1976J 


2lA-50m-ll,'62 
(D3279slO)476B 


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